February Meeting, 1954

A STATED Meeting of the Society was held at the Club of Odd Volumes, No. 77 Mount Vernon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 25 February 1954, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President Hon. Robert Walcott in the chair.

The records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary reported the receipt of letters from Messrs. Nathan Marsh Pusey and Keyes de Witt Metcalf, of Cambridge, and Henry Francis du Pont, of Winterthur, Delaware, accepting election to Honorary Membership; from Messrs. Laurence Brown Fletcher, of Boston, and Edward Neal Hartley, of Cambridge, accepting election to Resident Membership; from Messrs. Hamilton Vaughan Bail, of Philadelphia, Charles Woolsey Cole, of Amherst, John Douglas Forbes, of Crawfordsville, Indiana, and Francis Taylor Pearsons Plimpton, of New York City, accepting election to Non-Resident Membership in the Society.

Mr. Charles Rutan Strickland, of Boston, and Dr. John Peabody Monks, of Lincoln, were elected Resident Members of the Society.

Mr. Howard Mumford Jones read a paper entitled: “Republican Humanism.”

The Editor communicated by title the following paper by Mr. Raymond Phineas Stearns, of Urbana, Illinois, a Corresponding Member of the Society:

John Winthrop (1681–1747) and His Gifts to The Royal Society

JOHN Winthrop (1681–1747) of New London, Connecticut, possessed little of the ability and few of the higher virtues commonly associated with his forebears of the same name, especially with his grandfather, the Governor of Connecticut, and his great-grandfather, the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. To his great unhappiness, however, he felt that he had been born to the purple and should be accorded the honor and respect which the greater merits of his ancestors had commanded. When the Massachusetts public failed to respond to his satisfaction, he treated his contemporaries with pained contempt, transferred his residence to his ancestral estate at New London, where he assumed the role of a country gentleman, tried vainly to make a fortune from the Sturbridge (Massachusetts) graphite mines which he had inherited from his grandfather, and turned his mediocre abilities to natural history, alchemy, and “physic” in feeble emulation of his illustrious ancestor, the first governor of Connecticut.175

His stubborn ancestral pride, combined with a greed intensified by financial failures, led him to contest the Connecticut courts’ decisions in settling the estate of his uncle, Fitz John Winthrop, who died intestate. In 1726 he appealed to England where subsequently (1728) the Privy Council disallowed both the Connecticut courts’ findings and the colony’s laws of inheritance. The dispute, however, hardly improved Winthrop’s reputation in New England and, as he had gone to England to make his appeal, he ultimately took up residence in London, leaving his family in Connecticut.176 In London he sought eagerly after that recognition which he had failed to win in New England. He fawned upon the English virtuosi, cultivated such estimable men as Sir Hans Sloane, and called upon his grandfather’s reputation as a scientist to attest his own claims thereto. By such means he won an invitation to the weekly meetings of the Royal Society of London and so began an association which is the burden of this discourse.

The urge to collect things—whether ancient manuscripts, archaeological remains, or specimens of natural history—was strong in London in the first half of the eighteenth century, and greatest of the English collectors was Sir Hans Sloane, Bart. (1660–1753), fashionable physician, generous patron of scientific learning, president both of the Royal College of Physicians and of the Royal Society, and principal founder of the British Museum. Anyone who turned up in London with a box or two of “curiosities” could be assured of a flattering reception by the virtuosi of the day. John Winthrop’s passport to this element of London Society was a collection of almost thirty items presented to “The Honourable Sr Hans Sloane, Baronet.” The following itemized list of the gift is preserved among the Sloane papers:177

Indian Corn for Samp.
Indian Meal for hasty Puding
Indian Flower for any sort of Puding
Cranberries for Tarts or Sauce
6 Tantiusques Pencils
Indian Grass
Rattle Snake Oyle
Wild Honey
oyle of the Adder Snake
oyle of the Black Snake
oyle of the large water Snake, the Indians use it for pains and weak
Joynts.
Cranberry seed and leaf
Wood dyed Red with the Juice of Cranberries
New England Tobacco seed
Wild fruit seed
Indian Hemp seed
Large teeth of a Rattle-Snake
. . . in a Oar among the black Lead at Tantiusquess178
Seekkankee berries
Wild bees wax
New-England Fir Tree gum
. . .-sper Oar among the black Lead at Tantiusques179
Sweet Corn dry’d in the Milk, that is when the Ears are very young, a dainty dish with the Indians Dry’d Hurtle Berries
Various sorts of Oar found among the Black Lead at Tantiusques, and a piece of Black Lead oar.

As acknowledgment of and return for these gifts, Sir Hans Sloane called upon Mr. Winthrop at the latter’s lodgings and presented him with a book, probably with Sir Hans’ own Natural History of Jamaica, the second volume of which had been published only a short time before.180 For this gracious visit and gift, John Winthrop wrote an acknowledgment which appears fulsome even when placed against the exaggerated literary fashion of the day:

Honourable Sr:

I am infinitely obliged for yor kind visit this morning, and Beg leave to Returne humble thanks for [the] great Favor of yor Excellent, Noble, & Invalluable [pr]esent. I have Nothing in my power to make a suitable [re-]turne; but most humbly pray I may be inrolled among the Honourers of yor Name, Learning, & Vertue. And [sin-]ce you have done me this Honour, and if it may be [pl-]easing to you; that you wd Write yor Name with yor owne hand in the Books! that they may be forever deposited in the Archives of my Family that my posterity may continue hereafter to admire & Revere the greatest observer, promoter, & preserver of Naturall Philosophy. I humbly beg pardon for this Trouble, & make ten thousand [wish-]es for your Health; that you may goe on to Compleat wt [is R-]emaining to Enrich the better part of the Creation [and the] Learned World.

I have the Honor to be, Hon^rble Sr, wth the greatest Truth and Highest Regards, Sr

Yor Honors most obedient, most obliged &

faithfull humble Serv^t

J. Winthrop.181

If the course of events which immediately followed took the order which is observable in many other similar instances, it was soon after the above exchange of gifts and pleasantries that John Winthrop was admitted as a visitor to a meeting of the Royal Society. Whatever preparation may have preceded the event, it is a matter of record that Winthrop attended the weekly meeting of the Royal Society of 26 January 1726/27.182 Moreover, he went prepared to please, for the minutes of the meeting relate that he presented the Society with a collection of “natural curiosities he had made in New England and New York.”183 The collection was not as large as that given to Sir Hans Sloane and neither as interesting nor as valuable, scientifically speaking, as the Royal Society was accustomed to receive. It consisted of eight items, as follows:

1. A piece of a Rock of Loadstone which is in Fishers Island in New York. This Rock Stands two or three foot above ground and is four or five Yards in Circumference.
2. An ossified Substance found in the heart of a Deer that was killed in the same Island . . . .
3. Some pieces of a Shining Coal from a pit near the Sea Side in Long Island . . . .
4. A piece of very good black lead found near the river Quinebague about 50 Miles above New London in New England.
5. A Stick of Wallnut Tree (said to be petrified).
6. A Sprig of a wild Shrub with its leaves called Gulanhy wch serves to make a good black dye without Copperas.
7. Another Sprig of a wild Shrub like Casine the leaves of which being infused makes a sort of pleasant Tea which is diuratick.
8. A Specimen of a very good Sort of Indian Extract from the Juice of another Plant which Grows wild as the two former do in many places in the district of Connecticut in New England.184

Almost seven years passed before John Winthrop revisited the Royal Society. On 22 November 1733 he attended the meeting as the guest of Dr. Alexander Stuart.185 About seven weeks afterwards Winthrop was presented as a candidate for fellowship in the Society. The certificate posted in his behalf, although presented by the Secretary (Cromwell Mortimer) and signed by the president (Sir Hans Sloane), was extraordinary in its emphasis upon factors besides the candidate’s scientific abilities and potentialities.186 It read as follows:

John Winthrop of New England Esqr. Grandson of the Learned John Winthrop Esqr who was one of the first Members of this Society, & who in conjunction with others did greatly contribute to the Obtaining Our Charter,187 to whom the Society in its early days was not only Indebted for various Ingenious Communications, but their Museum Still contains many testimonies of his Generosity, especially of things relating to the Natural History of New England where he afterwards went to live;188 This Gentlemen hath not been backward in following the Example of his Grand Father, having himself Sent over Several Curiosities to the Society, and intending to present many more as well as to become a constant Correspondent when he returns to America: Wherefore as he desires to become a Member of this Society, as he is a proper person well skill’d in Natural Knowledge & particularly in Chemistry, We, whose names are under Written, do recommend him as a person likely to be a very Usefull Member of this Society.

London, Jan.^y 10, 1733/4.

Hans Sloane

Alex^r: Stuart

Rob^t. Nesbitt

Cromwell Mortimer189

In accordance with the Society’s statutes, the above certificate was displayed in the Society’s meeting room for “ten several ordinary meetings” and on 4 April 1734 Winthrop was elected Fellow of the Society. Three weeks later (25 April), he presented himself at a meeting, signed the obligation required of Fellows, and was formally admitted to the Society.190

Shortly afterwards Winthrop prepared the “many more” curiosities which he had promised to his English friends. On the following 15 June he wrote to Sir Hans Sloane:

According to my promise I have sent yor Hono^r Specimens of the Various Minerals in New England; as also some other curious productions of that country; and the West Indies: by wch yor Hon^r will perceive some parts of North America seem to point out Valuable Mines that may be as advantageous to the coming Ages as Europe can Boast. And Happy will it be for the Brittish Nation if the New World shou’d prove as Subterraneously Rich as the Old; but the perfect knowledge of these hidden Treasures of Nature are Referred for Posterity to Enable them to pay their Duty to their Mother Country, Great Brittain, from whence We had the Hono^r to Spring. If what is now humbly presented may be thought worthy to have a place in yo^r Wonderfull and Noble Repository, it will be esteemed a very high Favor done to, Sir

Yo^r Hono^rs most Obedient and very obliged faithfull humble Serv’^t.

J. Winthrop.191

This letter bears three additions to the above. Two are postscripts by Winthrop to the effect that “If y^r Hon^r thinks it proper, please to communicate the sight of them to the Illustrious and Learned Society of wch you are the President” and “you will finde S^r in the Box a List of the things it contains with my particular observations on some of them.” But the third is a memorandum by Sir Hans Sloane to the effect that “No Minerals wherein are gold or silver to be communicated to the Society or anybody else by direction of Mr. Winthrop.” Unfortunately, Winthrop’s list of the contents of this box appears to have been lost.

However, the gift to Sir Hans was completely overshadowed by the collection which Winthrop presented to the Royal Society on 27 June 1734. Consisting of three hundred and sixty-four items, this collection contained specimens illustrative of nearly every department of the natural history of New England, and it was the largest single gift received since Daniel Colwall had established the Society’s “Repository of Rarities” in the 1660’s.192 The following catalogue of the collection was written into the Minutes of the Society:193

A Catalogue of Curiosities presented to the Royal Society by John Winthrop of New England Esq.

Quadrupeds.
1. The Penis of a Sea Tortoise.

Serpents.
2. Fel Serpentis Caudisoni. Four grains for a dose cure all sorts of Fevers & Aigues, taken in a spoonfull of Spring Water. The Gall liquid is preserved for use by dropping it on the fine powder of chalk.

Fish.
3. The fins of the Dogfish, of the size of a dog, with four short legs, and the tail like a fish. Tis a sort of Seal.
4. Stones out of the head of a Cod-fish: which powder’d are given for the Stranguary and Gravel.

Shells.
5. Small Cochlea from Fisher’s and Long Island &c.
6. A Sea Snail.
7. A sort of Nerites, which never grow larger. The Indians boil them, & make strengthening broth of them.
8. A large sort of Nerites.
9. A larger sort of Nerites: one with very small Balami growing upon it.
10. Small Buccina from all the coast.
11. Small Buccina from Fishers and Long Island &c.
12. Small Buccina.
13. White Buccina from the beach on Long-Island.
14. Buccinum nostro productiore, with a chain of their Ovaries, which are sometimes twenty or thirty yards long.
15. A piece of the Shell of the Poquahauges (a rare Shellfish and a dainty food with the Indians. The flesh eats like Veal. The English make pyes thereof: and of the Shell the Indians make ye following mony). This piece is worth two pence.
16. Ditto worth six pence.
17. D.^o worth a Shilling. White.
18. D.^o “ “ “ . Purple.
19. D.^o six worth one penny. White.
20. D.^o four worth one penny. Blew. They are call’d Wampampeege.
21. Young Poquahauges. Pectunculus fasciatus.
22. The wreaths of the Buccinum, of which the Indians make their mony or white Wampampeege.
23. The Buccinum (22) entire.
24. Small Shells found upon the beach.
25. Small Pectunculi laeves from ye beach on Fisher’s Island.
26. Pectunculi from the beach at Naraganset.
27. Scallop Shells of divers colours.
28. Clams white. Their broth is most excellent in all intermitting Fevers, Consumptions &c. These Clams feed only on Sand.
29. A very curious Sort of gold-Colour’d Pearl Shells on the Sea Coast near the Shore. Those with marks in them are such as have born Pearls: which powder’d make the best testaceous powder in the world.
30. Unripe Pearls, which in time would have become (31).
31. Bright Pearls, which are produced in the same Shells (30).
32. Some of the larger Sea Pearl Shells, which are often found in deeper waters, three times as large, & bear larger Pearls.
N.B. Almost all the Lakes, Ponds, and Brooks contain a large fresh-water clam, which also bears Pearls. The Indians say they have no Pearls in them at certain Seasons: but at the Season when they grow milky, ye Pearls are digested in them, which causes their milkyness.
33. Shells of the Razor-fish (Solares) which calcined the Indians mix with Bear’s grease, and therewith cure the Piles. They drink the water in which they are boil’d, together with the powder of the Shells.

