185 Sever’s Defense Against Pierpont

[ca. October 1718]

I pray the favour of a few words, in my defence against Mr. Pierpont, and I’m very glad that I have an opportunity to vindicate my self and my brother from the unjust reflections that have been cast upon us by Mr. Pierpont, and Capt. Heath1 before your Excellency and the Honourable and Reverend the rest of the Overseers of the College. And inasmuch as this controversie arose upon the President and fellows denying Admission to two Young men offered to the College by Mr. Pierpont, I shall give an account how that matter was, and the bad tendency of Mr. Pierponts conduct in that affair to the College.

1. I’ll inform your Excellency &c. what had passed som time before that controversie between some of the Gentlemen of the Corporation and the Resident fellows of the College refering to the business of Admissions.
2. how far I was concerned in denying admission to those two young men.
3. I’ll Endeavour to make it appear that Mr. Pierponts complaint against me is groundless.
4. that his conduct in this affair has a bad tendency to the College.

1 as to the business of Admissions, two years ago2 the last Commencement the class to be admited was to come under my Tuition, and several Gentlemen of the Corporation, particularly Mr. Brattle and Mr. Pemberton told me that they understood that the fellows had been too Easie in their Admissions, which had been hurtfull to Learning and the College and they directed me to observe the laws of the house made and provided in that case, and not to receive unqualified members. I told Mr. Brattle that I tho’t a reform in that business would be of service to the College but that in my Opinion it must be gradual, and not at once, that it would be a [. . .] thing, that School Masters would be ready to say, that their Young men were as good as had somtimes been Admited, and their Parents that their Children had been at School the usual time, and being recommended by their Masters would be likly to think that somthing was amiss at the College if they were not Admited, and I believe I never had so much displeasure from those Gentlemen upon any account as because I did not encline to proceed so far at once in that affair as they would have had me.

2 I’ll inform your Excellency &c. how far I was concerned in denying Admission to those two young men. When they came to be examined Mr. Flynt, Mr. Robie and myself were together, I soon perceived that they were very deficient in their Learning and was troubled and concerned to see that they were so. Capt. Heath, the father of one of the young men, and my father when living were nigh neighbors, and since his decease a brother of mine lives in the same house, and there somtimes happened little family differences between them and upon that Account I tho’t that Capt. H. would be likly to impute it to me, and to think that I was his enemy if his son3 was not admited, Although I had never mentioned Capt. H’s name either to Mr. Flynt, or Mr. Robie, or used any means to byass them in that affair. My first tho’t was when their Examination was over to be silent myself because of these circumstances, and to leave the decision to Mr. Flynt and Mr. Robie and Accordingly, they both, without any hesitation, gave their Opinion concerning those Young men, and it was that they were so deficient, that by our laws, they could not be admited into the College.

Obj: Capt. Heath says that I gave threatening words to hinder his son. Ans: the reverse is true, viz: that I gave him all the assurances that I could to be very just to his son, if he came to Cambridge, the Conversation between him and I, that I suppose he refers to was thus. There was a little Controversie in the law, between Capt. Heath and a brother of mine at the inferior Court in january the Winter before Mr. Pierpont offered those two young men to the College and it so happened that Capt. Heath received a judgment against my brother, who appealed to the next Superior Court in May following. And somtime after the january Court I believe in March I went over to Roxbury and in passing by Capt. Heaths house he called me in, and told me that my brother and he were about to agree the matter, and shewed me a paper of proposals in order to an Agrement which I looked upon, and not very well liking of them I told him, I supposed there would be another Opportunity of tryal, refering to my brothers appeal to the Superior Court in May, and had not the least thots of his Son, but he was jealous, as if I hinted that I would hinder his Son, and said I hope you wont hinder my son at Cambridge, upon which I told him no Capt. Heath, I had no reference to your Son, and if your Son comes to Cambridge he shall have all the justice from me, that you can reasonably expect or desire, and so we went on with our task, and when I went away he walked with me about fifty rod, where my brother lives, and then we stood in the Street and talked some time, and before I left him, knowing his jealous temper, I repeated what I had said before, and told him that whatever the Issue of my brothers business with him was, he might be assured that if his Son came to Cambridge he should have the same treatment from me that others had, and that he had no reason to Entertain any jealousie upon that account and thus the reverse of what Capt. H. says upon that head is true.

3 I shall Endeavour to make it appear to your Excellency &c. that Mr. Pierponts complaint against me is groundless. And the matter was thus. Somtime after the Examination of those young men, I was informed that he had made hard reflections upon the fellows of the College in saying that it was through prejudice that those Young men were not Admited, and in saying that they were as fit for Admission (after they had been judged unfit by the President and fellows) as their Tutor was to tutor them. And I tho’t it would become any of the fellows in justice to the College to him, and to themselves, to take the first opportunity and reprove him for those too free airs that he had given himself, Especially considering that he was a Member of this Society, and subject to the Government of it and soon after (while these stories were fresh in my mind) he came to my Chamber with Capt. Heath, and began to find fault, and to quarrel with me, that the Young men were not admited, and after some talk I asked Mr. Pierpont if he looked upon it a decent thing, for a Schoolmaster, when he offered persons to Examine that we could not receive to make so hard reflections on the fellows and represent one as a Rogue, and another as a fool refering to those Stories that I just now mentioned. I told him that I tho’t it was the first time that ever the College was so insulted by a Schoolmaster and that he ought to reflect upon himself for his ill manners. Upon which Mr. Pierpont or Capt. Heath asked me if I made that charge upon Mr. Pierpont, upon which I told him as Mr. Foxcroft4 who was present well remembers, that I did not pretend that he said so of them in words, but that if I was not misinformed, he made such reflections as might admit of that interpretation and so went on to give him some account of those things, that I had heard of him, and I cant but think that their design in coming to Cambridge at that time was to try if they could not force the Admission of those Young men, and if not to pick a quarrel with us, and being apprehensive of Capt. H.’s jealousie, I used all the precaution that was in my power, from time to time to shun every thing that looked amiss, and if after all his bad Suggestions of me, may be received to my Damage, there is no guarding against such a misfortune, and the most innocent man in the world, may be brot to suffer for no fault.

