The Journals of Ashley Bowen (1728–1813) of Marblehead

Chapter I

1728–1758

BY tradition, the first Marblehead resident was a man named Dolliber who spent his first winter living in a hogshead. The area of more permanent settlement was in the vicinity of Little Harbor, a sheltered cove protected by two, high, wooded islands under the lee of the northeast headland of the Great Harbor. A few small fish houses may have predated even Dolliber’s hogshead inasmuch as Marblehead may well have been a seasonal English fishing and curing station from the earliest years of the seventeenth century. Gradually, from the 1630s, the settled area spread out. One arm wrapped around the shore to the north and west past Naugus Head to a point ultimately known as “Ferry” by virtue of the landing there for the Marblehead terminus of a Salem-Marblehead ferry. The other arm, reaching down in the opposite direction to the low granite cliffs of the Great Harbor, probably took longer to grow, but it was here that the early town put down its permanent roots.

Unlike Salem to the north and Boston some fifteen miles southwest across Massachusetts Bay, those who came to Marble Harbor, Marvil Head, or Marble Head, as it was variously called, were mostly fishermen. They appear to have come from Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and the Channel Islands, as well as a few from the coastal fishing ports of Normandy and Brittany. They were generally regarded by their pious brethren in the neighboring settlements to be crude, un-Christian, and Godless.

Bowens came to Marblehead during the second quarter of the seventeenth century. One of them, Tom, attained notoriety for the establishment, of which he was the proprietor, on the Salem Harbor side of the Marblehead peninsula. Tom Bowen’s “Church” was a seven-day grogshop, unmindful of Puritan blue-laws and, consequently, well frequented. These early Marblehead Bowens, nevertheless, were not related to Ashley by common ancestry, although by his time everyone in Marblehead was related to everybody else three or four times over.

Ashley Bowen’s ancestors came from Swansea in Wales. The first to appear in New England was Richard, who settled at Rehoboth, Massachusetts Bay, in 1640. He and his descendants all sired enormous families, offshoots of which soon began to drift all along the Atlantic seaboard from Nova Scotia to Virginia. One of Richard’s numerous great-grandsons was Nathan, father of Ashley. His branch had entrenched itself in the environs of Rehoboth where several attained sufficient local influence to represent that town for a number of years at the Great and General Court in Boston.

Nathan Bowen was born at Rehoboth on 4 April 1698 (O.S.). Eventually, it is believed, he became a clerk for a Boston merchant, possibly James Bowdoin, a circumstance which helps to account for his acquaintance with the Hallowell family of Boston and his subsequent marriage in 1719 to Benjamin Hallowell’s granddaughter, Sarah Ashley. Nathan Bowen, for reasons best known to himself, removed to Marblehead the previous year, 1718. He was to remain there, a formidable personage, almost to his death in 1776, by which time divided loyalties had caused him to flee from the coast into the hinterlands of Essex County.

At the time of his arrival in Marblehead, the town, under the prodding of the Reverend John Barnard, was beginning to emerge from a long history of commercial lethargy and indifference.

[In 1714] When I first came [Barnard said] there were two companies of poor, smoke-dried, rude, ill-clothed men, trained to no military discipline but that of “whipping the snake,” as they called it; whereas now [in 1766] and for years past, we are a distinct regiment, consisting of seven full companies, well clad, of bright countenances, vigorous and active men. . . . When I came, there was not so much as one proper carpenter, nor mason, nor tailor, nor butcher in the town, nor any thing of a market worth naming; but they had their houses built by country workmen, and their clothes made out of town, and supplied themselves with beef and pork from Boston, which drained the town of its money. . . . And, what above all I would remark, there was not so much as one foreign trading vessel belonging to the town, nor for several years after I came into it; though no town had really greater advantages in their hands. The people contented themselves to be the slaves that digged in the mines [the fisheries], and left the merchants of Boston, Salem, and Europe, to carry away the gains; by which means the town was always in dismally poor circumstances, involved in debt to the merchants more than they were worth; nor could I find twenty families in it that, upon the best examination, could stand upon their own legs; and they were generally as rude, swearing, drunken, and fighting a crew as they were poor. . . . I therefore laid myself out to get acquaintance with the English masters of vessels, that I might by them be let into the mystery of the fish trade, and in a little time I gained a pretty thorough understanding in it. When I saw the advantages of it, I thought it my duty to stir up my people, such as I thought would hearken to me, and were capable of practising upon the advice, to send the fish to market themselves, that they might reap the benefit of it, to the enriching themselves, and serving the town. But, alas! I could inspire no man with courage and resolution enough to engage in it, till I met with Mr. Joseph Swett, a young man of strict justice, great industry, enterprising genious, quick apprehension and firm resolution, but of small fortune. To him I opened myself fully, laid the scheme clearly before him, and he hearkened unto me, and was wise enough to put it in practice. He first sent a small cargo to Barbadoes. He soon found he increased his stock, built vessels, and sent the fish to Europe, and prospered in the trade, to the enriching of himself; and some of his family, by carrying on the trade, have arrived at large estates. The more promising young men of the town soon followed his example; that now we have between thirty and forty ships, brigs, snows, and topsail schooners engaged in foreign trade.