Insects.
34. Moths. A fine large Butterfly with Velvet wings farbelow’d, and Eyes on them like the rounds on Peacock’s feathers.

Vegetables.
35. Branches and Seeds of the red Cedar.
36. Some red Cedar wood rotten, from the midde of a Post, which was sound on the outside: which shews that the common opinion, that Cedar neverrots, is false.
37. Acorns of the dwarf-Oak.
38. Touchwood; being the bark of the red Oak. The Indians kindle fire with it, by striking two flints together.
39. A sort of Touchwood, soon kindled, used by the Indians.
40. A sort of Sena from Elizabetha Island, New-England. It dies an excellent black, and grows in great plenty [Prinos glaber].
41. Leaves of a Plant, which grows in swampy ground. It is an Evergreen, that dyes an exceeding fine shining black; and it surpasses Sena.
42. An Evergreen, with which the Indians cure the Dropsy and Strangury, boiling the Leaves and small branches in Spring water, when they are sick, and drink it in fevers. It grow[s] plentifully in the country, and bears a spicey red berry, which the Turtle Doves & Partridges eat.
43. Roots of the Sassafras tree, which the Indians boil, and drink in Fevers.
44. A root call’d by the Indians Dram-root; because it warms their Stomach like a Dram.
45. Bloody Root [Sangui maria]. It grows on the banks of Quinebauge river. The juice is like blood. The Indians use it in Consumptions and fevers; to cure the bite of the Rattle-Snake, the bloody flux &c.
46. Sunkneesowange, a root, with which the Indians cure Cancers in the breast.
47. Squianauge, a root, with which ye Indians cure Consumptions.
48. A sort of Snake-root.
49. Mountain roots from Connecticut, The Indians chew them to expell wind.
50. Myrtle berries, of which are made Candles and Soap [Myrica?].
51. One of the Candles, and pieces of the Soap (of 49). [sic: means “(of 50)”?]
52. Various colour’d Indian beans.
53. Indian beans bearing very long pods.
54. Pods, Seeds and Silk of the Silk grass [Asclepias]. It grows every where in North America, and in New England. The poorer Sort of people make beds of it. Fine hatts &c may be made thereof.
55. The Wool and seed of one sort of Snakeweed, which grows almost every where in New England. It bears a purple red flower like the Columbine. After the leaves of the flower fall off, it shoots out into long buttons at the top, which in autumn open and contain this wool. The Indians cure the bite of the Rattle Snake with the root, and stop bleeding with the wool.
56. Nutts from their resemblance called Negroe-heads, which grow on trees in Bermudas and Barbadoes.
57. Cones of the white Firr.
58. Beach Plum Stones, which never grow higher than the knee, on the barren Sand beach. It is a very pleasant fruit.
59. A sort of Agaric, which the Indians use as Touchwood, and burn a small place with it behind their ear upon the Vein, and say they never have the toothach afterwards on that side.
60. Galls from the white Oak.
61. Gum of the Firr-trees from New-England.
62. A sort of Indigo made out of the wild Indigo-weed, which grows all over New-England. The juice of this plant rubb’d on horses &c keep the flies from stinging them.
63. A Natural Mat, which grew between the Clefts of the Rocks.

Fossils.
64. Fragments of Shells dug up thirty feet deep in making a Well three miles from the Sea; great quantities of other Shells were found in the same place. No water was found.
65. A piece of red Cedar petrified in a short time.

Earths, Clays &c.
66. A white Earth from Oyster-Bay in Long Island.
67. A whitish earth from the uplands.
68. A white earth between chalk and Marie.
69. A grey earth from Tantiusquese.
70. A grey whitish Earth with red Streaks, containing Cinnibar or☿ [Mercury].
71. A reddish grey earth, a leader to Cinnabar?
72. A flesh-Coloured earth from the Gay-head, where are divers Coloured Ohres.
73. A light red Earth, wherewith the Indians paint their faces, when they go to war: from the Indians from the inland parts.
74. A reddish earth from Quinipiack, used internally for bruises.
75. A red earth, (containing Iron?) with which the Indians paint themselves. They bring it a month’s travel up the Country.
76. A red earth brought by the Indians above a month’s travel from up the Country, with which they paint themselves. The same as N.^o 75.
77. Orange Colour’d earth brought by the Indians from the uplands.
78. An Orange Colour’d Earth from the uplands.
79. A blackish and white Crumbly earth, from a river which falls into Quinebango river.
80. Earth that will swim, from Connecticut river near thirty mile Island [Inland?].
81. A mineral earth like Pyrites.
82. A sort of Fuller’s earth from Fisher’s Island. The same is also found on Long-Island.
83. A Clay resembling Fuller’s earth, from Long Island.
84. A fine tobacco pipe clay from Long-Island: and the same is found at Mount-Prospect on Fisher’s Island.
85. A white striated Clay from Fisher’s Island.
86. A Limon-Colour’d Clay, from the inland parts.
87. A reddish Clay from near Hartford.
88. A reddish Bole from Long Island, nearly the same as that at Quinepiack.
89. A very soft fine red Earth like Bole armeniac.
90. A red Ohre, from Martha’s vineyard.
91. A reddish Earth like Okre, brought by the Indians from the inland parts.

Soft Stones.
92. A grey sandy Stone, like Grind-stone, not far from where the natural Whet-Stones are found.
93. A grey gritty Stone from Fisher’s Island.
94. A black and white gritty Stone brought by the Indians.
95. A dark porous Stone, from the uplands.
96. A blewish grey porous Stone, brought by the Indians from the inlands.
97. Dark reddish Stones with black Talc: from Newayunck near the Sea.
98. Fragments of a brownish Stone with Micae.
99. A Liver-Colour’d Stone with Micae.

Slates.
100. A Slate, which the Indians scrape into water, and drink, when they have received any bruise.
101. A Silver-Colour’d Slate, which Calcin’d is of a fine gold Colour.
102. A sort of Slate from Quinebauge.
103. A light green Slate from the Uplands.
104. A sort of blew Slate, containing Slum, from the inland parts.
105. A black fissil Stone.
106. A Chocolate-Colour’d fissil194 Stone from Hartford Rivulet.
107. A fissil Stone with Micae, which burnt looks like ☾ [Silver]. Another sort of it resembles ☉ [Gold].
108. A blewish flakey Stone from Quinebauge.
109. A bright-shining flakey Mineral like bumish’d Steel, from the woods at Tantiusquese.
110. Reddish flakey Stones.
111. A flakey Stone composed of Micae.
112. A flakey Stone with Micae, from near Moosup river.
113. A gritty flakey Stone with Micae, from the upland parts.
114. A white flakey Stone intermix’d with Micae and Gritt.
115. A soft flakey greasy Stone, from Point Juda.

Marble & harder Stones.
116. Two sorts of whitish grey Marble, from the uplands.
117. White Stones of the marble kind, near the Massachusetts.
118. A Stone used in building, containing Granates195 from Connecticut Island in Naraganset Bay.
119. A white striated Stone, from the Sea Side: a large rock.
120. Pieces of greyish Stone with black Spots, lying in great quantities together, from the inlands.
121. A blewish grey Stone, brought by the Indians from the upland parts.
122. Yellowish grey Stones from a hill near Quinebauge river.
123. Blew and white streak’d Stones, from a pond’s Side up the country.
124. Blewish and white Stones from the uplands.
125. Blewish and white Stones brought by the Indians.
126. Blewish and white Stones from a pond’s Side, from Fisher’s Island. [The same as No. 123] (sic).
127. Blew and white spotted Stones, from Naraganset river.
128. A blewish Stone Coated with a greyish green, the Sides parallel, from the uplands.
129. Blewish Stones from a hill in the uplands.
130. Dark blew Striated Stone, from the uplands.
131. A dark blewish Stone, brought by the Indians.
132. Dark purplish Stones, brought by the Indians. The same as No. 131.
133. Green Stones from Massachuset’s bay.
134. Greenish streak’d Stones, from the Sea-Coast, near Fisher’s Island.
135. Greenish and white Stones, from Stoningtown woods.
136. Fragments of greenish Stones brought by the Indians.
137. Reddish Stones from a Spring of water.
138. Small pieces of a reddish Stone.
139. Dark reddish Stones from Alewife brook, two miles above New London, in Quinebauge River. N.B. A alewife is a fish like a herring.
140. Heavy brown glittering Stone, between Wachuset hill, and Connecticut.
141. A chocolate Colour Stone with Micae, from the uplands.
142. A black Stone.
143. A black Stone with Specks of Marcasite, from Tantiusquese.
144. Fragments of black greenish and white Stones, brought by the Indians from the uplands.

Pebbles.
145. Round Pebbles, like number 149, from near the same place: but where they are all of this form. When polish’d they are transparent as Crystal.
146. Pebbles, which cover the bottom of a brook, up the country.
147. Pebbles from a beach at Naraganset.
148. Small pebbles, which Cover a large tract of land.
149. Oblong white Pebbles, with an Amethyst hue, from the beach on Fisher’s Iland: where they are all of this form.
150. Blew and white flat Pebbles from a Spring, where there is a quantity of them.
151. Reddish irregular Pebbles, from an Iron-Spring, where all the Stones are of the same sort for a good way, where the water flows.
152. Irregular Pebbles from a Rill. All the Stones thereabout are of the same sort.
153. Reddish Bowlder Stones, of which consists a great hill in the upland parts.
154. White, smooth, irregular Stones, from the Side of a rivulet.
155. Small irregular Stones, which compose a small beach at the South West Corner of Long-Island.
156. Flat, round, greyish Stones, from the beach on Fisher’s Island.
157. Flat reddish Stones from the bottom of a brook.

Alumen plumosum &c.196
158. The Stone, between which the Alumen plumosum is found. It makes the best furnaces that can be, bearing the fire beyond any thing known. It is found near Plainfield on Quinebauge river, and also in several other parts of the country. [See No. 159] (sic).
159. Alumen plumosum. The Stone (No. 158) where this is found makes the best furnaces in the world. It will endure the strongest fires.
160. A black Isinglass in a bed of white Spar.197
161. Black Isinglass near the Sea.
162. Black Isinglass in white Spar.
163. Black flakes like Isinglass from the inland parts.
164. Black and gold Isinglass in a white Spar.

Talc.198
165. A gold Talc taken up in a Swamp, where it is in great plenty.
166. A gold Talc from a bed of bog Iron Ore, from Massachuset.
167. A gold Talc from Connecticut.
168. A gold Talc from the Mountains.
169. A gold Talc from the upland parts.
170. A gold Talc from the uplands.
171. Gold and silver Talc in the road from New-London to Connecticut.
172. A Silver Talc. brought by the Indians.
173. A light greenish Talc, from the inland parts.
174. Blewish Talc from the inland parts.
175. A dark reddish Talc, near the cold Spring on Aegunck Hill.
176. A brown Talc, brought by the Indians.
177. A black Talc.
178. Black Talc in a white Stone near the Sea.
179. Black Talc in white Spar: in the way between Plainfield and Woodstock.
180. Black Talc in white Spar, from Naraganset river.
181. Black Talc, in white Spar, brought by the Indians.

Spars.199
182. White Spar from the top of a very high hill in the uplands.
183. White Spar in black Talc, in great quantities near the hills.
184. A white Spar, as it is found upon a small beach in a fresh water pond up the country.
185. White Spar, with black Gritt, Containing Steel; near Colchester.
186. A whitish Spar from Fisher’s Island.
187. A whitish Spar from the uplands.
188. Whitish Spars from the uplands.
189. A whitish Spar from the uplands.
190. Fragments of a flesh-Colour’d Spar, as they are found on the surface of the ground.
191. A fresh-Colour’d [flesh-?] Spar, a leader to richer Oars.
192. A whitish grey Spar from ye woods.
193. A whitish grey Spar from the inland parts.
194. A sort of grey Spar.
195. A greyish shining Spar, brought by the Indians.
196. Spar with a blewish Stone adhering: from the high Cliffs near Sandwich beach.
197. blewish Spar.
198. Blewish Spars from the hills.
199. A blewish white Spar with black Talc: from Newayunck near the Sea.
200. A yellowish Spar, with Specks of purple Talc.
201. Yellowish Spar, near Massachusets.
202. A yellowish white Spar from Naraganset river.
203. Brownish red Spar, brought by the Indians.
204. Fragments of white Spar.
205. Fragments of Spar, brought by the Indians.
206. Fragments of Spar, lying in great Quantities on the hills.
207. Fragment of dark reddish & black Spars, from Clam-pudding pond in Plymouth Colony.
208. Fragments of Spar, with black Talc, from the inland parts.
209. Fragments of Spar, from a Spring.
210. Flakes of an odd sort of Spar.
211. Shining Spar, found in great plenty, in the place it comes from in the uplands.
212. Spar from near the Spar-hill.
213. A greenish Spar, from near the Sea.
214. A light greenish Spar, with a piece of rock adhering.
215. A purplish Spar from the mountains.
216. Stone composed of different coloured Small grains of Spar, with Micae intermixt, leaders to Ores.
217. A Spar, leader to a black Stone, No. 141.
218. Spar a leader to ♃ [Tin].
219. A white Spar with flakes of Pyrites, a leader to ♃ & ♄ [Tin & lead], from Poquanock.
220. White Spar, a leader to ♄ [lead].
221. Crystal Spars from the bottom of a well of fine water.
222. A crystal Spar with flesh Colour’d Spots, always found in flakes.
223. Crystal Spar from the inland parts.
224. Spar-pebbles, from a brook.