4 I shall Endeavour to make it appear to your Excellency &c. that Mr. Pierponts conduct in this affair has a bad tendency to the College; it tends to Enervate the Government of it and to bring an Odium upon the Society.

1 it tends to enervate the Government of the College. The business of Examination and Admission of Members is by the laws of the house put into the hands of the President and fellows and they are the judges of that matter, and for a Schoolmaster to set up his Opinion in Opposition to them and one who is a member of the house, and in a very plain case too, we look upon as abusive to us in that we are the proper judges, and it is what we think we may and ought to resent and if we may be run over in one instance we may in another too, and it is Easie to say what the End will be, and I doubt not but that your Excellency and the Honourable and Reverend the rest of the Overseers of the College will be ready at all times to guard and defend us, in the faithfull discharge of our proper business, and to discountenance every insult upon us, and in that way to strengthen the Resident Government of the house and Especially now, when its numbers are so greatly Encreased.

2. it brings an odium upon the College. He has been guilty of traducing the fellows of the College and representing them as false to their trust, and partial in their Administration. And for no other reason but because he could not bring us to dispense with the laws of the College that he might crowd in upon us some of his own relations, out of his own School that were not fit for Admission, and he has been so abusive, as to suggest, for no reason, as if the fellows themselves, one or more of them were deficient in their own business. Now by these Stories, abroad the fellows aren’t the sufferers only, but the College is defamed and abused, as far as his credit will go, and by this means the Society suffers abroad, and not only at Roxbury where he resides, but an hundred and fifty miles off where he has been,5 and is it reasonable that our own Member may be suffered not only to abuse us abroad but to come within our doors, and molest us within our own proper line of business and pick a quarrel with us there? If they may be allowed to come there, and treat us so ill, as he has done, to our face, and go away, and make such groundless reflections abroad as he has done, far and wide, it is very hard upon the College and the Gentlemen that reside there, and have the Government of it, and surely in a Society of above one hundred persons, of from thirteen to eighteen, or nineteen years of age, its necessary that somthing of Authority and government be kept up over them for the carrying on the designs of learning and good manners, but if our own members are suffered thus to break in upon us, we must needs of all the Societies in the world, of this Nature appear to be the most despicable. And if it appears that we have been so bad here as Mr. Pierpont has Suggested, I shall expect the just frowns of your Excellency and the Honourable and Reverend the rest of the Overseers of the College but if not, and if the fault lies on the other side, I doubt not but we shall be intirely Vindicated. And it may be observed that these things that are alledged against Mr. Pierpont had never been made publick if it had not been for himself, for in the first place he complained against me, and by that means he necessarily bro’t out these things against himself, and which I had never made publick if it had not been in my own defense. I will add only one word more, and that is with respect to the words of his complaint, which are somthing higher than what I have said, viz. that I charged him with calling the fellows, Rogues, Dogs, and lyars, but whatever the words were, they were spoken nigh a year and a quarter ago, and after so long a time it must be very difficult for any body to remember words, and they are persons of very severe resentments. They suppose themselves to be injured, and I am afraid have somthing bad in their tempers, which might dispose them to make the worst of it and do me a [disservice?]. And Mr. Pierpont when he first came to the College upon that business, was not certain what the words were. He pretended indeed to be pretty certain that I had spoken some hard words but was not certain what they were, and if I am not mistaken he has varied in his account of them more than once, but finally it seems that he with the rest of his Evidences have unanimously fixed upon the words that I mentioned as suiting best with their design, but what the words were, Capt. Heath acknowledged before the Corporation that by the whole of our Fellows he understood that I charged Mr. Pierpont with saying so of us in effect by construction, and Mr. Foxcroft who was present gives evidence to the same purpose, and I think with submission, that our evidences make it appear that he had represented the fellows very ill indeed. And refering to those Stories I only asked him (as I say) if he tho’t it decent to make such reflections upon us, and to represent one as a Rogue, and another as a fool, and said at the same time that I did not pretend that he said so in words, but that he made such reflections as might admit of that construction, and upon the whole I doubt not, but that your Excellency and the Honourable and Reverend the Rest of the Overseers of the College, will be of Opinion that of all this smoak that Mr. Pierpont has raised, there is but very little or no fire and that he has been a very troublesome person, and that it may be proper to make such provision as in your great wisdom you shall se fit that the Resident Government of the House may be better guarded from all persons that may be disposed to treat the College thus in any time hereafter, and I humbly submit myself, and this whole affair to your Excellency and the Honourable and Reverend the rest of the Overseers of the College.

College Papers, i. 54 (No. 118). For background on this case see the note to No. 182. Tutor Sever’s defense so impressed the Overseers at their meeting of October 31 that they upheld Sever and felt that Pierpont should apologize. On November 3 the Charlestown Court quashed the suit Pierpont had brought.