Throughout Marblehead’s transition from a simple fishing village that had begun not only to nurture its fishing fleets but to cultivate its overseas trade, Nathan Bowen’s stature was also increasing. His rapid rise to prominence is difficult to account for unless it was because he was becoming well known throughout the Province as the author of The New-England Diary, Or, Almanack. Written in Marblehead, and during at least part of its seventeen- or eighteen-year life printed by Thomas Fleet in Boston, he commenced the undertaking in 1721 inasmuch as his “editorial” for the issue of 1737 states that this was his “Seventeenth Essay of this Kind.” He was then in competition with Nathaniel Ames, who, about 1729, took Bowen to task for some of his astronomical calculations.

I have once more ventured into the World [Bowen wrote for the Almanack of 1730], notwithstanding a Repulse I met with the last Year from a Young Stripling, who under the Influence of Mercury, gave his Pen a Latitude beyond that of his Beard; but let him know, That tho’ he hath so great a virtue for the Merits of his own performance, were I disposed to pick holes in his Coat, I should leave him in a ragged Condition. . . .

Within a very few years of his settlement in Marblehead, Bowen became a Notary, then Justice of the Peace, and, with cap-touching deference, was called “Esquire.” He must have been possessed of an intransigent personality. Upright, according to his own lights, he was uncompromising, feared, and respected. In the course of his duties as Justice of the Peace, he sat in judgment on an infinite variety of civil and petty criminal complaints. He evidently believed in the philosophy that it takes two to make a fight, because more often than not both defendant and plaintiff ended up guilty, subject to fines, costs, and judgments for the King.

His daughter Elizabeth accused him once of being too much involved with the things of this world to spare time or give affection to his family. One senses the same, somewhat resentful, feeling throughout Ashley Bowen’s writings. Nathan Bowen was almost beyond reach, a lofty, righteous, godlike figure to be viewed from afar.

When Ashley’s mother died as a result of childbirth, his father lost no time remarrying and placing his eldest children in situations from which they could cause him the least amount of trouble or responsibility. Thus, Ashley, at the age of thirteen, was apprenticed to the sea. For the next two decades he was intimately caught up in the passions of conflict between England and France. His experiences were to mold his way of thinking for the remainder of a long life.

1728 According to my father’s statement of matters, I was born on the 8 of January this year in a house that he and one Cogswell built that the late Thomas Bartlett, painter, owned not far from the brick ponds in Marblehead the first year of King George the Second.1

1739 In March the snow Marblehead, Captain Staly, was cast away on Ipswich beach, the captain lost, &c.2 This summer, as my father taught the art of navigation, Captain Edmund Gale’s son Edmund and Mr. John Waldron, Mr. James Smith, and Mr. John Stone came to learn the art of him, and by that means I got so much acquainted with them that they would persuade my father to let me go to sea with them, and they carried it so far as to get Captain Gale to speak to my father, and he concluded to let me go with them. The snow [Diligence] was built and taking in her load of fish at Boston bound for Bilbao, as then it was a time of peace with Spain. And parents made preparation for me to go the voyage, and on the 24 day of September I sailed for Boston, and the same day arrived at Boston His Majesty Ship Tartar Pink with the declaration of war with Spain and England.3 So we were obliged to unload our fish and fix for Cape Fear in North Carolina where we took a load of tar and carried [it] to Bristol, [England,] where all our hands were pressed except our Captain’s son, Edmund Gale Junior. From Bristol we went to Swansea in Wales and took in a load of coals and came home. Arrived at Boston in August.4 Then I inclined to go to school this fall. My brother Edward sailed with Captain Gideon Ball in a ship for London and was impressed, and in October my mother died, which was the greatest part of my ruining as may be seen the year following.5

1741 This is the hardest winter as any now in America have ever seen. Early this year my father went a-suiting to Mistress Hannah Harris, a fine rich widow. To obtain his wish he would separate his own family or anything else. When our mother died, she left nine children—one an infant; Edward, on board a man-of-war; Mary, a young woman who had the care of our family; Nathan, a ship’s cousin; poor I, a hardy lad to stand all brunts in behalf of the rest, for my father took care to keep the shore aboard by a good fireside, and Nathan with him. We at home had neither wood nor food but what I should fetch from Mrs. Harris’s, and so I fit the remaining part of this winter.6 And in April come a snow from Boston consigned to Captain Tasker, and, as hands was very scarce, Captain John Stacey and Captain John Tasker recommended me to Captain Peter Hall as an apprentice to him.7 And Mrs. Harris had a son named Nathaniel which had been a voyage to sea, and my father and his mother said that we two would lessen their family much if they were both bound out. And Mrs. Harris bound Nat to Jacob Fowle, a house carpenter, and my father bound me to Hall. I was bound April the 15, witness John Stacey and John Tasker. After I was bound, my master said two shifts of apparel would be sufficient for me, but with difficulty I got that, and so I came off an apprentice at 13 years and three month old.