Ludus’s200
225. A Ludus like that of Paracelsus, and doubtless equal to it, and as good.

Regular Stones.
226. Mineral Bezoars, from the uplands.201
227. Clay concreted in the form of Horse Shooes, from the bottom of Connecticut river.
228. Atites from Martha’s vineyard.
229. A sort of Atites.
230. Several pieces of Eagle-Stones.

Precious Stones.
231. Large Granates, as big as Nutmegs, Containing ☉ and ♂ [Gold & Iron].
232. Several sorts of Granates, and a piece of rock, with some Granates in it: Containing ☉ [Gold].
233. Smooth purplish Stones, a sort of Coarse Amethyst, from the beach at Fisher’s Island.

Crystals.
234. Pieces of Crystal from an entire hill of it in the inland parts.202
235. Pointed pieces of Crystal of a light Amethyst hue.
236. Yellow Crystals in pointed Squares, from the high white rock called Lanthorn-hill.

Sand.
237. Amethyst Sand flung up by the waters of a Spring near Naumeog, three miles from the beach, where a large quantity of the same sort is found.
238. Amethyst Sand from the beach near Pequott, below the harbour’s mouth: containing Gold.
239. A blewish Sand from Chickapee hill.
240. A fine blew Sand brought by the Indians from the inland parts.
241. A reddish Sand brought by the Indians from the inland parts.
242. A yellowish Sand from the uplands.
243. An orange coloured Sand flung up in the inland parts.
244. A white Sand from Fisher’s Island.
245. A Sand from the white beach, in the harbour of New London.
246. A white gritty Sand from the Side of a large fresh water pond, used by the English to whet their Sythes with it.
247. A light grey Sand from between Colchester and Glastenbury.
248. A grey Sand from the foot of a hill up the Country.
249. A grey Sand from above Windsor.
250. A fine grey Sand from the beach of a fresh-water pond.
251. A fine grey Sand, brought by the Indians from the inlands.
252. A dark grey Sand with Micae in it, wash’d down from the hills by rain.
253. A black and grey Sand from a small brook up the Country.
254. A brown Sand brought by the Indians from the Inlands.
255. A brown Sand with Micae, from about Farmington.
256. A black and white Sand with Talc, in the road to Boston.
257. A various Mixture of Sand &c, from a pond’s Side.
258. A sort of Nitre Earth, of a darkish Colour, with mineral Sparkles in it, brought by young Hyams the Sachem’s Son, from Shawshawnittewange.
259. Alum Stone, up in the Country.
260. A Vitriolic earth.
261. Flakes of a brownish Stone, from the inland parts, being mineral ⊕+ [blue Vitriol].

Sulphurs.
262. Sulphur from the inland parts near the great high mountain Monadnuck. It is apprehended that hereafter, by some accident or other, a Volcano will break out thereabouts. There is earth [Sulphurous earth] in many other places of the Country, the effects of which may have been the cause of several earth-quakes, which have happen’d there.
263. Coal from a Swamp’s Side.
264. A Sort of Jet or Coal: from the side of a Swamp.
265. Greenish Stones containing mineral.
266. A strange mineral: C.? [Calx?].

Ores of Metals.

♀ [Copper].
267. Copper Ore, from Nyamesis near Mermanck river, thirty miles from Boston.
268. A Copper Ore green and shining.
269. Stones from the bottom of a well at Long Island near Oyster Bay, containing♀.
270. A whitish & green Stone containing ♀.
271. A greenish Stone containing ♀?
272. Fragments of a greenish mineral containing ♀?

♂ [Iron].
273. Iron Ore.
274. A rich Iron Ore from Pettiquamscutt.
275. Iron Ore from near Providence, call’d Bogg-Ore.
276. A sort of Haematites from the upper lands above New Haven.
277. Loadstone from near Acqunck.
278. A bright natural Steel-Ore, very magnetic.
279. A fine native Steel-Ore, from the upland parts.
280. Steel Ore from near Tantiusquese.
281. A sort of Steel-Ore.
282. A Steel mineral.
283. Rock Iron-Ore near a fresh water pond.
284. Scaley Iron-Ore, as it lies in the earth, from the uplands.
285. A flakey Iron-Ore from the uplands.
286. A brownish flakey Iron-Ore, from the banks of Hartford rivulet.
287. An exceeding hard reddish Stone containing ♂
288. An odd Sort of Iron Ore from Fisher’s Island.
289. A dark Iron Stone resembling Aetites.
290. A blew Iron Ore from Massachusets?
291. A blewish Stone, containing ♂, brought by the Indians.
292. A blewish Stone, containing ♂.
293. Small smooth Stones like Vetches from the bottom of Merimanke river, containing ♂.
294. Small flat Stones, containing ♂, from the bottom of Merimauke river. [The same as N^o. 293?] (sic).
295. A Gold Talc, containing ♂, from Connecticut.
296. A black Sand from Long-Island, containing ♂.
297. A black Sand from Fisher’s Island, containing ♂
298. Another sort of black Iron Sand from another part of the country.
299. A black Sand containing ♂.
300. A black Sand from the beach containing ♂.
301. Iron Sand, found in various places.
302. Dark gritty Stone (containing ♂?) from the upland parts.
303. A greenish and black Stone, containing ♂and ♃ [Iron and Tin].
304. A mineral Sand from Concord, in New England, containing ♂ and ♃.
305. A mineral Sand containing ♂ & ♃.

♃ [Tin].
306. Tin-Ore near Lyme.
307. A Stone containing ♃ from Fort-hill on Fisher’s Island.
308. A Stone Composed of Spiculae, containing ♃.
309. Fragments of a Mineral containing ♃, near the Sea.
310. Blackish green and white striated Stones, containing ♃.
311. Sand containing ♃ from Fisher’s Island.
312. Sand containing ♃, from the uplands.
313. A black and white Sand containing ♃.
314. White Spar with a black Ore, containing ♃.
315. A white Stone containing ♃ Ore?
316. Dark greenish Stones (containing ♃?) from a hill up the country.
317. Black and yellowish Spar (containing ♃?) from the inland parts.
318. A black and white gritty Stone, containing ♃?

♄ &c. [Lead &c].203
319. Fine Lead from the upland parts.
320. Fine black Lead containing 1/5 of ☾ [Silver], from Tantiusquese; which makes fine furnaces and crucibles.
321. Spar, in which black Lead grows.
322. A mineral like ♁ [Cinnabar], in the rood to Stratford near the river.
323. A sort of Bismuth from Hudsons river, above New York.
324. A sort of Bismuth from the uplands.

Marcasites.
325. A Marcasite from Pequet.
326. Irregular cubic Marcasites.
327. Fragments of greenish Sulphureous Marcasite: from Mount Tom and Holy Oke, each side of Connecticut River.
328. A Marcasite Sand from the inland parts.
329. A rich Marcasite of ☾ [Silver].
330. A Marcasite of ♀ [Copper], near Mendum.
331. Cubic Marcasites containing ♀.
332. Marcasites of ♄ [Lead].
333. Marcasites from among the black Lead: from Tantiusquese.
334. Pyrites.
335. Pyrites from the inlands.
336. A greenish and yellow Pyrites, near the Sea.
337. A fissil Stone or Pyrites, near Woodstock.
338. A greenish Pyrites.
339. Pyrites and Marcasites mixt: containing ☾ N.B. One sort of Pyrites always relents in Moist air.
340. Pyrites containing ♀ from Acqunck hill.
341. Pyrites from the uplands, a leader to ♀.
342. A grain of Ore with Marcasite in it: from the Massachusetts.
343. A green-grain Mineral.
344. A dark greenish grain Ore, brought by the Indians.
345. Black and white Speckled metallic Stones: from a pond’s side in Fisher’s island.
346. A blewish Mineral from Bridebrook.
347. A black Mineral brought by the Indians.
348. A black Mineral very heavy, from the inland parts of the Country.
349. A black gritty Mineral.
350. A black gritty Mineral with Specks of Marcasite from Black Stone river.
351. A black Mineral resembling burnt wood.

Artificial things.
352. A bundle of Indian Candles, or Splinters of Pitch-Tree.
353. Alba Mater.

Additions to the preceding Catalogue.
354. Shawshaws: Shell. Pectunculus fasciatus.
355. Small Buccina.
356. A white Earth like Marl.
357. A dark red Earth brought by the Indians a Months travel up in the Country. They paint their faces with it.
358. Selenites.
359. Golden Talc from the inlands.
360. Opake Spar containing ♄.
361. Reddish and white Stones containing a little ♀ from Stonington.
362. Black and white grained Ore containing ♃?
363. Blewish Stones containing ♃ from Rentum [Wrentham?] woods.
364. A piece of Pewter half melted by Lightning, and a piece of the Shelf it stood on half shatter’d, but not burnt: with a Belemnites found two feet deep in the ground underneath. The Earth was black round the hole, and had a strong sulphureous Smell. And the Smoke continued half an hour after in the Room, Tho’ nothing was set on fire.

Finis.

Presentation of the above collection constituted Winthrop’s principal contribution to scientific learning as a Fellow of the Royal Society. The minutes of the Society’s meetings, though they record his presence occasionally,204 fail to register any significant scientific papers, experiments, or remarks by the Fellow from New London, Connecticut—and Winthrop did not return to New England “to become a constant Correspondent” from the New World, as his sponsors had suggested when they recommended him to the fellowship of the Royal Society.

For his gifts to the Society, however, Winthrop won a show of appreciation and gratitude that must have gone far to satiate his starved ego. His collection furnished the Society materials for special displays of curiosities “shewn at several meetings during the subsequent winter” of 1735–1736,205 and on 13 July 1736 the Council of the Society unanimously agreed upon the following resolution:

The Council in consideration of the several Benefactions made by Mr. Winthrop’s Grandfather and Father, as well as several Benefactions of his own, thought proper to order the Bond of John Winthrop Esq^r to be delivered to him, and all arrears and future Payments to be remitted to him.206

Further, the Secretary of the Society, Dr. Cromwell Mortimer, who was also editor and publisher of the Philosophical Transactions, dedicated the fortieth volume of this eminent scientific journal to John Winthrop in public recognition of “above Six hundred curious Specimens” which the latter had presented to the Royal Society’s Repository. The “Dedication” cast revealing light upon the impressions which Winthrop had implanted in the mind of Secretary Mortimer. The latter wrote as if the Winthrops singlehandedly had founded New England and, after a glowing tribute to John Winthrop, Jr., the Governor of Connecticut, for the contributions he had made toward the founding of the Royal Society, he turned to the exile from New London with these words:

When the Injustice and Ingratitude of a designing Party in Power among that very People, whereof the Winthrops have always been in the most strict Sense the Fathers, the Patres Patriae, had most cruelly driven you from your Family and Native Soil, to seek Justice and Security in your natural Rights from the Hands of our most Gracious Sovereign; amidst the Vexation of the greatest Abuses, and the Hurries of the most sudden Departure, you were not unmindful of the Royal Society; for soon after your being chosen a Fellow, you increas’d the Riches of their Repository with above Six hundred curious Specimens, chiefly in the Mineral Kingdom, accompanied with a List containing an accurate Account of each Particular; thereby shewing your great Skill in Natural Philosophy, and at the same time intimating to England the vast Riches which lie hidden in the Lap of her principal Daughter. Since Mr. Colwall, the Founder of the Museum of the Royal Society, you have been the Benefactor who has given the most numerous Collection . . . .207

There were many Fellows of the Royal Society, especially in the latter half of the eighteenth century, whose contributions to scientific knowledge appear to have been as scanty as those of John Winthrop of New London. But I have found none whose claims upon the Society’s attention and favor rested upon as curious—not to say doubtful—foundations as those of this man. For a careful scrutiny of the lists of curiosities and specimens which he presented to Sir Hans Sloane and to the Royal Society suggests that even these collections of rarities were by no means wholly the result of the donor’s own personal efforts and direction in the realm of scientific collection. A comparison, for example, of the items presented by John Winthrop to the Royal Society in 1734 with the contents of four boxes of “curiosities of Nature” dispatched to the Royal Society from Boston on 4 October 1669 by the earlier John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, displays a thought-provoking similarity.208 If, as I believe, it is reasonable to assume that the Governor of Connecticut would have preserved in his own collections duplicates of items deemed worthy of the Royal Society’s Repository, then the striking similarities between the two collections are easily explained. The relatively large extent of the collections dispensed by John Winthrop in the 1720’s and 1730’s is a factor worthy of inclusion in this speculation, as is the possibly significant wording of the Royal Society Council’s resolution in 1736 excusing Winthrop from payment of fees. In short, I suggest that the collections given to Sir Hans Sloane and to the Royal Society by John Winthrop of New London constituted, at least in large part, the museum of New England rarities previously collected by Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut in the seventeenth century. If so, then the lists published above are of greater significance than a mere catalogue of items presented to the Royal Society.

Moreover, they pose some difficult and important questions. Who prepared the lists with their brief, sometimes surprising descriptions? Were they, perhaps, basically the work of the widely admired seventeenth-century Governor of Connecticut, copied by his grandson and transmitted to the Royal Society with the Governor’s collections? Or, were they the products of the mind and the energy—as well as of the pen—of the peevishly proud eighteenth-century virtuoso? The answers to these questions relate to more than mere biographical details, for the lists contain hints of importance to the history of science, especially with regard to the geological sciences. It would be of value to learn whether these bits of scientific information originated in the 1660’s or in the 1730’s.

