FEBRUARY MEETING, 1931

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the invitation of Mrs. Bayard Thayer, at No. 84 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, February 26, 1931, at three o’clock, the President, Samuel Eliot Morison, in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The President, on behalf of the Corresponding Secretary, announced the death of Edward Channing, a Resident Member, on January 7, 1931; of Morris Gray, a Resident Member, on January 12, 1931; and of Michael J. Canavan, an Associate Member, on January 21, 1931.

Announcement was made of the receipt of letters from Mr. Matt Bushnell Jones and Mr. James Duncan Phillips accepting Resident Membership in the Society.

Mr. Leverett Saltonstall, of Chestnut Hill, and Mr. Edward Allen Whitney, of Cambridge, were elected Resident Members.

Mr. Morison read a paper on “The Case of the Ketch Recovery,” based on documents in the files of the Suffolk County Court.

Mr. George Andrews Moriarty, Jr., communicated several documents, among them “A Letter from Admiral Durrell to the Hon. Thomas Hancock.”

Mr. Kenneth B. Murdock read, on behalf of Professor Oliver Elton, a paper on

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR THOMAS OLIVER, 1734–1815

The figure of the last royal Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts is well remembered in New England tradition. His enforced resignation, on September 2, 1774, of his seat on the Mandamus Council is described in the standard books,201 and thence has filtered down, often in inaccurate shape, into other works. Amongst these is the Dictionary of National Biography, where Oliver receives little justice. Neither by nature nor by choice was he an official, or even a public man. He was an honest, loyal, undistinguished, but well-educated private gentleman, pitchforked into a cruel and impossible position. Even so, he did good service: he managed, if only for a moment, to postpone the shedding of blood. It may be useful to relate once more the chief incidents of his career and to put into connected form, for the first time, what is known of his family history. The information is widely scattered; and I write in the hope that others may add to it and may be able to carry back the record to the original sources wherever I have failed to do so.

I

Thomas Oliver was the grandson of Richard Oliver, a wealthy and prominent planter in Antigua, and of his second wife, Sarah (d 1726).202 Richard was first a member, then Speaker, of the General Assembly of the Island; a J. P., and successively Captain, Major, and Colonel (1715) in the militia. In 1708, he was a member of the Council. He was buried at St. John’s, Antigua, on May 29, 1716. His signature, in a bold script, is preserved.203 His arms are known: “ermine, on a chief sable three lions rampant argent.” Crest: “a lion’s head erased ermines, collared and ringed argent.” The arms are on the monument of Thomas Oliver in St. Paul’s Church, Bristol, England (see p. 65 post). It has been surmised that Richard’s family had originally come from Bristol, where Olivers had long abounded, and where Thomas Oliver spent his later life; but the evidence is not yet forthcoming.204 Richard had plantations in Virginia as well as in Antigua; he bequeathed £1500 to Robert, his third child and the father of Thomas.

Born in 1700, Robert on February 3, 1722 (N.S.), married at St. John’s Anne Brown, daughter of James Brown, of Antigua, and of his wife Elizabeth Eliot.205 He was a colonel of militia and a member of the Assembly for Nonsuch, where he owned an estate. About 1736, Robert migrated and settled in Dorchester, Massachusetts, where he bought real estate from Isaac Royall for £2516. Here he built, it is said in 1745, a handsome house in the Georgian colonial style, photographs of which remain.206 Stones in Dorchester cemetery mark the graves of three of his Negro slaves, Anne (daughter of Mimbo), Cambridge, and Betty.207 Robert died on December 16, 1762, aged 62; and it was noted in the Post-Boy that he had been “a gentleman of extensive acquaintance, remarkable for his hospitality to all; was kind to the poor; and, in his military character, beloved and esteemed.” In his will, dated August 3, 1761, Robert bequeaths: “To my son Thomas Oliver a suit of mourning, a ring, and 20s and no more because his grandfather James Brown and his great-uncle Robert Oliver gave him a greater estate than I am able to give him.”208 This Antiguan estate was to stand Thomas in good stead when he had lost all his land and property in Cambridge, and was waiting in Bristol for compensation from the Crown.

II

Thomas Oliver, Robert’s second son, was born in Antigua209 on January 5, 1734 (N.S.) and was a child of two when his father came to Dorchester. We hear of him on April 16, 1750, at a meeting of the President (Holyoke) and Tutors of Harvard College, when he is placed ninth in a list of twenty-one freshmen.210 We have further glimpses, from the same source, of the boy’s doings. In his freshman year, as was customary, he has a Hebrew Grammar “delivered” to him, though not as a gift;211 and on March 13, 1750, at a meeting of the President and Tutors, we read: “Agreed that for playing at cards, which is a breach of the College law, the students here immediately after mentioned be punished the sum of ten shillings each and be publicly admonished in the Chapel. . . .” Sixteen names follow, six being those of freshmen, and one of these is Oliver’s.212 On April 3, 1750, the Corporation voted: “That four pounds eighteen shillings and eight pence be given to Oliver this year, being the income of Honorable Mr. Stoughton’s Lands in Dorchester, he being intitled to it, by the said Mr. Stoughton’s will.”213 In the Commencement programme for 1753 he is named fifth in a list of seventeen youths who graduated A.B. A list of their “theses” follows, but without the names of the sustainers. In 1756, however, when he took his second degree, we are luckier. A long sheet of Quaestiones for the A.M., Prid. Idus Quint. (July 14), is printed, and number 5 runs: “An Polygamia Lege naturali sit prohibita. Negat respondens Thomas Oliver.” Probably he fell back upon Divine Law for the prohibition. In any case he graduated A.M.; and he must have been able to make at least a show of Latin and of argument in scholastic form.