Note: I was bound the 15 of April to Captain Peter Hall of Boston to serve him seven years. He then commanded a fine snow called the Hawke, after Captain Edward Hawke, then commander [of] His Majesty’s Ship Portland, then at Boston and owned by Sir Harry Frankland, a native of England.8

We sailed about the first of May and before we got Halfway Rock astern I had a smart rope’s ending from my master.9 O Dear my Mother! We went to Philadelphia and back to Boston. . . . and when returning [home], we was informed that there was a strong press [pressgangs] home, and our captain intended to land our men at Marblehead, but as we got to the Graves it fell flat calm and we came to an anchor and made signals for a boat to come off, and intending to take out three of our men that were liable to be pressed. One coming off saw the man-of-war’s barge coming with all fury, [so] she returned again. Then our Captain concluded to try to secrete the men [and] ordered one to hang up his hammock in the cabin. Now, our snow was intended for a privateer and [there were] two press beds in our bulkhead of our cabin for conveniency for our cabin guns. And I took the Captain’s bedding out and put in the hammock and the mate’s bedding in a cabin in the steerage. And just as the barge come along side I put two of our men in the Captain’s press and one in the mate’s press, and, as the doors hung up, after the men were in I let down the doors and buttoned them. The Captain ordered me to stay below and down came a midshipman and demanded of me, “Where is your men?” I said they were sent ashore at Marblehead in a fishing boat. He ordered me to open our lazarets scuttle, which I did. Then finding [it] all full, he examined our small arms and missing some of our cutlass and pistols out of their places and began to examine our bulkheads. And seeing the hinges and the thickness of our press, [he] looked at the hooks that held up the press door [and] said, “Boy, what are these hooks for?” I said to hang up wet clothes. And then he stooping down to unbutton the press doors, I took him by the skirts of his coat. I said, “Sir, will you have a dram?” He, looking earnest at me, said, “You are a knowing Dog! You may fill me a junk bottle of rum!” I said, “Sir, will you have a lump of loaf sugar?” And he said, “Put it in the boat!” and went on deck. [Then he] said, “There is none to be found on board.” So they took two prentices &c. Now, sir, as soon as the barge was gone, I let the safe guard[ed] prisoners out, and they were almost strangled to death being so close confined and two of them very large and bulky [so] that they reflected on being confined but had rather have stood on deck and opposed the press gang. One of these men’s names is or was Jacob Hawkins; another is or was Robert Knight, both born in Marblehead. The other [was] Jacob Waters, born in our Charlestown; the two prentices, one named William Clemons [and] the other James Master, and they were both cleared. . . .10

Note: on our voyage to Phi[ladelphia], my master’s wife was delivered of a daughter. And, as Customs Service visitors came &c, one evening came one Mr. Willy Nichols to see my master, he being a neighbor where he formerly had lived near the Old North Meeting House. I coming home from on board, dirty as I was, for if I had a clean shirt I must wash it myself, my master said, “You, sir, serve a glass of wine here!” And as I came to my Uncle Nichols and gave him a glass I smiled and bowed to him. Said Nichols, “Captain Hall, what boy is this?” He said, “It is Bowen, the Lawyer’s son, of Marblehead.” And said Nichols, “What is his name?” “Ashley,” replied Master, and Nichols, recalling the cast in my eye, said, “Captain Hall, will you let him come to see me tomorrow?” Hall said “yes” and Nichols went off saying to me, “Come and see me tomorrow,” which I did, and he said if my father would not get me away from Hall he would, for he saw enough, and he wrote to my father on the subject &c.

Now it was in the time of New Lights or [George] Whitefield and Company.11 As my sister Molly was baptized by Mr. [Simon] Bradstreet some small time before, she then being a member at our Uncle Webb’s New North Meeting House, and so she would have me baptized there.12 My master indulging me to spend the evening with her, she took the opportunity to take me with her to Parson Webb’s and fit me to be baptized &c. As we [were] preparing our ship for sea, my master allowed me to go to my sister’s as often as I should desire, and in order for my being the better prepared for the business he, Mr. Webb, gave me a book of instructions, and I read it as often as I could find time. At length the day was fixed on that I was to be baptized. Note: my master was not consulted in the business, and it happened that one H. Johnson, being at tea at his acquaintances’, happened to hear this discovery that there was to be a grand christening at the New North on Sunday. He being a church-man [he] came and acquainted my master of its being me. He, my master, came home and inquired into the affair and found that I had a book, which he demand[ed]. I shew it to him. He directed to me to take the book and carry [it] to Parson Webb’s with his compliments and said I was his apprentice and I should not be christened in his time. So I left the book and came off well satisfied as to christening.