I know of no evidence upon which definitive answers to these questions can be constructed. The literary form, the terminology, and the use of alchemical symbols in long list reproduced above seem to point to the earlier rather than the later date of compilation—although the colonial origin and education of the later Winthrop could explain a “cultural lag” in his presentation if, indeed, the collection and the descriptions were of his own making. Still, the nature and origins of the items themselves seem more in keeping with the activities, associations, and interests of the Governor of Connecticut than with the frustrated career of his grandson.

The Governor’s gifts to the Royal Society between 1662 and 1671 included “granat-stones,” marcasites, lead ores, copper ores, iron ores, black sands, a “sandy Substance of a gold colour,” stones, wampum, and a box vaguely described as “some minerals of New England.”209 Several of these were listed soon afterwards in Nehemiah Grew’s catalogue of the Royal Society’s “Repository” published in 1681.210 But the Repository gradually fell upon evil ways in spite of the half-hearted efforts of a variety of committees appointed to refurbish it. In 1781 it was abandoned by the Society and its remaining specimens were presented to the young British Museum.211 For years its contents had been raided (or “borrowed”) by Fellows of the Society, and many of its collections had fallen into private hands, especially into those of Sir Hans Sloane, a very prominent and influential Fellow from the 1690’s until his death in 1753, and President of the Society from 1727 to 1741. His private collections later formed the nucleus of the British Museum.

Sir Hans prepared catalogues of his own collections, and it is significant that some of the entries in the younger Winthrop’s large list shown above reappeared verbatim in Sloane’s Catalogue of Metalls. Obviously many, perhaps all, of the items presented to the Royal Society by the younger Winthrop in 1734 found their way into the private collections of the Society’s President—together with some specimens gleaned from the Society’s ill-kept Repository, including, perhaps, some of the gifts presented to the Society by the elder Winthrop in the 1660’s. As all of these, together with the items remaining in the Society’s Repository in 1781, were united in the early collections of the British Museum, it appears impossible now to separate the items and associate them accurately with their respective original donors.

Nowhere is this more evident than in the case of the columbite from which, in 1801, Charles Hatchett isolated columbium (or niobium). Hatchett stated that the specimen from which he extracted the new metallic element was “a very heavy black stone, with golden streaks” which he had found while examining and arranging some minerals in the British Museum. Further, he said, the specimen had been described in Sloane’s Catalogue of Metalls as one of several sent to Sir Hans by Mr. Winthrop from “Nautneauge” in New England.212 The editor of the partial list of Winthrop’s gifts to the Royal Society in 1734 as published in The American Journal of Science and Arts a century later suggested that No. 348 of the Winthrop list may have been the columbite from which Hatchett made his discovery.213 Actually, it was No. 2029 in Sloane’s catalogue which Hatchett employed, whereas No. 348 of the Winthrop list is reproduced as No. 2059 in Sloane’s catalogue. Moreover, No. 2029 in Sloane’s catalogue (which Hatchett used) does not conform to the descriptions of any of the items in the known Winthrop lists.214

It is entirely possible, of course, that Winthrop presented to Sloane or to the Royal Society other specimens for which no record has been found other than that given in Sloane’s catalogue. It is also possible that specimens from the Royal Society’s Repository found their way into Sloane’s collections, including items presented in the 1660’s by Winthrop’s grandfather, the Governor of Connecticut. Indeed, the Sloane designation of the columbite as “from Nautneauge. From Mr. Winthrop” (also quoted by Hatchett) may argue that the columbite derived from the earlier Winthrop’s gifts to the Royal Society—especially as the place of origin was given as “Nautneauge.” Or, at least, that was what Hatchett made of the unfamiliar Indian name which, he said, was scarcely legible in Sloane’s catalogue. However, if the word be read “Nameauge” it was a common name for the settlement at New London, Connecticut, during the midseventeenth century when the elder Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, resided there.215 It was officially named New London in 1658, and the old Indian name had fallen into disuse before the 1730’s. Does not this suggest that Sloane drew upon seventeenth-century sources when he described No. 2029 (the columbite) in his Catalogue of Metalls?

Still, until more evidence is at hand it seems impossible to say whether the columbite used by Charles Hatchett in the isolation of columbium derived from collections made in New England by John Winthrop, the Governor, and presented to the Royal Society in the 1660’s or by his grandson of the same name and presented in the 1730’s. It is equally impossible to say whether the collections presented to the Society by the latter were of his own making, or an inheritance from his grandfather, or a combination of the two.

The lists, however, and especially the one describing the large collection presented to the Royal Society in 1734, contain scientific data of historical significance. For example, in item 64 (this and the subsequent references are to the large list shown above), the author not only made an early reference to fossils in America but also he employed the word “fossil” in its modern scientific meaning rather than in the usual sense of the time in which “fossil” meant “anything dug up.”216 Again, the distinction made between marcasites and pyrites (Nos. 325–339) demonstrated extraordinary discernment. In several instances, too, the list may well contain “firsts” in the history of early American geology. If, in No. 119, the author meant to say that the rock was really striated on the surface, and did not refer to foliation within the rock, he made probably the first American reference to a glacial erratic. Further, in Nos. 228–230, the mention of “Atites” [aetites, etites, or “eagle stones”] was a very rare, if not unique, early American reference to these mineral concretions.217 Nos. 237–257 were certainly very early, if not the earliest recorded collections in sedimentary petrology. And No. 364 was probably the first American description of a fulgurite, made by the melting of sand where lightning penetrates the earth. The connection drawn with belemnites (fossil tubes, or “pens,” of squid-like cephalopods, the “Jove’s thunderbolts” of ancient lore) was both unusual and penetrating.

Further study may wring from these lists additional materials for the history of early science, both in Europe and in America. Whether the lists were compiled by the well-known student of early science, John Winthrop, the Governor of Connecticut and Original Fellow of the Royal Society of London, or by his less talented but pretentious grandson of the same name, they contain evidence that the author was well abreast of his times and even in the vanguard of scientific endeavors in geological knowledge.

1 Printed in a pamphlet Will of Thomas Boylston, late of London, without place or date of publication, in the Boston Athenæum (B 455).

2 Thomas C. Amory, The Life of Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin, Baronet (Boston, 1886), 96–110, gives an account of the Coffin schools and the text of a will establishing them that was subsequently revoked.

3 Charles H. Pope and Katharine Peabody Loring, Loring Genealogy (1917); the family’s corrected copy has been used for these data. Another branch of the Hingham family, the Joshua Lorings (for whom see the Dictionary of American Biography), were officers in the Royal Navy and loyalists.

4 So called because the earliest settler nearby, a kinsman of the Colonel Pride of Pride’s Purge, kept a yoke of oxen to pull traveling wagons out of a swampy place on the road. The post office there was still kept by an Elisha Pride at the turn of this century.

5 The small square house with mansard roof, which at the turn of the century belonged to Professor Charles Loring Jackson of Harvard, and now (1952) to a Jackson family trust.

6 Theophilus Parsons, Memoir of C. G. Loring in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, xi (1869–1870), 282. Miss Katharine Loring told me the story that the farmer who sold the land to Mr. Paine was so conscience-stricken by the price that he asked and received, that he threw in a yoke of white oxen after the bargain was concluded.

7 Letter of 25 March 1952, and letter of Charles A. Read, 12 February 1952, who adds, “Gus had no fear during the storm and kept his head at all times.” But he had not yet acquired his later culinary skill, and they had nothing to eat out and home except baked beans, bread and strawberry jam.

8 Lest yachting purists object that North Haven dinghys were only 14 feet long, I insist that mine, the Leda, was by exception a 16-footer, having been especially built for a grandson of Bishop Doane.

9 An amusing episode was that of the Frick estate. Henry Frick, the Pittsburgh steel tycoon, wanted shore-front at Beverly, on which to build a palace. No shore land was then (c. 1904) for sale. A local realtor sold him a lot without waterfront, cut off from Plum Cove beach by the Loring property, on the ground that the Lorings were an impoverished old family who would be only too glad to sell out. The Lorings courteously offered Mr. Frick the privilege of a bathing house on their beach and the right to run a pipe down for salt water; but that was not what Mr. Frick wanted. The realtor then suggested that, since Bartletts Island was the apple of Mr. Loring’s eye, Mr. Frick authorize him to buy up the rest of the island, after which they could make a deal for the Plum Cove beach. Mr. Frick did then buy up the rest of Bartletts, greatly to the delight of the natives; but when it came to making a deal, Mr. Loring laughed and said he’d sell his part of Bartletts to Mr. Frick, but not a foot of the beach at Pride’s.

10 R. E. Bowen to S. E. M., Galveston, 20 February 1952.

11 Printed in The New England Quarterly, xxvii (1954), 53–74.

12 “Brian Harrison, Mariner, and Elizabeth Harris, widow of William Harris, Mariner, late of St. Marys, White Chapel, 18 Feb. 1620.” Chester’s Marriage Registers, edit. Joseph Foster.

13 “3 Dec. 1626. Peter Whare and Mary Bourne.” Marriage Reg. of St. John’s, Wapping.

14 “22 July 1628. Peter Whare.” Burial Reg. of St. John’s, Wapping.

15 “22 Sept. 1630. Mary, wife of Peter Whare.” Burial Reg. of St. John’s, Wapping.

16 “6 Dec. 1618, Ruth, dau. of Robert Bourne and Mary.” Baptismal Reg. of St. John’s.

17 “14 Nov. 1620, John, son of Robert Bourne & Mary.” Wapping.

18 There are no Trinity House records prior to 1660, and this date is taken from a reference in the State Papers.

19 Except that Parnell Gray married William Parker, a merchant in London: “5 Aug. 1622, William Parker of St. Peter’s, Cornhill, London, and Parnell Gray of this hamlet, singlewoman (Mar. Reg. of St. John’s, Waffing).” He died before 1626, and she married, secondly, I. Nowell, merchant, a prominent settler in Massachusetts, who went out in Governor Winthrop’s fleet in 1630, and settled at Charlestown.

20 His name appears in a list of the Younger Brethren of Trinity House, dated 1628, which is amongst the State Papers in the Public Record Office. The family of Bence were prominent in the affairs of Aldeborough for several generations.

21 Squire was a family name and had formerly been spelt Squeir.

22 Except to add that his second daughter, Judith, baptized at Wapping 14 September 1624, married Stephen Winthrop (born March, 1619), son of Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts.

23 “24 June 1635, Thomas Coytmore and Martha Rainborowe, both of this hamlet.” Mar. Reg. of St. John’s, Wapping.

24 “A daughter, Elizabeth, baptised 3 Feb. 1622, was buried at Wapping on 21 Sept. 1625”.

25 Limehouse at this time being a part of the extensive Parish of Stepney.

26 Although the Mayflower was said to have been the ship of Plymouth Pilgrims, eight years before. (Winthrop’s Journal), J. K. Hosmer, 1908.

27 The Stepney Parish Registers contain some dozens of entries concerning the Graves family, nearly all of whom are described as Shipwrights or Mariners.

28 William Adams (d. 1620), the first European to land in Japan (1600), records that at the age of twelve he began his seafaring life, being apprenticed to Nicholas Diggins, of Limehouse, with whom he remained for twelve years.

29 The parish Register of St. Nicholas, Deptford, records that he commanded a ship against the Spanish Armada in 1588, and was a brother of Sir John Hawkins.

30 The length of both is given as 116 feet, but the beam of the Speaker 34–5 as against 35 feet for the Fairfax. Their tonnage is shown as 727 and 745 respectively. Their armament varied from time to time from 50 to 62 guns.

31 Assistance had been built with the Fairfax, at Deptford; her dimensions were 102 feet by 31 feet, and tonnage 521. When first commissioned she carried 36 guns, and had a crew of 150. Her armament subsequently varied between 40 and 50 guns. She long survived and was rebuilt in 1699.

32 Some of the records and regalia were returned to Scotland a few years later, others were lost at sea after the Restoration.

33 It would appear that Penn was in command of the Triumph in Bourne’s squadron and serving under him in the engagement of the 19th, as the order of the Council of State of the same day was received by Blake, then lying in the Downs, who, on the 21st sent Penn his warrant to “wear a flag on the foretop of the ship Triumph under your charge.”

34 This refers to Captain William Badiley, of whom further mention will be made. His brother, Captain Richard Badiley, was then in command of a squadron in the Mediterranean.

35 In the original recommendation from the Admiralty Committee the space for the first of the three names was left blank, for the Council of State to fill in. Although Willoughby was named, he had, in fact, already been appointed (10 October. Cal. State Papers Dom. 1652).

36 A sailing barge.

37 The letter does not mention that Bartholomew Bourne, later referred to, who was lieutenant in the Assistance, had been killed in the same action.

38 Raveled=Tangled, confused or involved; having no basis or foundation.

39 Rude=superficial.

40 In one of the lists of ships and their commanders, in The First Dutch War (Navy Record Society), he is incorrectly entered as William Graves, but elsewhere as Thomas, or just Captain Graves. In the index he appears as William, query Thomas.

41 Colchester and Romford are on the main road from Harwich to London; the main road to the eastern counties crossed the River Lea at Bow Bridge.

42 Rolling Ground=at the entrance to Harwich Harbor, formerly much used as an anchorage.

43 Flute=A type of vessel variously described as a storeship, naval transport, or partially armed vessel; probably the kind frequently used as privateers. A buss was a two- or three-masted vessel of varying size, used especially in the Dutch herring fishery.

44 Referred to as a cousin, in the will of his brother, John Bourne.

45 A protection against impressment for service in the state’s ships.

46 Possibly the site of the present New Crane Wharf, Wapping.

47 Hoseley Bay—Hollesley Bay, between Woodbridge Haven and Orfordness; it was much used as a man-of-war anchorage for upwards of a hundred years, and long afterwards by colliers sheltering from northerly winds.