1. A helpful listing of the main records series (to 1800) in the Harvard Archives is in Appendix F of Samuel E. Morison’s Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1936), vol. II, 662–81; changes have not been sufficient to outdate it seriously.

1. Many of his papers were published in J. E. Kirkpatrick’s Academic Organization and Control (Yellow Springs, Ohio, 1931), but that volume is not easily available now, and it contains some errors and omissions, so they are reprinted here.

1. Words following the signatures of witnesses are hard to decipher. Preice and Colbron are followed by “Ser” and a letter, possibly Latin for Ser [vus]; Nelmes is followed by a word appearing to end in “ieu”.

1. For another payment to “Mr. Eldred for shooes” see Morison, Founding, p. 273.

2. Lockrum was a linen fabric.

3. Difficulty of interpreting a few figures makes the total slightly less than the sumas recorded.

1. Segs are animals castrated when fully grown.

2. A tear in the MS makes a half dozen words illegible.

1. Several lines, in the hand of Governor Winthrop, are not readily legible.

1. Nathaniel Ward (c. 1578–1652), one-time minister at Ipswich and author of The Simple Cobbler of Aggawam. He returned to England in the winter of 1646–1647. See CSM Publications, xv. 176; also Morison, Founding, pp. 403–404.

2. Capt. Robert Cook; the non-receipt of this grant is referred to in CSM Publications, xv. 284.

3. John Doddridge, Esq. (d. 1659) “of Bremeridge in the County of Devon.” For the terms of this bequest, see CSM Publications, XV. 289; and for its abandonment by the College, xvi. 654. A copy of his Will is in No. 60 following.

4. Robert Sedgwick (c. 1613–1656) of Charlestown, who was chosen Major-General of the Colony in 1652, and later became one of Cromwell’s major-generals. In 1646 he gave the College “two shops standing by the ordinary called the Ship’s Tavern, under lease for fifteen years at ten shillings sterling.” For a biographical sketch of Sedgwick see CSM Publications, iii. 156–173.

5. William Phillips (d. 1683). See CSM Publications, XV. 286–287.

1. Samuel Sewall, the well-known judge and diarist, graduated in the Class of 1671. Further documents relating to Merricaneag Neck appear later in this volume.

2. For more on John Newgate and his deed of gift see No. 11.

3. John Cogan’s gift of Rumney Marsh, in what is now Revere, is noted in Morison, Seventeenth Century, I. 34–35.

4. Samuel Ward’s gift is noted further in Nos. 84 and 85.

5. See No. 70 for an enlarged quote from Theodore Atkinson’s deed. The last three entries (Atkinson, Rutland, and Groton) appear in almost the same form in CSM Publications, xv. 279–280, 285; they are from College Book III.

1. John Glover, merchant; see Morison, Seventeenth Century, ii. 380. His son graduated from the College in 1651; not to be confused with the John Glover who was Dunster’s stepson.

2. John Walley died in 1712.

3. For Henry Webb’s bequest see Morison, Seventeenth Century, ii. 379. His Will is in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, x (April, 1856), 177.

4. For a further extract from James Penn’s Will see No. 69.

5. Thomas Richards, nephew and heir of Major John Richards, died in Boston on December 5, 1714.

6. The Will of Robert Keayne, wealthy merchant, has been written about often. For what happened to his Harvard bequest see Morison, Seventeenth Century, ii. 378–379.

1 Probably a symbol.

1 We would say stepfather.

2 The initials stand for Thomas Danforth who, in addition to many duties connected with the College, was clerk of courts.

1 Adam and Deane Winthrop were sons of Governor John Winthrop.

2 This is a legal symbol.

3 For a reference by Dunster to a return made by these men see No. 39.

1 This line is in a different hand.

1 This sentence is in a different hand.

1 Many words are crossed out, including “with the greatest expedition that may be.”

2 In margin: [Fellow?]

[Eldest?]	12
2–	10
3–	8
4–	6
	36

1 The ‘5’ has been written over; to make the addition correct, it should probably be a ‘4’.

2 Should be 233:10:3.

1 The ‘13’ has been written over to make it ‘03’.

1 “Mr. Allen” was presumably the Reverend Thomas Allen, of Charlestown, who married John Harvard’s widow and acted as executor of his Will. See Morison, Founding, pp. 222, 364.

2 It looks as though 300 has been changed to 301; the latter sum is needed to make the total correct. Some figures have been reworked in the original; there are additional figures on the page, and some have been crossed out.

1 The figure ‘17’ in the total was changed to ‘13’.

1 For Eaton see the note to No. 31.

1 William Hibbins; also spelled Hibbens or Hibbings.

1 See No. 36 for the names of persons so designated.

2 Presumably the initials T.D. stand for Thomas Danforth, who had been one of the attorneys for the children of Jose Glover.

1 For their appointment see No. 13.

2 Probably a legal symbol.

1 For Dunster’s resignation as President of Harvard see Morison, Seventeenth Century, I. 307–314.

2 The answer of the Court to the first three points may be found in Chaplin, op cit, p. 149, and in Quincy, History, I. 465–466.

1 Samuel Dunster, op cit, feels that Coy stands for Kay, and says that Dunster’s mother’s maiden name was Kay.

2 There were several Thomas Greenes at this time; many English Greenes settled in Barbadoes about 1635. See Lora S. LaMance, The Greene Family and Its Branches, p. 39.