Being now fitted, we came to Marblehead to load for Gibraltar. We sailed and arrived safe and after discharging our cargo we took on board fine red sand for ballast, with some wines [and] some large anchors. [In] October we left Gibraltar bound for Boston. Note: we took on board the common sand which was as the red sand in time glasses, and as we came to the westward and, supposed that we were near our Banks, we prepared our vessel for a winter’s course by getting our guns in the hold and our topgallant yards and masts down &c. About the 20 of November we experienced a smart gale of wind at NW. We lay our snow to on Friday night under a double-reef[ed] mainsail and at Saturday noon wore ship and lay on the other tack. Our carpenter, finding the pumps choked with the fine sand, made short boxes of the lower b[oxes?] and bags of the upper boxes and &c. After the carpenter had done all that he could to the pump boxes and sounding the pump [we] supposed all was well. The gale continued all Saturday night and our officers supposed all was well. But at 8 o’clock Sunday morning, as my busin[ess] was to get bread out of the hold and water &c., as the watch was called &c. Mr. Kinney, our First Mate, was a-turning out and I was going down the after hatchway, the wind roaring so we scarce could hear one another, the mate told his dream that he was chased by a number of wild cattle and could not make his escape from them. As soon as I got below [away from] the noise of the wind, I heard the cask in the hold knocking against each other and our vessel half full of water. I got up as quick as possible and said, “Mr. Kinney, I can interpret your dream. Your oxen are our water casks and others are all afloat in the hold and our vessel is half full of water.” My mast[er], hearing me, said that was not to be trifled with, and all hands turned out, went to work, and got to bailing with all the buckets, kegs, &c. I attended with bread and brandy till Monday morning. We were 24 hours before we freed her, and then my master ordered all hands on deck and said, “Brothers, you all see the position of our ship. I think [it] fitting to engage a winter’s course,” and all consented [to m]ake sail for the West Indies, and so we go so we [ ].

Note: we must have suffered much if we had not [stowed the] guns and had got them down in the hold; although we had filled all our empty water cask and other cask with sand, our vessel was so light we could not tack to windward no more than an empty barrel. And when we arrived at St. Eustatius, we were fain to be warped in by the Dutch ship.

This spring [1742] we lay at St. Eustatius loading with molasses in snow Hawke. We had a good passage home [and] arrived at Nantasket in March, where all our men were impressed. Then [we] went to Cape Ann and run our cargo, and after some time we brought our vessel to Marblehead and lay. Our owner being a Collector [of Customs] and his vessel at the same time a-running goods made some difficulty. In May we carried [the] snow to Boston and completed for sea. My father came to Boston but would not get me clear of Hall, so when we got to sea I paid for his visit.

Note: we fitted out with all kinds of provisions for the garrison of Gibraltar, and as we entered the Strait we found four cruisers and we beat them all off and got in safe. And we lay here six month and then we went to Port Mahon and sold the rest of our cargo and from that to Cagliari in Sardinia; then back to Mahon again and Gibraltar and home. Note: we sailed from Boston June the 30, 1742 and arrived July 1, 1743. When we returned we arrived at Cape Ann and run our cargo of fruit and wines, and there was a great noise about it as about this time a vessel was informed against and Sir Harry [Frankland] was obliged to take notice of her and seized her and the concerned swore vengeance against our snow. And we fitted out but Dall [?] and the best voyage that offered was to Philadelphia and Louisbourg. Note: my master had got the Leghorn Cough and gave it to his wife, and going a winter’s course and out of credit and I, myself, an apprentice makes it all look cold, and not much clothing or bee[f?].13

1743 We sailed for Philadelphia the last of September and in going up the river some of our hands took the boat and made off, and at town our Chief Mate left.14 Mr. May then was shipped [and] a Scotchman as Mate, named Crumbe, and my master had so much of the Leghorn Cold that he was obliged to heave down here. And with difficulty we were manned again but we put to sea [with] one Robin Knight, a pilot, for the coast of Cape Breton. We arrived at Louisbourg before Christmas and took two-thirds [of] a cargo of rum and sailed for Gibraltar . . . and after getting off the coast, we having a sheep on board, my master had it killed to save his life. And in some days after, the weather being summer-warm, the hind quarters of the meat grew stale, and my master took the hind quarter and divided them, and in doing it he borrowed a slice from one part and put it to the other and had it boiled. On Saturday, it being a fish dinner, my usual way was to get the fish that was left at noon for supper. Accordingly, when I had got supper in order, as I took great delight in fitting for my master [his] supper, it being Saturday night and I had made two large cans of toddy. In those days, I gave the care of the frying pan to a Frenchman to take care of till I should go aft and lay the [table] cloth, &c., but when I came forward I found all burnt up.