48 In May, 1660, George Fox, a founder of the Society of Friends, visited Harwich and there was so much disturbance caused by his preaching that the mayor and justice committed him and his local supporter, Robert Grassingham, to prison. They were taken to London and detained as prisoners until after the House rose at the end of August.

49 Alexander Bence, sometime M.P. for Aldeborough, a prominent merchant and a supporter of the Parliamentary cause. He was afterwards Master of the Trinity House, in 1659–1660, and continued his membership of the House after the Restoration, and until his death in 1662.

50 Piscataqua, near Portsmouth Harbor, New Hampshire.

51 Bermuda.

52 There is a list of the Elder and Young Brethren of the Trinity House in the year 1628 amongst the State Papers in the Public Record Office.

53 Appleton’s Cyclopedia of American Biography, and copied into the Dictionary of American Biography.

54 Herbert Pelham went to New England in 1635, and later had a plantation near Sudbury, Mass. In October, 1643, he was chosen Treasurer of Harvard College, but later returned to England, where he died in July, 1673.

55 “Ordinary”—formerly a meal regularly provided at a fixed price in a tavern or eating-house; also applied to a tavern where meals were provided at a fixed price, or to a dining room in such a building. In Virginia, in the eighteenth century, it referred to a tavern or inn of any kind.

56 The first mention of the Pewter Platter is in the year 1531.

57 He was, however, in Grimsby Roads, in the Assistance on 18 June, and requesting the services of a pilot to take him up to Hull for provisions. (First Order Book of the Trinity House, Hull. Yorkshire Archaeological Society, 1942.)

58 Renamed after the Restoration the Royal James, and burned by the Dutch in 1667 during the Second Dutch War.

59 In a printed list of inscriptions on the tombs in Bunhill Fields Burial Ground compiled for the Report of the Committee to the Court of Common Council in 1866. However, in the Burial Ground—heavily bombed in the Second Great War—no monument any longer marks the burial place of the Bourne family.

60 Epsom, Co. Surrey.

61 Chester’s London Marriage Licences.

62 In December, 1662, his name was mentioned (as a safe man) in connection with a plot to kill the King.

63 E.g., W. P. Trent, American Literature (New York, 1903).

64 G. M. Trevelyan, Illustrated. English Social History, 11 (1950); T. J. Wertenbaker, Patrician and Plebeian in Virginia (Charlottesville, 1910); S. E. Morison, The Puritan Pronaos (New York, 1936).

65 Diary, III. 31.

66 See J. S. Bassett, The Writings of Colonel William Byrd (New York, 1901). R. C. Beatty, William Byrd of Westover (Boston, 1932). The Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover (1709–1712), edited by L. B. Wright and Marion Tinling (Richmond, 1941). Another Secret Diary (1739–1741), edited by Woodfin and Tinling (Richmond, 1942). Since this paper was given Dr. Wright and Miss Tinling have edited Byrd’s The London Diary (1717–1721) and Other Writings (New York, 1958). Letters of William Byrd, II, in Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, October, 1901–January, 1902.

Diary of Samuel Sewall, three volumes, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society—Fifth Series, v, vi, and vii. Sewall’s Letter-Book, ibid., Sixth Series, I and II. See also J. L. Sibley, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University (Cambridge, 1881), II. 345–364.

See also, for both Byrd and Sewall, articles in the Dictionary of American Biography.

67 T. J. Wertenbaker, Virginia under the Stuarts (Princeton, 1914), 73. Livy, I. 54 (The Tarquins and Gabii); Herodotus, v. 92 (Thrasybulus to Periander). Zoltán Haraszti, John Adams and the Prophets of Progress (Cambridge, 1952), 178.

68 Wertenbaker, Torch-Bearer of the Revolution (Oxford University Press, 1940), 40, 60, 180, etc. Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, passim.

69 Martha W. Hiden, “Latin in Colonial Virginia,” The Classical Weekly, XXII (1928), no. 6, 41–45.

70 Edited by L. B. Wright (Chapel Hill, 1947). See pages 54, 98, 159, 180, 189, 229, 271, 292, 310.

71 Howard M. Jones, “The Literature of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century,” Memoirs of American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1946. See also L. B. Wright, “The Classical Tradition in Colonial Virginia,” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, xxxiii (1939), 85–97.

72 Of Plymouth Plantation 1620–1647, edited by S. E. Morison (New York, 1952). See especially pages 18, 23, 61 (Seneca, Epistle 53), 110, 120, 144, 206, 325.

73 Byrd, Secret Diary, 171; ibid., 414, 409. Sewall, Diary, II. 42 and 55.

74 Juvenal, Satires, vi. 165.

75 Sewall, Diary, II. 37; III. 379. See also, for a rebuke to an overindulgent minister, ibid., II. 267 (6 Nov. 1709).

76 Saltus Saliaris, named from the Salii, the leaping priests of Mars.

77 Horace, Epistles, I. 1, 74. For these items, see Diary, II. 305; Letter-Book, I. 323; I. 110; I. 150.

78 Diary, I. 21; I. 12; I. 25, etc.

79 Lètter-Book II. 104 (1 Feb. 1720).

80 Metamorphoses, iv. 428.

81 Diary, II. 96. “The last to leave his post in the heavens,” Metamorphoses, II. 115.

82 Letter-Book, I. 17, written at Newbury, then his home, quoting the beginning of Ovid’s Tristia. (This work is translated by A. L. Wheeler, in the Loeb Classical Library.)

83 Letter-Book, I. 372. Metamorphoses, xv. 158–159 (translated by F. J. Miller, in the Loeb Classical Library).

84 Tristia, II. 279–280.

85 Letter-Book, II. 35 (4 Oct. 1714); Horace, Odes, I. 4, 13. For the same phrase, see ibid., II. 86–87 (2 Jan.1718).

86 Letter-Book, I. 263; Terence, Andria, III. 3, 23.

87 Diary, II. 242 (15 Nov. 1708); Vergil, Aeneid, III. 56.

88 Ibid., II. 191 (4 July 1707); Vergil, Eclogues, III. 111.

89 Diary, II. 136 (24 Aug. 1705). Partially reminiscent of Horace, Ars Poetica, 394 and the building of Thebes by Amphion. Solymae is Jerusalem. The Latin word is usually treated as a neuter plural with singular meaning.

90 Diary, I. 238. Did S. mean Chapter IV, verses 5, 6, and 7?

91 See N. H. Chamberlain, Samuel Sewall and the World he lived in (Boston, 1897), 188. Diary, II. 58 (II June 1702).

92 Free speech was evidently tolerated; for Gee became college librarian in 1721; and Sewall later offered prayer at his funeral. Diary, III. 258. See C. K. Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, vi. 176.

93 Letter-Book, I. 90 (26 Oct. 1688).

94 Ibid., I. 163. The correct form for a Master’s thesis.

95 Diary, I. 450, 475 (27 Mar. 1697 and 16 Mar. 1698). The full title was Phaenomena Quaedam Apocalyptica ad Aspectum Novi Orbis Configurata, or, Some Few Lines Towards a Description of the New Heaven as it makes to Those Who Stand upon the New Earth.

96 Letter-Book, I. 193 (3 Mar. 1698). This refers to the famous case of Caecilianus, who was made Bishop of Carthage in opposition to the Donatists. He was backed by the Synod of Arles, a.d. 314.

97 Letter-Book, I. 196–199 (12 April 1698).

98 Diary, II. 19 (10 July 1700). The authorities were adamant: Mather must give up either his Boston pulpit or his college presidency.

99 W. K. Boyd, William Byrd’s Histories of the Dividing Line (Raleigh, N. C., 1929). The third version, finished in 1738, was first published at Petersburg, Virginia, in 1841. Incidentally, it might be noted that the final version contains almost entirely classical allusions; there are a few exceptions, such as the horse of Hudibras (p. 119), and the Paradise of Mahomet (p. 143).

100 From Lucian (a special favorite of Byrd’s), On The Syrian Goddess, 8. The river Adonis, flowing from Libanus, at Byblos turns by sympathetic magic a red color in pity for the wounding and death of Adonis, although an old inhabitant told Lucian that it was soil blown by the wind at a certain season. This river is also mentioned by Strabo, 755. It may be the modern river Nahr-Ibrahim.

101 For the location of these passages in the Dividing Line, see J. S. Bassett, op. cit., 47, 60, 49, 43, 53, 31, 67, 96, 106, 134, 120, 130, 161, 160, 247, 37, 334, 177, 207, 219, 183, 230, 254, etc.

102 Secret Diary, 10 Nov. 1709.

103 Book 41, ch. 21.

104 Other works of Sewall include The Selling of Joseph (against the slave trade), and certain brief communications dealing with Indian problems, paper money, doctrinal matters, and support of political independence for Massachusetts. Byrd maintained an extensive correspondence with the British Government authorities and, in addition to his reports on his explorations, wrote memoranda on the natural history of Virginia which furnished material of interest to possible settlers.

105 From the Satyricon, III. (Page 229, Loeb Classical Library, translated by M. Heseltine.)

106 See H. Rackham, Pliny the Elder, Natural History, x. 43 (III. 345, Loeb Classical Library). For all these passages from Byrd’s notebooks, see Another Secret Diary, Part II. 191–475. Here we find allusions to Homer, Lucian, Herodian, Sallust, Apollonius, Athenaeus, and many others, offhand as usual and not documented. It is impossible in most cases to determine the time and place of the particular letter or “character.”

107 Another Secret Diary, 332. (The δαιμών of Socrates).

108 Epigrams, I. 16.

109 Another Secret Diary, 386, translated by Professor W. H. Harris, of the University of Richmond.

110 To Zenobia, Another Secret Diary, 261, 283.

111 Letter-Book, I. 293 (24 Feb. 1704).

112 Diary, II. 311 (16 May 1711).

113 Diary, II. 369 (20 Dec. 1712). For Larnell’s pathetic story, see C. K. Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, vi.

114 Letter-Book, I. 245 (18 Oct. 1700).

115 Letter-Book, II. 178.

116 For example, E. Eggleston, The Beginners of a Nation (1896); Edward Arber, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 1606–1623 A.D., as told by Themselves, Their Friends, and Their Enemies (London, 1897); H. M. and M. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims (Boston, 1905); J. A. Goodwin, The Pilgrim Republic (1920); C. E. Banks, The English Ancestry and Homes of the Pilgrim Fathers (1930).

117 The Dexters, op. cit., p. 236, n. 1, knew of its existence but made no use of it. Rev. John Raine, The History and Antiquities of the Parish of Blyth (Westminster, 1860), translated the record of the April session of 1621 for inclusion in his book, 125–126. His translation is not accurate at all points (there is even a mistake in the date) and some of his explanatory notes are misleading.

118 To those whose interest in the Scrooby country is genealogical it will be well to say at once that not one of the family names on the passenger lists of the Mayflower, Fortune, Anne and Little James is to be found in the first volume (1621–1630) of the court roll of Scrooby manor, where an even hundred different names are recorded. Tracing the ancestry of the Pilgrim Fathers has always been beset with difficulties. These have been attributed to the circumstance that most of the Pilgrims were “plain farmers,” and came from “the cottages, not from the manor houses of England.” Scholars have long been of the opinion that very few of the early settlers of Plymouth Colony came from the Scrooby area, and the complete absence of Pilgrim names from the rolls of the manor court supports this view. “A considerable examination of parish records in the neighborhood of Scrooby has proved singularly barren of results,” Dexter, op. cit., 379.

119 “Genesis of the Massachusetts Town,” 2 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 250.

120 A History of the United States, I. 426.

121 C. M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History, I. 256.

122 Dictionary of American Biography, art. by R. G. Usher.

123 Dexter, op. cit., 216–218. The medieval documentation on Scrooby is not very extensive, despite the length of the account in Dexter. For example, there is no extent of the manor, of any period. The Dexters do seem to have missed a reference to Scrooby in the Hundred Rolls, Rot. Hund., II. 26.

124 LeNeve, The Lives and Character . . . of all the Protestant Bishops of the Church of England since the Reformation (London, 1720), Pt. II, 61.

125 Dexter, op. cit., 231, n. I, where the lease is quoted in full.

126 Cal. State Papers Domestic, 1603–1610, 33.

127 E.g. Sheppard, Court Keeper’s Guide, chap. 7, par. 3. Cited by E. P. Cheyney, A History of England, I. 397.

128 Statutes at Large, II. 339–340. James 1 c. 5.

129 S. and B. Webb, English Local Government from the Revolution to the Municipal Corporation Act, I (The Manor and the Borough), 124.

130 Channing, 2 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii. 262.

131 The record for 1621–1630 covers twenty-nine sheets of paper, 18 x 12, written on both sides. The book has no cover and the first page is faded and torn. Seven other paper books are for 1659–1676, 1676–1715, 1742–1773, 1774–1817, 1818–1850, 1851–1892, and 1892–1927, respectively.

Ranskill was a village of about 1, 300 acres, whose tenants did suit of court at Scrooby, nearby.

132 The names of William Hyde and William Bradley have been crossed out.

133 A line is drawn through this name.

134 A line is drawn through this name.

135 To save space the names of the constable, chief pledges, ale-tasters and jurors are omitted; also, the essoins of free tenants, residents, and customary tenants. The presentments of the jurors follow.

136 Omissions as above.

137 There were but two items of interest at this view.

138 It is not usual for a jury to be impaneled at a manor court. Their presentments were entered upon the roll in English.

139 All entries are omitted except the presentments of the jury.

140 Omissions as above.

141 Omissions as above.

142 “and dikes” is crossed out.