3 Guinea.

1 This and the following column do not add up correctly.

1 Day brought a separate suit against Dunster for £100; this was decided for the defendant; see David Pulsifer, transcripts of documents in Middlesex County Court, I. 94. See also G. P. Winship, The Cambridge Press, p. 140.

1 Messrs. Hibbens (probably Hibbings) and Lowell were attorneys for the Glover heirs; see G. P. Winship, The Cambridge Press, p. 139.

2 This had been the Day house; it was sold by Dunster to John Fownall before March, 1647–1648, when he bought it back. See Morison, Founding, p. 346, n. 4.

1 ‘Judgeth’ is written over this word.

1 Sara Bucknam was 84 years old, and had been a servant to Mrs. Glover 1¼ years; see Anna Glover, Glover Memorials and Genealogies, p. 570.

1 In error for £232; figures above were changed; figures on the next page indicate that £232, not £252, is correct.

2 This may be a symbol.

1 It appears that this should be £678.10.00.

2 These sums are scratched out; however, the arithmetic requires this amount.

3 Portions of these sums are also scratched out; again, the figuring requires this amount.

1 This sum should be £189–15–09.

2 Tears or erasures obscure the first figure in this and two subsequent entries; they have been supplied from entries in other documents.

3 The ‘1’ in this and the following entry is ambiguous; other documents list returns from the Press as £50.

4 The total appears to be £60 too low; however, some figures are ambiguous.

1 A few proper names are identifiable, as Nowell and T. D. Recorder; this was probably Thomas Danforth.

1 The first paragraph has been omitted, since it contains shorthand and is the same as the second paragraph.

* Also a silver tankard in kind.

Also Mr. Glovers books according to Cattologue given in to be delivered in kind.

Also the price of a house at Hingham that was received of Payntare at £15.

[.] Also to Mr. Dunster the lands in Sudbury bounds purchased by the said Henry Dunster called the farme now in the occupation of Wilson.

1 These words appear to be altered from ‘revealed’ and ‘revealing.’

2 There is a caret, but the copyist neglected to put in the word, doubtless ‘set’.

1 From the second copy, it appears that Jeremiah Ellsworth was added later.

1 The words from “President” to “Society” appear to be in a different hand, as is also the case when they appear below.

1 Saltonstall recommended Knowles for the College Presidency in 1672, but nothing came of it.

1 “The Doctor” was President Hoar.

2 Elijah Corlet, the Cambridge schoolmaster, and his son, Ammi Ruhamah (A.B. 1670). For a brief sketch of Elijah see Morison, Founding, p. 373.

1 The house to which he refers was Old Harvard Hall, begun in 1674.

1 Alexander’s testimony is squeezed in between Abdere’s and Warrar’s, and is in a different hand.

2 The numbers refer to the pages in the original; they are shown in this copy within brackets.

1 This inscription is written across the back; the blurring makes it almost impossible to read. This reading is taken from a transcription in the Harvard Archives.

1 William Manning, the builder.

2 Cambridge Village, now Brighton.

3 Sums as shown add up to £155.13s.4d.

4 Entries for Springfield, Northampton, and Bradford are crossed out, since they appear above.

5 Capt. John Richards, Mr. Anthony Stoddard, Capt. Thomas Brattle.

1 Several words are missing, due to a tear in the margin.

1 Samuel Torrey, minister of Weymouth, was a member of the Class of 1650, but did not graduate; he declined the offer of the Presidency.

1 Stanislaw Lubienski, Theatrum Cometicum, issued in three parts, 1666–1668.

2 Gijsbert Voet, Exercitatio de Prognosticis Cometarum, 1665.

3 Harvard’s set of the Miscellanea is listed in the 1723 Library Catalogue as extending, in three series, from 1670 to 1694.

1 A piece is here cut out and a blank inserted.

2 Samuel Sewall, an Overseer by virtue of being a magistrate, graduated with the Class of 1671.

1 This clause, from “the remainder” is in a different hand.

2 The students were: Henry Gibbs (A.B. 1685), Nathaniel Rogers (A.B. 1687), Jonathan Mitchell (A.B. 1687), and Paul Dudley (A.B. 1690, the Governor’s son).

3 The “K” has been written over what appears to be an “L”. This correction, the clause in number 1, and the date may have been added by either Dudley or Stoughton.

1 Rev. John Sherman died in 1685; see John Eliot, A Biographical Dictionary . . . , pp. 427–428. The phrase, “who is since that dead,” is inserted in a different hand.

2 No new Fellows were appointed until 1690, and Samuel Sewall, having served in 1673–1674, did not again become one.

1 In No. 160 Henry Newman gives the name as Isaac Brackston.

1 “my selfe” was John Richards, Treasurer.

1 Written over “Kingston”, the first part of which is crossed out. Thomas Gunston, of Newington Green, gave £50.

1 This appears to be £180, not £150; however, other documents of about this time indicate the President received £100, plus £50 in country pay.

1 Col. Samuel Shrimpton owned considerable property in Boston; see Justin Winsor, ed., The Memorial History of Boston, 1. 584; also Bernard Bailyn, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 192–193.

1 The second version adds “to me”.

2 The second version substitutes “have not manifested any consent”.

3 The second version adds, omits, or changes slightly in the next few lines as follows: “And considering that the Council on this occasion, the matter layd before them by the Honourable Lieut. Governor, would not agree to desire me to continue my cares of the Colledge any longer, as hitherto. These unkindnesses (after all my weary Endeavours to serve them abroad and at home) have made such an Impression upon my spirit, as that I cannot be willing to be any Longer concerned as President of the Colledge . . . .”