1744 The beginning of this year I find trouble enough as the supper of my master’s was burnt. He called for the meat which I had put away for him at noon, which I brought to him and shifted into another dish. And as I had no supper, I took the two slices as I shifted the meat [as] I was always allowed to do and put the two legs in a clean dish by themselves. And in the morrow, Sunday, my master took physic for the Leghorn Cough, and, after its working, he called for his meat. I hastened as usual to get it, and as he examined the dish he said to me, “Is this all the meat I told you to put by?” I said, “Yes, Sir,” not thinking of his being so exact as he never was so with me before. He said again, pointing [his] knife to the dish, “Is this all the meat I told you to put by the last night?” I said the two small slices were so thin and watery-soaked I did eat them as I had no supper else. Then said my master with his hands wrung together, “May God never smile on me if I do not tie you up tomorrow morning and flog you as much as ever you saw a soldier flogged at Mahon!” which was a thousand lash. And my master called for his saucepan and minced up his meat and went on as calm as ever with me, but I knew him to be a Englishman, not, as he hath often said, a New England man [who] promises and never pays. He would always fulfill his engagements with me. And so the day passed on with me, but I made no scruple of my pay on the morrow, I having no back doors to go out of and not a friend on board that would assist me. I did not know what course to take for my escape from the punishment throne, so in the morning watch after the helm was relieved at six—my watch below—I dived down in the hold, there being a tree of small fustic stood against the bulkhead of the lazaret.15 I unstowed till I found length enough for my body to lay undiscovered, and I hauled the wood in again so qu[iet?] that I was not discovered by any of our people when in pursuit of me.

Monday morning. At 7 a.m., my master rung his bell for me, and, as I did not answer, the Mate came to inquire for me but could not find me so my master ordered all hands called and went a-searching for me in the longboat and everywhere I possibly might have got on deck and then ordered lights with lanterns to pass fore and aft the hold. I could have put my hand on them, but they could not see me. So continued till 8 o’clock. Then my master come to the hatchway himself and said, “Ashley, come out and I won’t touch you.” But I thought that too faint to trust so I lay the[re]. Next came the people and said, “Ashley, come out and your master will not touch you.” Then came master again and said, “Ashley, you know me! If I say a thing I will stand to it. Come out and I will not touch you.” I was loathe to trust that and lay still. And then the people came and said, “Ashley, for Godsake come out for your master will die!” And then came master himself and said, “Ashley, for Godsake come out and I will not ever strike you again!” Some of our people said that he [Ashley] threatened to go overboard last night. Others said [he] had rather die than bear the beating his master would give him. Now I find by this time the rum cask grew very hard and hunger came on. I thought with myself, what should become of me, for after all if I should worry them out hunger would oblige me to come out for drink and meat. So I began to think to give up. The people came down and said, “Ashley, your master will die if you do not come out!” Then about 12 at noon my master came and said, “Ashley, if you will come out I will give you my word I will not touch you any more!” And I thought better to come out by an act of grace than to hazard any more delays. I said, “Here am I!” and directly our people flew down and hauled the wood away and got me out. And one of them desired me to go and ask my master pardon, which I declined.

Monday noon. As soon as I had got into the steerage I saw my master on his knees at prayer on the stern locker. I went into the cabin and he looked at me and said, “How could you serve me so?” I said I knew that he would beat me as he said. He said, “Make me some toddy!” Accordingly, I made it and gave it him, and so on till dinner. All that day quite mild, but the next day, after I had killed a pair of fowls, master chose to gut them, and, after washing his hands, he asked for a clean towel. I had ½ dozen of towels cut from a piece of osnabrigs, but I had but 2 hemmed and both them foul. I went to his chest to get a new one. As I was in haste, I put a foul one in between the gripes and [the] longboat so the roll of the vessel caused the fowl to fall out on deck, and, finally, it washed out of the scuppers. My master, seeing it, stepped down to me and took me by the hand and said now you should not run away from him and brings me up on deck and orders the Boatswain to get two seizings of spun yarn, and I was tied to the rail by each wrist and my trousers let [down] about my heels and my frock tucked into my collar. The Cook was ordered to get a bowl of pickle from the beef cask; my feet [were] tied to the fife rail and master would take his cat with 9 parts of log line and give me a dozen strokes on my back; then take his hand full of pickle and pat it on my back; then take his quadrant and look for the sun; then took a tiif of toddy, and so regularly he would do that office, one after another, till the Mate interfered for me and said if I should die on the passage out he would be a witness against him.16 He said he would do it till I should cry, for I could not cry, so I spit on my shoulder and wet my eyes and was let go.