143 See the bibliography in S. and B. Webb, op. cit., i. 26, n. 1.

144 H. B. Simpson, “The Office of Constable,” Eng. Hist. Rev., x. 627.

145 For a list of the pertinent statutes see W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, IV. 125, n. 1.

146 Ibid., IV. 125 and n. 5. Cheyney quotes a form of oath that had become current c. 1600. This lists the constable’s duties quite fully. Op. cit., II. 404. The General Court of the Mass. Bay Colony defined the duties of a constable in 1634 and still more fully in 1658, the latter statement extending to 26 descriptive clauses.

147 For an interesting example of a constable’s account for the years 1635–1649, in the town of Stathern, Leicestershire, see Archaeological Journal, lxix. 125 ff.

148 Robert Lowe, chosen in April, 1622.

149 Hist. MSS. Com., Various Collections, i. 89.

150 Cited by Webb, op. cit., 117, n. 3.

151 William Lambard, The Duties of Constables, Borsholders, Tithingmen, and such other towne and lay Ministers of the Peace. Cited by Cheyney, op. cit., ii. 398.

152 Webb, op. cit.

153 Some manor courts continued to fix prices well into Tudor times. E.g., Nettleton, Lincolnshire, 1563. Br. Mus. Add. Ch. 15022.

154 Quarter Sessions Records (in MS.), ii. 30–32. The Statute directs that ale and beer shall be sold at “such prices and rates as shall be thought convenient and sufficient by discretion of the justices of the peace within every shire where such beer-brewer and ale-brewer shall dwell,” except in City borough or town corporate. Statutes at Large, i. 733–734.

155 Derbyshire Arch. and, Natural Hist. Soc., xx. 112.

156 At Stevenage, Hertfordshire, P. R. O. Ecc. Com. 211/46; and at Whitchurch, Hampshire, Br. Mus. Add. Ch. 44583.

157 W. O. Ault, “Some Early Village By-Laws,” Eng. Hist. Rev., xlv. 208–231.

158 Webb, op. cit., 77–78.

159 Manor Court of Ramsey in Huntingdonshire. Fenland Notes and Queries, VIII. 635.

160 Manor Court of Brightwaltham, Berkshire, P. R. O. Court Rolls, 153/73, m. 20.

161 Statutes at Large, II. 120.

162 P. R. O., Court Rolls of the Ecc. Com., 62/2, m. 12, 30, and 39d.

163 34 and 35 Henry VIII, c. 3, 7 Edw. VI, c. 7; 43 Eliz. c. 14.

164 Edingley, Nottinghamshire, P. R. O. Ct. Rolls, Ecc. Com., 62/2, m. 39d.; Scotter, Lincolnshire, Archaeologia, XLVI. 384.

165 Archaeologia, loc. cit.; Fenland Notes and Queries, viii. 355–356.

166 Rolls of Cressingham, 85.

167 Cf. P. Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor, 169–170.

168 At Salem a stint was established in 1680. A. B. Maclear, op. cit., 92. For a good example of an English stint see the roll of the manor court of Winterbourn Stoke (1574). Wilts. Agric. and Natural Hist. Soc., xxxiv. 211. A complete set of bylaws for the regulation of pasture rights may be found in the court roll of Tackley (1631). Oxf. Arch. Soc., Report for 1911, 66–67.

169 Scotter, 1578. Archaeologia, xlvi. 384.

170 Ealing, Middlesex Co. P.R. 0. Court Rolls, Ecc. Com., 205/ 10, m. 1.

171 John Harland, Manchester Court Leet Records, Chatham Society, lxiii. viii.

172 Plymouth Colony Records, XI. 15, 27.

173 W. S. Holdsworth, A History of English Law, VII. 300.

174 Holdsworth, op. cit., 298.

175 See the account of Winthrop by Professor S. E. Morison in Clifford K. Shipton, Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, iv, 1690–1700 (Cambridge, 1933), 535–549.

176 His son, John Still Winthrop, joined him in London after graduating from Yale in 1737

177 Sloane Mss. 4062, fol. 30 (British Museum, London). The list is inscribed at the bottom, “The Honourable Sr Hans Sloane Baronet from Mr. Winthrop.” As this document is not dated, the chronological reconstruction above is by the author.

178 The first word of this line is illegible. “Tantiusques” as used here, as well as in the fifth item of this list (above) and elsewhere in this account, refers to the site of the lead mine presented by the Massachusetts General Court to John Winthrop, Jr., in 1644. It was also the early name of Sturbridge, Massachusetts, within the present bounds of which the Winthrop family mine was located—in the southern part, about a mile from the Connecticut boundary. See George H. Haynes, “The Tale of Tantiusques’: An Early Mining Venture In Massachusetts.” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s. xvi. 471–497 (Oct., 1901).

179 Part of first word is illegible.

180 Full title: A Voyage to the Islands of Madera, Barbadoes, Nieves, St. Christopher’s and Jamaica, with the Natural History of the Last (2 vols., London, 1707, 1725).

181 Sloane Mss. 4062, fol. 29. The letter bears neither place nor date, save “. . . sday Night.” The portions printed in square brackets are reconstructions, as the manuscript is much defaced.

182 Journal Book, xiv. 40–41. This and other manuscripts belonging to the Royal Society in the Society’s Library in Burlington House, London, are quoted with the permission of the President and Council of the Royal Society. The Journal-Book did not record, as it usually did, the name of Winthrop’s host. If, as I suspect, it was Sir Hans Sloane, the latter had already been Secretary of the Society for several years before he retired in 1712, was almost perennially a member of the Council from about 1700, and was soon to succeed Sir Isaac Newton as President of the Society.

183 Journal-Book, xiv. 40.

184 Ibid., xiv. 40–41.

185 Ibid., xv. 355. The minutes merely state “Dr. Stuart.” It might have been either Dr. Charles or Dr. Alexander Stuart, as both were Fellows of the Society at the time. I assume that it was Dr. Alexander because a few weeks later he signed the certificate recommending Winthrop for membership.

186 For a survey of the rules governing membership in the Royal Society, see my “Colonial Fellows of The Royal Society of London, 1661–1788,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, VIII, No. 2, 178–189 ff.

187 This seems most unlikely, and I have found no other evidence to support the contention. Perhaps Winthrop spoke of his grandfather’s role in the issuing of the Connecticut Charter of 1662 and the Royal Society writers became confused.

188 The communications and contributions of John Winthrop, Jr., Governor of Connecticut, to the Royal Society are in Mass. Hist. Society, Proceedings, 1st Ser., xvi. 211–251; Thomas Birch, The Works of the Honourable Robert Boyle (5 vols., London, 1744), ii. 418–421, 473–474; and Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London . . . (4 vols., London, 1756–1757), i. 67 ff.

189 Certificates, 1731–1750, fol. 54 (Mss. in Royal Society Library).

190 Journal-Book, xv. 410, 413.

191 Sloane Mss. 1968, fol. 58.

192 Philosophical Transactions, XL (London, 1741), “Dedication” (to John Winthrop).

193 Journal-Book, xv. 459–487. The original copy of the catalogue appears to have been lost. Cf. the Original Minutes of the Royal Society, x. 147–148, and the “fair Copy” made by the Secretaries for general reference, i.e., the reference cited at the beginning of this note. The “most interesting portions” of this list was copied by the Assistant Secretary of the Royal Society for the Hon. Edward Everett at the instance of Robert Winthrop of Boston and published in The American Journal of Science and Arts, xlvii, No. 2, 282–290 (New Haven, 1844). Actually, however, the list published omits more than two hundred of the items and there are errors in the transcriptions of Nos. 41, 46, 109, 143, 225, and 280.

194 Nos. 107–113 may have been mica schist, like the famous scythestones and whetstones of Pike, N. H., which are quartz mica schist.

195 “Granates” here and elsewhere (Nos. 231–232) almost certainly mean “garnets.”

196 “Alumen plumosum” is false asbestos. See Johann Samuel Schröter, Real- und Verbal-Lexikon Lithologisches . . . (8 vols. Berlin and Frankfurt-A.M., 1772–1788), i. 36; ii. 136 ff.

197 Nos. 160–164 refer to biotite (mica).

198 Probably not talcs in every case.

199 Most of these “spars” are probably feldspar.

200 Ludus Helmontii, or “Helmont’s Amusement,” the stone of extraordinary qualities which intrigued Jan van Helmont. See Élie Bertrand, Dictionnaire Universel des Fossiles . . . (2 vols. La Haye, 1763), i. 284, for a succinct account of its medical virtues.

201 What is this American bezoar? Traditionally, bezoars were found in animals or birds, the best from mountain goats. Powdered, they were considered an antidote for poisons and once were considered a specific for the plague. See Frank Dawson Adams, The Birth and Development of the Geological Sciences (London, 1938), 104–112.

202 From southern New Hampshire? Cf. Theodore Ralph Meyers, New Hampshire Minerals and Mines . . . (Concord, N. H., 1941), 6–9.

203 Part of these must have been graphite.

204 According to the minutes, Winthrop’s part in the meetings of the Society were as follows: On 20 June 1734 he remarked that rattlesnakes were more venomous in some seasons than in others and that the horns of deer of the same species are not always identical in form; on 10 November 1737 he signed a certificate recommending Captain William Walker as Fellow; on 2 November 1738 he brought one Mr. Robinson as a guest to the meeting of the Society; and on 7 January 1741/42 he showed the Society the skin of a ground squirrel, “an Ossification of the Aspera Arteris of a Duck,” and a lump of black ore from Tantiusques which, he contended, proved that New England had ore richer in silver than that of Potosi!—Journal-Book, xv. 449–450; xvii. 296; xviii. 312; Certificates, 1731–1750, fol. 139.

205 Journal-Book, xv. 454 n.

206 Council Minutes, iii. 167–168. The Bond was required of all Fellows who resided in London as a guarantee of payment of “weekly Contributions” levied for support of the Society’s experiments and other activities. See my “Colonial Fellows of the Royal Society of London, 1661–1788,” op. cit., 183–189.

207 Philosophical Transactions, xl, for the years 1737, 1738 (London, 1741), “Dedication,” unpaged.

208 The boxes were received by the Society on 10 February 1669/70. They contained something more than fifty specimens which were listed in detail in the Journal-Book, IV. 112–117. This list includes items almost entirely duplicated in the larger collection of 1734—the dwarf oaks and their acorns, the Indian Wampum, the walnuts and hazelnuts, the bayberry wax, the shellfishes, and the ores. Many of these items are also listed in the official catalogue of the Royal Society’s museum published in 1681. See Nehemiah Grew, Musaeum Regalis Societatis, Or A Catalogue & Description & the Natural and Artificial Rarities Belonging to the Royal Society and Preserved at Gresham Colledge . . . (London, 1681), passim.

209 Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London . . . (4 vols. London, 1756–1757), i. 67 ff. Governor Winthrop’s largest single gift was that of 1669 mentioned above.

210 Grew, Musaeum Regalis Societatis, 205–206, 208, 346. Governor Winthrop was listed among the contributors to the Society at the end of the volume (unpaged).

211 C. R. Weld, A History of the Royal Society . . . (2 vols. London, 1848), ii. 125.

212 Charles Hatchett, “An Analysis of a mineral Substance from North America, Containing a Metal hitherto unknown,” Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 1802, xcii. pt. 1, 49.

213 Loc. cit., 290 n.

214 Information supplied to the author by Miss J. M. Sweet, Department of Mineralogy, British Museum (Natural History), London, England. Letter of 18 March 1957. Used with permission of Miss Sweet.

215 F. S. M. Crofut, Guide to the History of the Historic Sites of Connecticut (2 vols. New Haven, 1937), ii. 721–738, 950.

216 I am much indebted to my friend and colleague, Professor George W. White, Head of the Department of Geology at the University of Illinois and a close student of the history of early American geology, for this and many other observations regarding Winthrop’s lists.

217 See Adams, The Birth and Development of the Geological Sciences, 29, 98–102. Nehemiah Grew referred to eagle-stones as having been “named from a vulgar opinion.” Musaeum Regalis Societatis, 297.

218 By 1959 Mrs. Howland had completed her promised gift of $100,000 to the Society. As expenses of restoration and furnishing were met from current income and from the gifts of members and friends, the $100,000 is held as a fund (principal and income unrestricted), the income of which meets the normal operating costs of the house.

219 For an annotated biographical sketch of the merchant and an extensive analysis of his Will, see William and Mary Quarterly, third series, vii (1950), 568–587.

220 Unless otherwise noted, all quotations are from the text of the Will that follows.

221 Records of the First Church of Boston (copy in Massachusetts Historical Society), 12, 14.

222 N. B. Shurtleff, ed., Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England (Boston, 1853–1854), iii. 278.

223 Based on a comparison of the text in the tenth Report and the handwritten copy in the first volume of the Suffolk County Probate Records (1892).

224 Keayne had become a member of the Honourable Artillery Company of London in 1623, and had been a founder and the first captain of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts. G. Goold Walker, The Honourable Artillery Company [of London] (London, 1926), 42–43; Oliver A. Roberts, History of the . . . Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts (Boston, 1895–1901), i. 1–21.

225 The complicated history of the Keayne family estate up to the death of the merchant’s granddaughter in 1704 has been sketched by Edmund S. Morgan in “A Boston Heiress and Her Husbands: A True Story,” these Publications, xxxiv. 499–513.

226 For a description of this particular property and an account of its subsequent history, see Mellen Chamberlain, Documentary History of Chelsea (Boston, 1908), chaps, xix-xxi.

227 The proper spelling of seventeenth-century names is often a puzzle as there was little consistency in usage. Hannah, Anna, and Anne were used almost interchangeably. Since Keayne himself was more or less consistent in calling his wife Anne and his granddaughter Hannah (though the latter herself apparently preferred Anna) I shall follow his preference.