4 The second version substitutes “upon them, that have cast these Discouragements before me”.

1 In Nos. 1a and 1b the “further” appears before “Serviceable” rather than before “Prospect”.

2 In the plural (“Cares”) in versions 1a, 1b and 2.

3 “Clamours” in versions 1a and 1b.

4 No. 2 adds a sentence (crossed out): Especially I take it unkindly, that One lately admitted a member of the Corporation should so reward me.

5 In place of the clause, “and before effectuall . . . Presidentship”, Nos. 1a and 1b state, in reference to the confirmation of the charter, “which thing was ever doubtful to me”.

6 In Nos. 1a, 1b, and 2 the following sentences are inserted: And having a Desire now Age is come upon me, to live with all the Privacy and Retirement among my own people that is possible. Also foreseeing, That in all Probability, another Dissolution not to be Retrieved, will ‘ere long happen to the Corporation; I am not willing that that Ruin should be under my Hand. In version 3, in place of the above two sentences is this lengthy statement: And whereas the Church, to which I am related, have unanimously signified, that they cannot consent to my Removal to Cambridge, unless I shall continue my Relation to them, and preach the Word amongst them as oft as I can. And considering that I have freely offered, upon my Removal to the Colledge, daily to inspect and govern that Society, and to moderate the Disputations of the Graduates, as former Presidents used to do, and to preach publickly, in Cambridge, every Lord’s Day (which things are work enough for one man, especially One in years, as I am), And moreover for the satisfaction of my own people, In Boston, to preach to them once a fortnight, as long as the Lord shall enable me, and although I understand, that my Loving people are, on this Condition, willing to continue my present maintenance, I have absolutely declined to receive one penny from them, after my residing in Cambridge, being willing to refuse £160 per annum when thus freely tendered to me, and to continue my Labours with my Dear Flock for no other reason in the World, but that so I might manifest my Love to them, and be instrumental of good to their souls. And whereas I supposed this Offer of mine would have been joyfully accepted by every One concerned in the Colledge, but it has not so. And whereas it has been said, That if I would Resign the Presidentship, the Colledge would soon be settled with another President and a good one too, and that my pretending a Readiness to Resign was but a Flourish.

7 Nos. 1a, 1b and 2 use the phrase, “for these causes”.

8 The date is scratched out, and most of Mather’s signature torn off. The text itself is not in his hand.

1 In place of “afternoon”, crossed out.

2 This is interlined, in place of “every morning” at the end of the sentence, which is crossed out.

3 The Tutors were Jabez Fitch (A.B. 1694) and Ebenezer Pemberton (A.B. 1691).

4 This whole paragraph is crossed out, and the next one substituted.

1 The initials have been interpreted as Nehemiah Hobart (A.B. 1667), Nehemiah Walter (A.B. 1684), and possibly Samuel Danforth (A.B. 1683).

1 May be translated: my strength and mind being weak.

1 The sentence to this point is inserted in a different hand, evidently Increase Mather’s.

2 Taking the right of visitation out of the hands of the Governor was a sure way of incurring a Royal veto.

3 This paragraph is crossed out.

1 Hubbard should be Hobart.

2 Senior Tutors were Jabez Fitch (A.B. 1694) and Henry Flynt (A.B. 1693).

1 The initials stand for State Papers, Office of Board of Trade.

2 Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont, was Royal Governor in 1699 and 1700. His letter of July 15, 1700 is printed in Morison, Seventeenth Century, ii. 528–529.

3 Sir Henry Ashurst (d. 1711) was a Colonial Agent, and was active in the New England Company.

1 William Brattle (A.B. 1680) was a Fellow from 1685 to 1700 and from 1703 to 1717, and Treasurer from 1713 to 1715; he was minister in Cambridge.

2 This was Samuel Willard, who remained as Vice-President until just before his death in 1707.

3 Nehemiah Hobart (A.B. 1667) had been a Fellow from 1681 to 1692 and was reappointed in the Charter of 1697, serving until 1712; he was minister in Newton.

1 This phrase is substituted, in Increase Mather’s hand, for “thereof”, crossed out.

2 This clause is substituted, in Increase Mather’s hand, for “on such as they shallfind duely qualified for them”, crossed out.

1 At top: “suppose 1704”.

2 The words “prelector or” are crossed out.

3 The word “Lecturer” is crossed out.

1 Gate: right to a run or pasture on a common field.

1 Probably Sir Charles Hobby (d. 1715), friend of the Mathers.

1 Constantine Phips; see No. 140.

2 William Blathwayt; see No. 138.

3 Lord Bellomont, Governor, 1699–1700.

4 Mather was offered the presidency in 1681, but he did not actually become President until 1685.

1 Thomas Dudley signed the Charter of 1650.

2 Joannes C. Itter, Diatriba de Gradibus Academicis . . . Giessae, 1679, and Frankfurti, 1698. Mentioned also by Cotton Mather in No. 163.

1 This figure should be £363.09.065 it is correctly given in another copy to be found in Lands Papers, ii. 33.

1 In margin: Promoted the choice of another. Sam.

2 Slightly different texts of Mather’s degree can be found in B. Peirce, History of Harvard University, Appendix, p. 52, drawn from Mather’s Magnalia, B. iv. 132–134.