So my master and I stood it the rest of the passage until we arrived at Gibraltar, and as he was a man so well acquainted in luxury and a noted Mason, he must make as grand show as possible of his abilities. Soon after we arrived, my master made an entertainment and invited a good family on board as a visit, and, as he frequently lodged on shore at every port, so he coming on board, desired me to scour the paint work in [the] cabin and windows, and all fell in for company the 3d day after. Accordingly, I took soap and sand and scoured the paint and cleaned the windows and glasses &c. and did all I could to make the best appearance I could, and got all dry. But the 2d morning my master came on board, and, after his examining all the cabin and glasses &c., he saw one of the towels, as I had cleaned the windows with [one], and said, “You Rascal! Is this one of my towels?” I said I was forced to take it to clean the glass with and immediately upon it, he, for his word’s sake, would not strike me himself, called the Boatswain to tie me up by my two thumb at a staple in the cabin. As we were so nigh [to] the New Mole he thought not to take me to the rail. So the Bosun did and gave me the hint to cry out, but the master of Masonry came in upon us and takes the cat out of the Bosun’s hands and took the lines in his hand and struck me with the rope on my back [so] that I have thought that I have felt it ever since. After his passion was over with me, for he durst not afr[ . . . ]at the Scotchman his mate ill, so all was laid on poor Ashley’s back. So, after master was gone on shore, my old friend Mr. Thomas Ling’s launch come on board for some what as we had sundries to sell on board.17 So I laid in with the crew.

This evening, when Mr. Ling’s launch returned on board, I concealed myself in her and when I got on board there I made my application to Mr. Ling and he took me into his berth and the doctor messing with him. The doctor desired to see my back and Mr. Ling entertai[ned] me all night, and next morning the doctor went on shore, and some time after I saw our yawl come on board the chebec with the doctor and my master. And coming along side I handed the rope to my master which said to me, “Sir, you have got a bigger ship for your money!” I answered, I hoped so. Then my master asked for the Commanding Officer, which [was] the leftenant, and master was demanded aft and then came forward again and ordered my things into the yawl, and Mr. Ling and the leftenant had some words but Mr. Ling could not prevail to keep me on board. So I went on board snow Hawke again, and when I came on board I found a French cook and poultry and bread &c. So my master thought to make me as great an example as [possible and] he ordered me to be lashed by my two thumbs and to hang across the rig rope of our awning without trousers or breeches. The yawl being gone after two gentry and when they came on board [and] saw me in that posture, the woman cried out, “Captain Hall, for Godsake let us go on shore again on a Christian land!” With that, my master ordered me to be took down, but the company would not stay to eat any of the Frenchman’s cookery and all hands of them returned on shore again, master and all. So good.

1744 May. Laying at Gibraltar in the New Mole, so called. Came in the Solebay with a Spanish ship, and the prize hauled in to New Mole.18 We lay alongside of her so our Mate and people all went shares in the plunder—that the men-of-war’s men called plunder—and we got a good deal of riches. Then came a 60-gun ship bound for Mahon, and we sailed under her convoy and arrived safe at Mahon and landed our cargo of rum, and there we found letters for us not to return home to New England till the cry was over, for the people swore there they would destroy [our] vessel and cargo. So my master thought to get her into the King’s Service [as] a transport, but as she was single-decked he could not get her in. And a brig belonging to Boston cast away on the island [so] my master shipped the captain—his name is Blaney—[as] master of our snow Hawke to go to Cagliari and get a load of salt and then to Boston.19 And she did accordingly. And my master keep me and the snow’s yawl with him at Port Mahon, and my master was determined to be a merchant and bought sundry kind of stores accordingly, and I kept store and he hired a house, and we keep house and store, and for a Mrs. I had 21 for wisling[?] for and some soldiers’ wives; he would lend 3 half johannes at a time and his wife possibly not 3 pence Sterling, [she] suffering at Boston, New England. Note: my master’s wife was Elizabeth Kinney, a daughter to Mr. Benjamin Kinney, sister on mother’s side to Colonel [ ] Carnes, a brazier at Boston, but much reduced.20 I was not bound to my master’s wife with himself, and now, keeping store at Mahon, I of course was acquainted in the land affairs as well as sea. So I did my endeavor to please both as my master was a Free and accepted Mason [and as] I had a great opportunity to inform myself of both as much as my capacity would allow me. So I made it my study to conform to the Will of God.