228 The provisions that follow led to the construction of Boston’s first town house; the conduit project was less successful. See Josiah H. Benton, The Story of the Old Boston Town House 1658–1711 (Boston, 1908).

229 I.e., the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

230 The early results of Keayne’s benefaction to Harvard may be conveniently traced in the Harvard College Records (these Publications, xv, xvi). The income from the bequest is still being paid towards beneficiary aid to “the godliest and most hopefulest of the poorer sort of scholars.” See, Official Register of Harvard University, liii, no. 18 (September, 1956), 8.

231 Benjamin Keayne married Sarah, daughter of Governor Thomas Dudley. It soon developed that she was given to certain excessive enthusiasms. She was banished from the First Church on 24 October 1647, not only for “irregular prophecying,” but also for “falling into odious, lewd, and scandalous unclean behavior with one Nicholas Hart, an excommunicated person of Taunton.” The Records of the First Church of Boston (These Publications, xxxix), 49. For other details, see Suffolk Deeds (Boston, 1880–1906), i. 83, 84.

232 Keayne’s concern about his granddaughter’s romantic disposition and his repeated insistence that her judgment be checked by wiser heads were only too well taken. For the fantastic story of her marriages, see Morgan, “A Boston Heiress,” these Publications, xxxiv. 499–513.

233 I.e., wampum.

234 Keayne’s repeated insistence that he was not giving away more than he comfortably could was in vain. He substantially overestimated his estate. It was officially appraised at his death in 1656 at £2569 19s. 3d., a sum insufficient to cover his bequests. Suffolk County Probate Records, III. 160–173; Morgan, “A Boston Heiress,” 503–504.

235 Printed in the Essex Institute Historical Collections, xcii (1956), 265–278.

236 This paper, supplemented by the bibliography that follows it, was preprinted by the Society in 1959 and was distributed as the third of the Studies in the History of Calligraphy of the Harvard College Library, Cambridge, and the Newberry Library, Chicago. Although this volume bears the imprint of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts on the title page, copies were available only from the two libraries, which bore the expense of the preprinting.

237 E. M. Thompson, An Introduction to Greek and Latin Paleography (Oxford, 1912), 555. He is here discussing the English secretary especially. Even the informal later medieval northern scripts tended to be solid, angular and heavy.

238 R. Nash, ed., An Account of Calligraphy & Printing in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1940), 9. In the Flemish text it is called loopende.

239 For an understanding of the cancellaresca in all phases of its Italian sixteenth-century development, the well-illustrated studies by James Wardrop are essential: see Signature, no. 12, 1939 (Arrighi); new series nos. 2, 1946 (P. Sallando and G. Pagliarlo);, 1948 (Ruano and Cresci); 8, 1949 (Tagliente); 14, 1952 (Palatino), pending publication of his forthcoming book. John Howard Benson’s notes to his English facsimile edition of Arrighi’s copybook, The First Writing Book (New Haven, 1954), are also important, as are recent publications of the English calligrapher Alfred Fairbank, A Handwriting Manual (London, revised edition, 1954), and his A Book of Scripts, 1949, which offers a broad prospect in Penguin compass, with sixty-four pages of plates to serve as an “anthology of calligraphy.”

240 On falling into Maria’s trap, Malvolio delivers the familiar line, “I think we do know the sweet Roman hand” (Twelfth Night, III. iv). Katharine’s reference to A Booke Containing Divers Sortes of hands is in Loves Labours Lost, v. ii, 42. On this see George a. Plimpton, Education of Shakespeare (London and New York, 1933); also T. W. Baldwin, William Shakespere’s Petty School (Urbana, 1943). The Bard’s handwriting is discussed and illustrated by E. M. Thompson, Shakespeare’s Handwriting (Oxford, 1916), and the point in question by s. a. Tannenbaum, Shakespeare and “Sir Thomas Moore” (New York, 1929).

241 The general authority for the biographies of British writing masters and the bibliography of their published works, up to the year 1800, is Sir Ambrose Heal’s monumental English Writing-Masters and their Copy-books (Cambridge [Eng.], 1931). It contains a valuable historical introduction by Stanley Morison; also the abundant collotype reproductions of copybooks are important for the background of colonial American handwriting development.

Penmen from the Lowlands frequented England and their works were published in British copybook collections—such masters as Jan van den Velde were celebrated by generations of English writing masters. The compliment was returned, too; most notably by the Fleming Jodocus Hondius who, after spending the previous decade across the Channel, published his Theatrum Artis Scribendi (Amsterdam, 1594), for which he engraved the work of two English penmen.

242 Bradford’s manuscript is on exhibit at the Massachusetts State Library, Boston. The published editions of it contain reproductions; a dozen lines in halftone (from the page preserving the “Mayflower Compact”) appear in an article by the present author, “The Handwriting of the Founding Fathers,” in Manuscripts, vii. iv (Summer, 1955).

243 See the two pages reproduced, facing pages 114 and 116, from an odd leaf bound out of place in an old record book at the probate court, Charleston, in A. H. Hirsch’s The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina (Durham, 1928).

244 See Wardrop, “The Vatican Scriptors,” Signature, n.s. no. 5, fig. 5, for a fine collotype reproduction of Cresci’s epistolary hand.

245 Charles K. Bolton was one of the few American antiquarians to study this subject. In “Colonial Handwriting,” The Essex Antiquarian, I. 11 (November, 1897), he wrote:

“Some of the early handwriting shows a lack of training which is to be expected in an agricultural community like that in the New England of the seventeenth century. The callous hand was not always under control. A quaintness, too, was given to the page by the spelling which at best allowed some liberty to follow one’s own taste, originality and manner of pronunciation. A man who spelled ‘son’ with a double ‘o’ would now be writing his death warrant.

“But there are certain forms characteristic of the writing of our emigrant ancestors which were due neither to paper, pen nor lack of training. These are after all few, but they appear with sufficient frequency to puzzle one unfamiliar with the subject. They may be traced in part to the teaching of the schoolmaster and in part to the printed forms of letters.”

246 But see plate IIIb. Also infra see bibliographies of the Collins edition of the Instructor (Burlington, 1775), and its reissue by Crukshank (Philadelphia, 1787), copying plates and text from the English edition; its secretary hand is an anachronism.

247 Foster Watson’s article “Writing,” A Cyclopedia of Education (New York, 1913), summarizes the background of instruction in penmanship.

248 In many old writing books the copy line set by the master is in an exemplary hand, easily distinguishable from the pupil’s, and sometimes set off by different-colored ink. However, as many others at least show that the learner was working from printed copies. The small oblong books of “copy slips” introduced in the latter part of the eighteenth century served him.

249 R. F. Seybolt, Private Schools of Colonial Boston (Cambridge, 1935), is the authority on private education in Boston at this period.

250 Peter Burr’s accounts, preserved in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, show that he gave private instruction in writing to girls too.

251 The authority cited for private schools is also responsible for the standard work on public schools: R. F. Seybolt, The Public Schools of Colonial Boston 1635–1775 (Cambridge, 1935). This should be supplemented by the same author’s The Public Schoolmasters of Colonial Boston (Cambridge, 1939).

252 Town meeting was an unwieldy school board in any case. On the western fringe of civilization at Westfield, Massachusetts, for example, in 1719 the town is recorded as making provision for a “wrighting master” in November of the year following. In 1720 it was voted to leave “the concern of hiering a wrighting schoolmaster with the selectmen.” Two years later Isaac Stiles was actually serving in that capacity, as well as assisting the minister, and continued during 1723. See John H. Lockwood, Westfield and Its Historic Influences, 291, and J. G. Holland, History of Western Massachusetts (Springfield, 1855), ii. 143.

253 William Webster, An Essay on Book-keeping (London, 1752), (“The Eleventh Edition”), 77–88, “An Attempt Towards rendering the Education of Youth More Easy and Effectual.”

254 The tribute is contained in the introduction to A Delightful Recreation of 1717. It is only fair to add that this princeling from South Carolina who made such a favorable record in six months was not in London in the ordinary way but as a protégé of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, to which William Brooks’s book is gratefully dedicated.

Brooks suggests in the same place that the copies in his book be cut asunder for mastery of one piece at a time. Sometimes the separated lines of copy were laid down on a piece of light board so that they could serve individual members of a class in turn and, though stained and grubby, circulate for years. However, the practice of cutting up copybooks could not on the whole be considered as in the interest of conservation and the master’s encouragement of it is suspect.

255 “Col. Fitch express’d himself as much prizing Mr. Granger’s Accomplishment to Teach Writing; never such a Person in Boston before.” Diary of Samuel Sewell, 8 March 1719/20. A Matthias Grainger published Grainger’s New Copy Book in London around 1730 but no kinship is established.

256 The report of a town committee in 1743 acting on the petition of Zachariah Hicks, usher at Boston’s North Writing School, shows the going terms. The enrollment was 280; Master Procter was paid £280 salary and Hicks received £150, which was the ground of his complaint. Admittance to the school, the committee found, was refused no child of the town who could read in the Psalter. Children of “strangers” had to pay an entrance fee. Poor children were asked to pay nothing on any account but those who could afford to make a contribution paid a few shillings for “firing,” averaging about five shillings each overall. This was taken by the master as his rightful perquisite and he insisted that he could not get along without it, especially since he had to hire additional help out of his own pocket to the amount of £100.

257 See the present author’s “Abiah Holbrook and his ‘Writing Master’s Amusement,’” Harvard Library Bulletin, vii. 1 (Winter 1953), 88–104, illustrated with collotypes of the work of Holbrook and contemporaries displaying all the usual hands of the time.

258 For illustrations of them, ibid.

259 This copy, which came down in the Gookin family through Holbrook’s adopted daughter, is in an old binding; the group at Harvard are in fairly uniform wrappers with titles in manuscript. On the engraved title of the Shelley Alphabets in all hands, hidden by a paper patch, is written “The Gift of Mr. Holbrook.”

260 In the author’s copy of this work is an inserted letter written by Thaddeus Mason Harris in his old age telling how the book was bought at the Dolbeare sale “to be exhibited to the School Masters, as models; and to the Scholars, for their excitement to fair hand-writing. . . .”

See W. C. Bates, “Boston Writing Masters before the Revolution,” New England Magazine, n.s. xix (1898/99), 403–418, for the story of the Ward collection, with reproductions of pieces from it.

261 For a notice of Rogers and this piece in particular, see R. Nash, “An American Colonial Calligraphic Sheet of King Charles’s Twelve Good Rules at Dartmouth College Library,” The Library, 5th ser. vn (1952), 111–116, with illustration.

262 William Massey, The Origin and Progress of Letters (London, 1763), 171: “I have also seen . . . Sir Matthew Hales character, and his sum of religion, in roman and italic print, written by Mary Johns . . .” around 1747.

263 See Stanley Morison, American Copybooks: An Outline of Their History from Colonial to Modern Times (Philadelphia, 1951).

264 A facsimile of the Plimpton copy, edited by Stanley Morison with his introduction, was issued at Christmas 1933 by the Printer to the University, Cambridge, England.

265 Other attempts in the way of home-study manuals on American ground but without particular handwriting instruction appeared in The Young Secretary’s Guide by John (alias Thomas) Hill at Boston in 1703; also in The Young Man’s Companion brought out as early as 1705 by William and Andrew Bradford of New York. In later editions the Bradford compilation assumed the title The Secretary’s Guide. Henry Miller of Philadelphia printed The Alphabet there in 1770, but since the only calligraphic interest in it is represented by illustration printed from type on the title page, this work hardly qualifies for our bibliography either.

266 I am indebted to Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., one of the editors of the Franklin Papers for this suggestion, and for looking (without avail) for a possible illustration of the Cyphers in manuscript.

267 Milns’s Round-Text Copies (New York), and A Set of Round Hand Copies, engraved by S. Hill (Boston), by him were published early in the nineteenth century (ca. 1810). In the burying ground on the Common, Boston, is his headstone inscribed: To the memory of William Milns Member of S^ṭ Mary Hall in the University of Oxford, Author of the well bred Scholar, The American Accountant, The Penman’s Repository, and of Several Dramatic works, Master of Salvador Academy, and of the City Commercial School in London, who died in this town, the 27^tḥ February 1801, Aged 40 years. . . .

268 According to W. Allen, The American Biographical Dictionary, 3d ed. (Boston, 1857), 475. There is no record in the Delaware state archives to support this date or place, however.

269 Note 3, p. 1 supra.

270 Two early eighteenth-century continental examples of excessive enthusiasm for subjecting the whole alphabet to mathematical rule and rigor: Aznar de Polanco, Arte nuevo de escribir por preceptos geometricos, y reglas mathematicos (Madrid, 1719); Jan Pas, Mathematische of Wiskundige behandeling der Schryfkonst (Amsterdam, 1737).

271 Cocker, The Pen’s Triumph (London, 1659).

272 “Explained” by Franklin in his Instructor of 1748 and 1753; see p. 23 f. supra.

273 William Bentley, Diary of William Bentley, D.D. (Salem, 1911), III, 389 f.

274 Ibid., III. 109.

Among other writing masters of the time who come in for comment by the diarist are Edward Norris, “a man of small powers but a good tho’ not correct penman,” and Andrew Peabody who in 1808 had been writing master in Beverly for ten years. He quotes, under date of 6 January 1808, a letter from President Jefferson regarding “the specimens which I sent him of penmanship from the children of Mr. B. Crowninshield, son of my Landlady”: “I have certainly never seen anything in either way equally perfect. . . . Be so good as to present to the young artists the assurances of my thankfulness for these acceptable proofs of their uncommon talents. If my testimony of their eminence can be any gratification to them it is offered with sincerity as justly due to them.”