* Five Years are not yet expired since you were pleased unanimously to invite me to accept of the Pastoral office over You. But the unwillingness of the Dear People among whom I have been labouring in the Gospel for the space of thirty six Years, that I should leave them, in consideration with some other obstacles kept me from complying with that your loving motion—sixteen years will this summer be lapsed since God by his Providence devolved the Presidentship of that Society into my Hands to manage it for the ends which he did at first erect a College in N.E. upon.

3 Should be November 7.

1 In the sense of grateful appreciation; see The Oxford English Dictionary.

1 Probably Andrew Belcher, merchant, who died in 1717.

2 Probably Jeremiah Dummer, who died in 1718.

3 Edward Chamberlayne (d. 1703) issued several editions of Anglaiae Notitia; or the Present State of England. His son, John, took it over and expanded it to Magnae Britanniae Notitia; or the Present State of Great Britain.

4 Thomas Wardapiet received an honorary Doctor of Divinity degree from Oxford University on May 29, 1707; he was Archbishop of St. Crux in Goethan, Greater Armenia.

1 Probably Andrew Bordman, Steward, 1703–1747.

1 “Scientia” is here inserted and crossed out.

1 Samuel Sewall (A.B. 1671) was both secretary and treasurer of the Commissioners for Indian Affairs at this time; the Commissioners were charged with distributing the funds raised by the New England Company.

2 Joseph Dudley (A.B. 1665). These letters reflect the Mathers’ feud with the Dudleys, feelings which came to include President Leverett, who had Dudley’s support.

1 Robert Boyle (d. 1691), eminent scientist, and first governor of the New England Company. Arrangements for the College’s receiving its half of the pertinent part of his legacy are noted in Mather’s letter to Ashurst of November 8, 1710, following.

1 Acts and Resolves, ix. 105–108.

1 For an extract from Robert Thorner’s Will see No. 97.

2 Awnsham Churchill (d. 1728).

1 Jeremiah Dummer (A.B. 1699). Acts and Resolves, IX. 154, 156–158.

2 Sir Henry Ashurst (d. 1711), Sir William’s brother.

3 The Commissioners were directed in 1697 to make annual payments to the College of £45, representing one-half the income of an English estate purchased by the New England Company with monies left by Boyle. The money was to be used to pay two ministers for teaching Indians in or near the College. As Mather indicates, the College had not received this money, and in 1710 the College and the Commissioners came to an agreement about it. See CSM Publications, XV. 393–394. This matter is also discussed in William Kellaway, The New England Company, 1649–1776 (London, 1961), pp. 173–175. This volume is most useful for an account of persons involved, not only in London, but in the Colonies. And on page 175 is a quotation from another letter from Increase Mather to Sir William Ashurst, dated 10 January 1710/11. The source for the quotation (a modern transcript) is given as MS 8010, Miscellaneous papers, 1706–1806, Guildhall Library.

4 Robert Thompson; see mention of Madam Thompson, Lady Ashurst’s mother, in No. 177A. Joseph Thompson, Treasurer of the New England Company from 1702 to 1720, was a brother-in-law of Sir William Ashurst.

5 This was to be the third edition, but it did not appear. See Kellaway (cited above), pp. 156–159.

1 The preceding list gives him as William.

1 Mather received a Doctor of Divinity degree from the University of Glasgow in 1710; see Sibley, Sketches, iii. 39. The text of the degree is given in CSM Publications, xv. 308.

2 This work is mentioned in No. 144.

3 A bit of Hebrew is here inserted.

1 Thomas Brattle (A.B. 1676), former College Treasurer, died in 1713.

2 Thomas Hollis (died 1731), London merchant, was the leading benefactor of the College at this time; he will be met with frequently in this volume.

3 William Brattle (A.B. 1680), brother of Thomas, and also College Treasurer, died in 1717.

4 John Walley, of Boston, died in 1712.

5 Charles Chauncy (A.B. 1721).

6 Ebenezer Pemberton (A.B. 1721).

1 Possibly the John Chamberlayne whose books were sent to the College; see No. 151.

2 Jeremiah Dummer (A.B. 1699) was by this time Agent for the Colony in London. For his services to Yale see Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), iv. 462–464.

3 This was The New England Company.

1 Benjamin Marston’s wife, Patience, and John Leverett’s wife, Margaret, were sisters.

1 It was John Newgate, not Nathaniel; for his gift see No. 11.

2 For John Glover and his gift see No. 8.

1 A Richard Syles appears in the Rowley Vital Records for this period.

2 In subsequent years the name was Timothy Pamer (or Palmer).

1 John Gunston became Treasurer of the New England Company in 1720.

2 A half dozen words are illegible because of a tear in the MS.

1 The month appears to be missing, because of the torn margin.

1 William Tailer, who served as Lt. Governor of Massachusetts, 1711–1716 and 1730–1732.

1 Ebenezer Pierpont (A.B. 1715), who took Sever to Court over a College dispute; see No. 185 for Sevens defense.

2 It appears that Sever received a call to Tiverton, but he had given up preaching, because of a strain to his vocal cords. See Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), v. 91.

1 Crossed out: “for the Law no where Requires that a Legatee shal demand [. . .] or any Such Legacy, of the Executors before”.

2 Crossed out: “was long Since obliged at his Peril to have deliver’d the Tankard to the Appellees tho’ they had not demanded”.