1744 At Port Mahon. September and October I was employed attending store. Note: we sold Liverpool potatoes by the quint[al] and, as we had porter in bottles, loaf sugar and brown and so [forth] by retail, a soldier came for ½ quintal of potatoes and, having nobody to assist me, a large hogshead having some potatoes in it, I stooped [into] the cask and lay the whole of my body on the chime of the cask. And [as] I was getting the potatoes, my master came in and saw me in that situation and, having an exceeding large cane, he gave me [so] many smart blows on the small of my back that I could scarce get home. I made complaint to the General but [got] no relief. Another time he at me with his cane across my face. He broke the bridge of my nose. Then he would punch at me with his [cane?] in my stomach or anywhere he could come at best &c. Note: after the snow returned from Cagliari he would not let them have product for fear the Mate and people would leave her and bribed the product master till the convoy was ready, and she sailed for home crippled as she was, for she carried away her foremast and shipped it again, new stepped at the partners, and reef[ed] foresail, but my master sent his picture home to his wife and some effects else, but did not pay any of the people their wages. Note: the first part of this year the Spanish fleet got out of Toulon and a French fleet came out with them, and as an English ship would go to engage a Spaniard a French ship would run between them to take the fire from the English. So the French got the Spanish ships out of their port, and Admiral [Thomas] Mathews had the supreme command, although the inferior officer for Old [Richard] Lestock was a man of war from his youth, and between them both [the] Spanish fleet got off and the French into Toulon, &c.21

1744 At Port Mahon. December. One evening as I left our store I came to Mrs. Wallace’s to see if my master was there, as I frequently did every evening when leaving our store, and I found my master and Mr. Preston, a Church of England clergyman, Chaplin to the Army, and my master said that “This lad of mine was never christened.”22 The parson asked my master if he was sure of it. He said he was for “he intended to have been christened after he was bound to me, but I prevented it.” Then the parson asked me if I would be christened. I said if it could be done with sincerity I should be glad. Then the parson asked my master if I could read. He said I could and that I knew the church service well. The parson said it might be done if the lad chooses. Mrs. Wallace asked me if I would accept of her as a godmother and my master asked me if I would accept him as a godfather, and a Mr. Paton asked me if I would accept him as another godfather, to which I agreed, and Mr. Preston desired me to wait on him at his house soon in order to be examined, and I went and afterwards it was agreed to be done on the Eve of Christmas. So my master and my godmother both prepared a cake each. Note: the cake was four pounds of flour, four pound of loaf sugar, four pound of butter, and two dozen of eggs, the yolk only, and beat up well, and they tried, which shouldst be the best, and, on the day before the time, my master wrote bills to Admiral, to General, to Captains of the soldiers, to Captain of the Navy, to merchants, to all men of n[ote?], and to a Romish Bishop and a priest, about 33 [in all]. My master prepared a fine suit of clothes new.

1744 December the 24. This day our matters were all fitted for the evening and at dark the room was furnished with guests and then came on the ceremony, and I was christened by the name of Ashley and signed by the sign of the Cross in token that hereafter &c. And after the ceremony was over, one merchant by the name of Green took his hat and put a guinea in it and went round the room and collected 19 dollars and one real of plate and brought [them] to me and said, “Here, take this. [It] is your own and make good use of it as an encouragement for you!” And I took care of it. Two large cakes, a fine large English cheese with many sorts of wine, rack punch, rum ditto, and brandy ditto in a large upper room. So finish the christening and year 1744.

1745 This is a year of trouble for me, all but death. The first part was spent mostly a-masquerading and &c. I was employed keeping store and attending my master &c. The largest ships were all boot-topped and some hove down. We sold a great deal of rum, but rum being in much demand [and there being] a fine well of fine water in the bounds of our store, my master would employ me in dodging off 10 or 12 gallons of rum out of a 60-gallon cask and filling it with water. And so we go on, and my master thought it most to his advantage to victual on board His Majesty Ship Dorsetshire with the leftenants and officers, so I was enrolled on board the Dorsetshire23 [ ] I rubbed on till March. Note: His Majesty Ship [M]arlborough of 90 guns was run down keel out by hand.

1745 At Port Mahon, an apprentice to a P. Hall. As the fleet were all now a-fitting out, my master could not be allowed to keep on board the Dorsetshire. I was forced to shift as we could about our dinners as provisions were scarce and company plenty. We did as we could; oftentimes more company than good, &c. As there was more demand for rum, and ours almost gone, my master had sold nearly the last tierce to a native, he made me draw off 15 gallons of rum and fill the tierce with water, and [it was] done by candlelight and the stones of the well was of chalk. My clothes was so dirty I could not well be seen in that dress, so my master gave me a smart trimming that I could not put up with. And His Majesty Ship Rupert, Captain [John] Ambrose, lay at St. Phillips, bound to Alexandria, and Mr. Richard Pollard [was] a midshipman on board. I conclu[ded to make] the attempt of leaving my master at Mahon, and the next night I packed all my duds and waited off for St. Phillips and found a man with a boat, and I hired him to put me on board the Rupert.24 And when I came on board I found Mr. R. Pollard and he said he would acquaint the Captain as soon as he returned on board. Note: the Captain of the Rupert was gone on board Admiral [William] Rowley for orders and [to] take his leave. And the ship’s barge came alongside on one side. My master came alongside with his yawl on the other side. And [with] the ship with her 3 topsails atrip and a peak on her anchor, my master demanded me of Mr. Pollard and I was delivered up to my master.