Ex-President John Adams also had something to say on the subject, not quite in line with Bentley’s observation that the same position of body and fingers is not good for writing in different languages. In his deed of gift to the town of Quincy, referring to the academy, he wrote in 1822: “I advise them to begin their lessons in Greek and Hebrew, by compelling their pupils to take their pens and write, over and over again, copies of the Greek and Hebrew alphabets, in all their variety of characters, until they are perfect masters of those alphabets and characters. This will be as good an exercise in chirography as any they can use, and will stamp those alphabets and characters upon their tender minds and vigorous memories so deeply that the impression will never wear out. . . . (Cited by W. S. Pattee, History of Old Braintree and Quincy (1878), 342 n.) This founding father’s own chirography is a witness to the Bentley theory.

275 Nash, ed., Calligraphy & Printing, 10, has the following exchange between the questioner of the dialogue, G., and the sixteenth-century writing master, H.: “After having shown the single letters, what do you do?” “First we show how to make words of them . . . then more and more according to the capacity of the child. . . .” “Then those who naturally have a heavy hand are not likely to write well.” “No. Nevertheless, practice can overcome this handicap in them.”

276 A letter from President Kirkland of Harvard to Tristam Burges of Providence, 22 December 1814, in the John Carter Brown Library, is to the point: “Sir, Mr. Jenkins informs me that you are disposed to aid him in getting his works published & sought for. I have told him it would be desirable, in my opinion, if they could be engraved on copperplate. He desires me to say to you that I have this impression on this subject—at the same time I have not made the calculations with any exactness. He says that you will give him the benefit of your judgment, which I hope will be the case.”

277 Cf. p. 22 supra. Jenkins says, “Let the learner be always furnished with two well made pens, the one of which should be always used entirely dry . . . to be carefully drawn or traced over the strokes or skeletons of letters before drawing the same with ink . . . to teach the learner the proper movement, pressure, and rise of the pen. It is also of great use thoroughly to impress the mind of the pupil with correct ideas of the shape of the letters.” (A. of W., 1813, p. 55 f.) See plates xxv, xxvi, xxvii; also detailed directions cited in the bibliography of Book II, infra.

278 The value of the land and buildings at 87 Mount Vernon Street, Boston, received by the Society on 14 December 1954 as a gift from Mrs. Llewellyn Howland, is not recorded on the books and is not included in the statement of assets and funds in this Treasurer’s report, or others published in this volume.

279 S. A. Drake, Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1876), 27.

280 C. T. Jackson, First Report on the Geology of the State of Maine (Augusta, Maine: Smith & Robinson, 1837), 43

281 Jackson, First Report, 44.

282 H. E. Taylor, “Topographical Map of Roque Island,” 1881. Enlarged manuscript map of “Taylor, 1881” is framed at New House, Roque Island.

283 E. C. Donworth, “Not to the Swift,” Washington County Railroad Monthly (Calais, Maine, 1900), May, ii, no. 1, 20–23.

284 Lincoln County Registry of Deeds (Wiscasset, Maine), 15 Sept. 1773, Vol. 9, p. 214.

285 Manuscript and memo of Joseph Pierpont to Proprietors of Township No. 22, 1789 in “Jonesborough, Maine” (Salem: The Essex Institute), Manuscript volume.

286 Lt. Col. Breyman commanded the Grenadier Battalion of 564 men of the Brunswick troops, which arrived from Germany in Quebec in June 1776 for Burgoyne’s forces. M. von Etting “The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Independence” (Albany, N. Y.: John Munsell’s Sons 1893), translation by J. G. Rosengarten.

287 Letter, Joseph Fenno to Anon., 20 June 1805. Though the letter is addressed to no one more specific than “Dear Sir,” its contents make it impossible for it to have been meant for anyone but Joseph Peabody. (Framed manuscript letter in Old Farm House, Roque Island.) For such information as has survived about Joseph Peabody’s business activities, see Walter Muir Whitehill, Captain Joseph Peabody East India Merchant of Salem (1757–1844) A Record of his Ships and of his Family compiled by William Crowninshield Endicott (1868–1936) edited and completed with a Sketch of Joseph Peabody’s Life (Salem: Peabody Museum, 1962).

288 For a ship to be “registered” meant it was built and owned by a United States citizen, and engaged in foreign trade; when it was “enrolled” it was built and owned by a United States citizen, but involved in domestic trade; while to be “licensed” meant, with the same conditions of building and ownership, that the ship was a fishing vessel. As port charges and fees varied for the different categories, it was often worth an owner’s while to shift his ship from registry to enrollment and back again.

289 Letters to John L. Gardner, Jr., from Joseph P. Gardner, 13 Sept. 1867; and from John L. Gardner, Sr., 16 Sept. 1867.

290 John L. Gardner, Jr., to George A. Gardner, 8 July 1888.

291 Eleanor Palffy, Largely Fiction (Boston, 1948), 305.

292 Deed, Thomas Kelley to Francis Shaw, Jr., dated 18 Sept. 1773, Lincoln County Registry of Deeds (Wiscasset, Maine), Book 9, p. 214.

293 Jonathan Stone, “Survey of the Mespeckey Islands for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Plan of XXII, Aug. 1785.” The original survey map is in the Land Office, Forest Service of the State of Maine, Augusta, Maine. Book no. 8, p. 62 (old number “176”) entitled “Great Moosepeckick or Rogues” shows the islands in detail, p. 59 (old number “172”) shows the whole township.

294 For this section the writer draws heavily on personal communications with Dr. Frank T. Siebert, Jr.

295 According to R. W. Hale, Jr., The Story of Bar Harbor (New York: Ives Washburn, Inc., 1949), 48.

296 Collections of the Maine Historical Society. Documentary History 2nd Series, vi. 88.

297 Franquelin-de-Meulles, Carte d’une partie du Canada et de l’Acadie, 1686. (Original in Depot des Cartes et Planns de la Marine, Service Hydrographique, Paris, portfolio No. 132. A photostat is in the Map Room, Harvard College Library, M 3006, F 18–1–4B.) It is also called I. Mouchibequi on Anon., Carte Particuliere de la Coste d’Accadie, 1702, a chart which follows Franquelin. (Original in Depot des Cartes etc., Paris, portfolio 132. A photostat in the Map Room, Harvard College Library, M 3006 F 18–2-2B.)

298 Anon., Carte des côtes de l’Acadie,? 1697. (Original in Depot des Cartes, etc., Paris, portfolio 132. A photostat in the Map Room, Harvard College Library, M 3006, F 18–1-5.)

299 M. Seutter, Partie Orientale de la Nouvelle France ou du Canada . . . Augsbourg? 1720. (Original in Map Room, Harvard College Library, M 3085.11.)

300 The framed original hangs in the living room of the New House at Roque Island.

301 Narrative of American Voyages and Travels of Captain William Owen R.N., edited by Victor H. Paltsits (New York: New York Public Library, 1942), 118, 136, 151.

302 Lincoln County Registry of Deeds, Vol. 10, p. 69, as quoted in the Bangor Historical Magazine, Vol. 5, no. 3 (Sept. 1889), p. 67.

303 J. F. W. Des Barres, “No. 2—Charts of the Coast and Harbours of New England . . .” (London, 1776). A complete set is in the Map Room, Harvard College Library (MA 4865.781–1 no. 5). A framed original of “No. 2” hangs in the hall of the New House at Roque Island.

304 C. Blaskowitz, “A Plan of the Sea Coast from Gouldsborough Harbor to . . . Passamaquoddy . . . ,” Manuscript map in Hydrographic Department, the Admiralty, London, on which the Atlantic Neptune chart was based, clearly shows the spelling to have been Reach. This is only one of several errors made either by Blaskowitz, the District Deputy, who made the survey for Samuel Holland, the Surveyor General for the Northern District of North America, or those who actually drew the final charts in the Admiralty. A photostat of part of this manuscript map was obtained through the great kindness of Vice Admiral John Godfrey, R.N. (Ret.) whose daughter, Mrs. John Kinmonth, was a guest at Roque Island.

305 F. Kidder, Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia (Albany: J. Munsell, 1867), 137,130.

306 See footnote 2, this chapter. Rufus Putnam, under whose supervision this survey was made, left his unpublished survey notes to the Marietta College Library, Marietta, Ohio, where they now are.

307 J. Norman, The American Pilot Containing the Navigation of the Sea Coasts of North America (Boston, 1791). Copies of this very rare chart are in the Houghton Library of Harvard College (p. AC7-N7844.791A) and the Boston Athenæum

308 O. Carleton: A map of the lottery and other townships east of Mt. Desert Is. In the Massachusetts Archives, Maps and Plans, No. 995,1792 (Boston, 1792).

309 The Privateer Wasp Journal 1782. Proceedings of the Maine Historical Society 2nd Series, Vol. 6 (Portland, 1895). There is also an entry for 21 July, “Sayled as far as Mrs. Peck Reach there cooked dinner and then sailed to Machias.”

310 F. H. Eckstorm, Indian Place Names of the Penobscot Valley and Maine Coast. University of Maine Studies, 2nd Series, No. 55, The Maine Bulletin, xliv, No. 4 (Nov. 1941) (Orono, Maine), 217.

311 W. F. Ganong, Notes for projected “Monograph of the Indian Place Nomenclature of the Atlantic Provinces of Canada and adjacent parts of Quebec, Newfoundland and Maine.” This has never been published. His notes on Moosabec and Mispek (a word stemming from the Nova Scotia Micmacs, rather than from the Penobscot dialect, meaning “flooded by the tide”) were provided the writer, and their use permitted through the courtesy of the director of their repository, J. R. Harper, The New Brunswick Museum, St. John, New Brunswick.

312 Works Progress Administration, Maine, the American Guide Series (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1937), 284–285.

313 The material presented in this paper is included in Mr. Labaree’s book Patriots and Partisans, The Merchants of Newburyport, 1764–1815 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962).

314 C. O. 5: 66, pp. 127–136, which has been transcribed here. Another copy is found in the Newcastle Papers, 33030, f. 318 ff. I am obliged to Nancy Davis Sachse for help in transcription.

315 Huske’s career is briefly outlined in Notes and Queries, 12th ser., viii (1921), 217, 335; Appleton's Cyclopœdia of American Biography (New York, 1887–1924), III. 330; Lawrence C. Wroth, An American Bookshelf, 1755 (Philadelphia, 1934) 135–136.

316 See below, note 6.

317 L. B. Namier, The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III (London, 1929) 137–139

318 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, xliii. 197. Horace Walpole once referred to Huske as “a wild, absurd man”; yet he admitted that he was “very conversant with America,” and commended his remarks in the House of Commons on at least two occasions. Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Third, re-ed. G. F. Russell Barker (London, 1894), ii. 190–191, 213–214. Franklin, who used materials furnished by Huske for newspaper letters on the state of trade with the colonies, described him as a “judicious Merchant.” Verner W. Crane, Benjamin Franklin's Letters to the Press, 1758–1775 (Chapel Hill, 1950), 141 ff. Sir Lewis Namier includes Huske among “the foremost experts on America” of the period. England in the Age of the American Revolution (London, 1930), 265.

319 Oppression, a Poem by an American (with notes by “a North Briton”) was published in London in 1765 and reprinted in Boston and New York the same year. The identity of author and annotator is unknown. Notes and Queries, 12th ser., viii (1921), 335. The New English Dictionary cites this poem as affording the earliest use of the term “Yankee” as a “nickname for a native or inhabitant of New England.”

320 See Wroth, An American Bookshelf, 1755 (Philadelphia, 1934), 136.

321 Sir John Fortescue, The Correspondence of King George the Third from 1760 to December 1783 (London, 1927–1928), I. 226, 236, 247, 276.

322 Carl Van Doren, ed., Letters and Papers of Benjamin Franklin and Richard Jackson, 1753–1785 (Philadelphia, 1947), 22.

323 6 George III, c. 49. It is printed in Danby Pickering, The Statutes at Large (Cambridge, 1762–1807), xxvii. 262–270.

324 Fortescue, I. 309. For the members of the Committee, see Commons Journal, xxx. 811.

325 The Peace of Paris, 1763, terminating the Seven Years’ War.

326 The Revenue Act of 1764 (the so-called “Sugar Act,” dated April 5) was followed two weeks later by the Currency Act.

327 Investment.

328 On the annual average.

329 According to the sixth section of the Revenue Act of 1764 (4 George III, c. 15), each gallon of molasses and syrups produced in foreign colonies and imported into British colonies was to pay a duty of 3d. See Pickering, Statutes at Large, xxvi. 35.

330 Huske errs on the date; he means the Revenue Act of 1764. In the same year Grenville’s administration issued special instructions for the seizure of all foreign vessels found in West Indian ports. Burke reversed this policy in 1765, granting privileges for Spanish ships. The Cambridge History of the British Empire, ed. J. Holland Rose, A. P. Newton, E. A. Benians (Cambridge, 1929–), I. 345.

331 Provided by the Molasses Act of 1733.

332 Roseau.

333 The export of rice direct from the British colonies to points in Europe south of Cape Finisterre had been permitted since 1730.

334 The War of Jenkins’ Ear (1739–1742), occasioned by Anglo-Spanish conflicts over the conduct of Latin-American trade.

335 Guardacostas, customhouse cutters.

336 Impost, duty.

337 During the eighteenth century the Isle of Man was notorious as a resort of smugglers. Not until 1765 did the Stanley family sell its sovereign rights in the island, including the customs revenue, to the British crown.

338 This represents the balance of principal and interest due in connection with the sale of 500 shares of The Lehman Corporation and the purchase of $10,000 United States Treasury bonds.