3 Crossed out: “where there is no more by Such a Limitation than is to be found in [Mr. Mitchel’s] Will”.

4 Crossed out: “pretence”.

5 Crossed out: “such a”.

6 Crossed out: “the Executrix or her husband”.

7 Crossed out: “[with]out having any more demand than”.

8 Crossed out: “them”.

9 Crossed out: “fair and”.

10 Crossed out: “never heard of”.

11 Crossed out: “his Last Will and Testament”.

12 Crossed out: “procure”.

13 Crossed out: “Such person has told ’em plainly that”.

14 Crossed out: “The Appellees pray your Honours patience that they may dis”.

15 Crossed out: “But that of”.

16 Crossed out: “Assigned”.

17 Crossed out: “which the Gentlewoman Assented to and Conveyed the Consider able part of her Inheritance for and At the Same time advanced the Value of the Remaining part of her Inheritance, which he left to her, to the Value of the Whole Viz. £400”.

18 The remaining part of the document is missing.

1 Thomas Pierpont (A. B. 1721).

2 This section is written in reverse on the first sheet, with several interlineations and deletions.

3 Amos Throop and Jabez or John Wight, all A. B. 1721. The last names are taken from D, a portion omitted in the following.

4 William Brattle (A. B. 1722).

5 Thomas Parker (A. B. 1718). Sir in front of his name is crossed out.

6 John Wolcott (A. B. 1721).

7 John Wentworth (A. B. 1721).

8 Samuel Marshall (A. B. 1721).

9 Pascal Nelson (A. B. 1721).

10 Joseph Gooch (A. B. 1720); also written as Gouge.

11 Joshua Lamb; died while a student, a member of the Class of 1723.

12 This was evidently a meeting of the President and Resident Fellows, not of the Corporation.

13 Probably Josiah Winslow, who was restored to his Class. See Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), vi. 587.

14 Probably Mitchel Sewall (A. B. 1718), who was named College Butler in 1720.

15 The first portion of this document is omitted here, since it repeats complaints already noted.

16 May be translated: Be of brave spirit, since you are unjustly damned. No one rejoices for long, who wins out by unjust judgement.

17 Possibly Stephen Sewall (A. B. 1721).

18 Judah Monis, Instructor in Hebrew.

19 Jonathan Bowman (A. B. 1724).

20 James Osgood (A. B. 1724).

21 Probably Marston Cabot (A. B. 1724).

22 C. and M., as well as B. and M. above, are not identified.

23 Probably Mitchel Sewall, College Butler, mentioned above.

1 William Heath (died 1741), of Roxbury.

2 The Class of 1720.

3 Probably Peleg Heath, who graduated from Yale in 1721.

4 Probably Francis Foxcroft (A.B. 1712).

5 Evidently a reference to New Haven, where the son had been a student.

1 Crossed out: “drawn”.

2 Benjamin Lynde (A.B. 1686), brother to Hannah, who was Jonathan Mitchell’s widow and the future Mrs. Goffe.

3 Mrs. Jonathan Mitchell.

4 Patience Marston was Mrs. Leverett’s sister; see No. 169 for another reference to her.

1 I am indebted to Daniel K. Clift for identification of these lines as being taken from Horace ep. 1.1.60–61. May be translated: let this be the bronze wall (i.e. defense against life’s ills), that one not be conscious of guilt, nor be there guilt to pale one.

1 Should be 11½.

1 Crossed out: “against”.

2 Possibly Edmund Goffe, the subject of earlier letters from Leverett to Sewall.

3 Nicholas Fessenden, Jr. (A.B. 1701), who died on October 5, 1719.

4 Probably Mitchel Sewall (A.B. 1718).

1 See Nos. 7 and 8 for extracts of these wills and deeds: also No. 264.

1 Samuel Mather (A.B. 1723).

2 For Thorner’s gift see No. 97 and No. 160.

3 Written over “Mr. Cradock and Gilbert as before” crossed out.

4 Elisha Callender (A.B. 1710) became minister of the Baptist Church of Boston in 1718. He corresponded with Thomas Hollis; see Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), v. 514.

5 There is a tear in the MS here and in the next line.

6 Ephraim Wheton; see No. 270 for a letter from Hollis to him.

1 Doubdess Samuel Jefferds (A.B. 1722).

1 Hollis must have here meant Benjamin Colman.

1 Rev. Joseph Stevens (A.B. 1703) was a Fellow from 1712 to 1713, and from 1716; he died in 1721.

2 See No. 200 for an account of Browne Family donations, prepared for Tutor Flynt.

1 Paragraph added and crossed out in Supplement I. 40:

Mr. President’s Residence has been mentioned as a reason of the difference in this regard between now and formerly, but if it be considered, that besides prayers and reading in the Hall, Mr. Presidents being here takes off but little of the proper business of the Fellows, We must beg leave to think that our allowance ought not to be shortened so far on that Account, especially since Mr. President is supported by the Government.

2 Phrase added and crossed out in Supplement I. 40:

In as much as by that means our subsistence will lye less heavy upon the College Treasury.

The Penal Law of 1656 is quoted on the back of the draft in Supplement I. 40; this also appears in No. 219 following.

1 Leverett’s wife died on June 7, 1720.

2 See No. 213.

1 Samuel Mather (A.B. 1723).

2 Josiah Dennis (A.B. 1723).

3 John Callender (A.B. 1723).

4 This is apparently a postscript; tears obscure many words.

1 See n. 1 to No. 212.

2 A catalog of the College library was issued in 1723, it was titled: Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecae Collegii Harvardini. It will be cited hereafter as 1723 Catalogus; its arrangement, and that of its two supplements, was alphabetical, by size, with divisions for folios, quartos, and octavos.