As my master and I came over the side of the Rupert, she broke ground and filled away for sea, and my master ordered the boat’s crew to go alongside the Dorsetshire. And when on board, he asked Mr. Griffith to let the Boatswain’s Mate bring me to a capstan bar in order to frighten me, which was done, and Captain Burrish, walking his quarterdeck, the people called out “flogging on board.” Some left their stations and others, making uproars, Captain Burrish wished to know the meaning [and] sent for Mr. Page, the First Leftenant, which said that Mr. Griffith was the author of it.25 Then Mr. Griffith was sent for and had a smart repremand for his conduct, and so I was released and sent out of the Dorsetshire. And as we came to Mahon, he said he would send me to school and he would never strike me more. So I went to school for a fortnight and then he could do nothing without me. About this time, came in a fine prize ship, taken by the fleet, a ship bound to Martinique from Marseilles [and] taken off Cape de Gata, [which had] run into the whole fleet. Leftenant Fraser of the Burford, prizemaster, came to our house and gave the ship so good a character that my master bought an eighth part of [the] ship and cargo and fitted her out for the West Indies.26 And we sailed in June under convoy, and we arrived at Gibraltar and sailed again under convoy and [had a] 28 day’s passage from Gibraltar to St. Eustatius.27 Note: a few days before we arrived, master gave me a smart trimming and I swore I would leave him.

1745 On board the ship Strange, Peter Hall, master, laying in St. Eustatius Road, belonging to Port Mahon. As I came to St. Eustatius, I found several of my acquaintances—Captain William Orne, and others. Note: Captain John Shannon of Marblehead died here and one James Biles was [his] mate and of course became master. And Captain Orne and others advised me to quit the ship [and] come home to Marblehead. As I was taken sick, I was put to sick quarters and I got somewhat better. My master went to St. Christophers, and, as I supposed Biles to be nearly ready, I took all the clothes I had out of the ship and put them in a bag and set off for Biles’s schooner on a Saturday night. But as she was not so ready for sea, I was forced on shore again with Biles’s promise to take me off again. And in the afternoon he would neither bring my clothes on shore to me nor take me off, so [I] was in a fine box, &c. Biles’s boat was ashore several times, but they would not take me off and finally they put to sea with my clothes and all, a gale of wind coming on. And I have not any clothes from the ship. I could have wished the Devil had Biles and Orne before that I had harkened to them, but [I was] in fear of my master’s coming down from St. Kitts. As it happened, there was an English privateer in the Road. I entered on board her and so got off with what duds I had. As soon as we got on board the privateer, we came to sail. Bright moonlight. We saw a sail coming down from St. Kitts, and we stood for her [and] found her to be my former master, Peter Hall. We let her pass and stood all night on a wind to the SE-ward. This sloop is the Bumper of Montserrat, Michael Beesley, commander, 6 four-pounders &c.28

1745 I was determined to leave my master Hall as he hath left his wife at Boston. I suppose that he could not have held me as he was bound to learn me and to treat me well. I took this opportunity to try the title and so left him to shift without me. Note: as the privateer was going down to Eustatius, she took the carpenter off a ship with her, and she took a French sloop and sent her in to Nevis, which caused her to return to Nevis again. When she arrived, the captain of the ship put the captain of [the] privateer in prison for carrying away his carpenter. Well then, what must I do, for my master would pursue me to Nevis. So Captain Beesley hired a shallop to go to Montserrat. I asked him to let me go with him, and he gave me his consent, so I went to Montserrat where I found a sloop belonging to Philadelphia, Peter Bostick, m[aster]. I asked him for a passage with him to Philadelphia and he granted it, and I came to Philadelphia. Note: Mr. [ ] Harris, a supercargo, died at sea and I attended him and took care of his clothes and was well treated for it. And after I got to Philadelphia, I ship again with Captain Bostick for Charlestown and Jamaica. I was well treated by both the owners. One was Solomon Fussell, the other, John Norwood.29

Plate I

Drawn by Hannah Crowninshield of Salem, this history of Bowen’s life to the year 1785 was presented to him in 1806 by the Reverend William Bentley. It is meant to compare his life with the sailing of a ship.