3 A Letter to the Rev. Dr. Francis Hare . . . Occasioned by His Reflections on the Dissenters . . . , 1720.

1 Jonathan Belcher (A.B. 1699), the future Governor of Massachusetts.

2 Jeremiah Dummer (also A.B. 1699). For his interest in Yale College see the sketch in Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), iv. 462–464, where a part of this letter is quoted.

1 Benjamin Colman.

2 An error for William Sheafe (A.B. 1723).

3 Hull Abbot (A.B. 1720). He received Hollis aid for two years of graduate study; see Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), vi. 366. Other students mentioned in this letter have been identified earlier.

4 T.S.V.P. is at the bottom of the page, evidently for Turn, if you please. Hollis used this symbol from time to time, and it will not be noted further.

1 Cotton Mather’s The Christian Philosopher: A Collection of the Best Discoveries in Nature, with Religious Improvements, was published in London in 1721; it was dedicated to Thomas Hollis.

2 What remains is written the other way on the sheet.

3 An error for 1720.

* [Words are here crossed out]

* So that as long as persons may be supposed to be governed by the views of future good and Evil, by hope of Favours they are in pursuit of, or by a Fear of the loss of any good they enjoy, that is as long as they may be supposed to love themselves and regard their own interest and happiness, so long the loss of this interest in the College will lessen the Fellows Caracters.

This Sentence comes in between the 23 and 24 lines of the 4th Page.

1 Law 7 of the Penal Laws reads that students were to be “nonplusht” for two days for neglect to read sermons. The exact nature of this punishment is not indicated in the O.E. D. definitions of the word, non-plus.

1 Seth Sweetzer (A.B. 1722) was granted Hollis aid.

2 For Josiah Dennis see note to No. 213.

3 Rev. Daniel Neal (M.A. 1720) married a cousin of Thomas Hollis.

4 Rev. Jeremiah Hunt (1678–1744), minister at Pinner’s Hall, which Hollis’s father had leased.

5 Cave, Latin for warning.

6 Three Letters from New-England, Relating to the Controversy of the Present Time, London, 1721. This contains two letters from Cotton Mather and one from Increase.

7 Additions, sent by later vessel.

8 William Cooper (A.B. 1712) was Colman’s colleague at the Brattle Square Church, Boston. Colman’s sermon at the younger man’s ordination, together with Cooper’s confession of faith, was published in Boston in 1716.

1 Tears in the MS account for the loss of a half dozen words in each of two cases.

1 Daniel Neal; see note to No. 214.

1 Owen received his A.B. in 1723.

2 Charles Chauncy (A.B. 1721) was a great-grandson of President Charles Chauncy.

1 The smallpox epidemic reached its height in Boston in October, 1721.

1 Elihu Yale died on July 8, 1721.

2 William Tailer, twice Lt. Governor.

1 See note to No. 198.

2 Samuel Mather (A.B. 1723).

1 May be translated: as long as you remain here and as long as you are needed here.

1 The list of Treasurers omits William Brattle (A.B. 1680), who served from 1713 to 1715.

1 May be translated: Thus I judge: Responds someone utterly ignorant of the Academics and (let him be) banished from the Academy.

1 From White’s notations on Hollis’s letters, it appears that he had been ailing for some time. He was inoculated against smallpox, and was one of the few, so treated, who died. See Sibley, Sketches, in. 347–348.

2 Edward Hutchinson, who served until his death in 1752.

3 Edward Wigglesworth (A.B. 1710), who served as Hollis Professor of Divinity from 1722 to 1765. The Church referred to was the Old South.

4 Joseph Stevens (A.B. 1703), minister of Charlestown, and Fellow of the Corporation, died of the smallpox on November 16, 1721.

5 Paul Dudley (A.B. 1690) was the son of Governor Joseph and became Chief Justice of Massachusetts.

6 qt. = containing.

7 Both John Owen’s Sermons (London, 1721) and The Poetical Works of Mr John Milton (2 vols., London, 1720) appear in the Supplement to the 1723 Catalogus. The Corporation voted to give Rev. Colman an older edition of Milton in return for this recent one; see CSM Publications, xvi. 466–467.

8 Rev. Daniel Williams, of London, died in 1716. In 1748 the College finally received £48, which was distributed among ministers working with the Indians, in accordance with the donor’s primary wishes. See CSM Publications, xvi. 791, 839–840. An extract of his Will is in No. 162.

1 A Coffe man kept a coffee house. Evidently a book intended for Mr. Harris was somehow mislaid.

2 See note to No. 244.

3 The 1723 Catalogus lists a Theatre of Plants (London, 1640) and a Garden of Flowers (London, 1629), both by John Parkinson.

4 Benjamin Colman, Some Observations on the New Method of Receiving the Small-Pox by Ingrafting or Inoculation . . . Boston, 1721. This was reprinted, with a different title, in London in 1722.

5 William Cooper, A Sermon Conserning the Laying of the Deaths of Others to Heart. Occasion’d by the Lamented Death of . . . John Gore . . . With an Appendix Containing Something of Mr, Gore’s Character . . . Boston, 1720. Gore (A.B. 1702) died of the smallpox on his ship while in Boston harbor; see Sibley, Sketches (Shipton), v. 152–153.

1 The words “of the Charter” are here crossed out.

1 Jeremiah Condy (A.B. 1726).

2 Charles Chauncy (A.B. 1721).

3 Mather Byles (A.B. 1725).

4 Ebenezer Pemberton (A.B. 1721).

5 Leverett took as his second wife Sarah Crisp, widow of William Harris.