To the year 1760, when he was twenty-six, belongs the only portrait of him that has so far been discovered.214 It is here reproduced; and though now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, it seems to be little known. It is an excellent half-length pastel by Joseph Blackburn. Thomas appears as a well-favored youth, clean-shaven, with brown hair worn long; with brown eyes, arched eyebrows, wide forehead, and well-cut lips. He wears a blue coat with glimpses of gold lining, and a white stock. He also wears an expression, rather engaging, of modest complacency and inexperience; but not, i think, of weakness. Many years afterwards he is reported as saying that he “was bred to the profession of the Law but he was prevented following it.”215 We have no clue to the nature of his “breeding” or to the reasons for his being prevented; we only know that though a gentleman of means and leisure, he was active, as a layman, in quite another calling.

Within three years of taking his second degree he had moved to Cambridge and had found his place, despite his youthfulness, amongst the leading families — well-to-do, devout, and very exclusive. On April 5, 1759, he was one among eight signers of a petition to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, requesting support, moral and financial, for their project of building Christ Church, by Cambridge Common, the Episcopalian place of worship, full of historic memories, which is now the oldest church building in the city.216 The request was also signed by Henry and John Vassall, with whom Oliver was soon to be allied by marriage. On April 25, they raised a local subscription, Oliver giving £50. Other letters to personages in England followed; the replies from the Society and from the Bishop of Bristol and others were favorable, and the work was begun. On September 28, 1759, Oliver sat on a committee which had “full power to build,” and they set about choosing a minister. On November 24, a letter was sent thanking the Society, and Oliver was again a signer. Six years later, on April 30, 1765, he was chosen a vestrymen. On April 30, 1766, he became, along with David Phips, churchwarden for the year; and on April 20, 1767, his tenure was renewed. We now begin to see Oliver’s small and clear handwriting; for he seems, as senior warden, usually to have penned the minutes. In an entry for October 1767 is his signature (reproduced with the portrait) “attesting” a document raising the charge for pew-rent. This signature recurs in many other minutes. For his own pew he had paid, in 1762, a rent of £13: 6:8; and he had another pew, at some date, in Trinity Church, Boston. In 1769 and 1770, he was again warden, together with John Vassall; and in most years, whenever he was not a warden, he was a vestryman. On April 19, 1772, he was made treasurer of the monies collected on Sacrament days, and was charged with the task of putting them out to interest; but on October 18, 1772, the vote was rescinded, “Col. Oliver” having “declined that service on account of his intended voyage to Antigua.” Doubtless he went to look after his estates. The last notice of him in the church records is on April 4, 1774, when he was once more vestryman; some nine weeks later he was to be commissioned Lieutenant Governor. But I have anticipated the story.

It is probable that Thomas Oliver made verses. In an admirably printed volume issued in 1761 by Harvard College, entitled Pietas et Gratulatio Collegii Cantabrigiensis apud Novanglos, there are poems in Latin and English by many academic hands. The work is a string of loyal effusions offered to George III upon his accession. The king received the volume, but there is no record of his returning thanks for it. Many copies are extant,217 three in the Harvard College Library; and often the names of the supposed authors are inked or pencilled in. The attributions vary much in different copies; but it may be that Oliver has to answer for certain rather blank verses which celebrate George and Charlotte his queen. They begin: “Though from thy happy shores, Britannia, far”; and they close with a pious wish that George’s “other self,” in “converse mild,” may long

Speak sweetness to his heart ineffable,

Soothe all his cares, and foretaste give of Heaven.

III

On May 17, 1760, was published the “intention of marriage” between Thomas Oliver and Elizabeth Vassall;218 and on June 11, it was fulfilled. Mrs. Oliver, born on September 12, 1739, was the daughter of John Vassall, Sr. The family was notable in the annals of Cambridge. Elizabeth’s brother, John Vassall, Jr., married Thomas Oliver’s sister, another Elizabeth. Such ties could hardly be drawn closer. Thomas was now firmly rooted among the conservatives of Cambridge, “a select circle,” we hear, “to which few others were admitted.” We may also imagine a somewhat select circle of ideas and prejudices,219 a ring of true-blue persons, very gallant, very spirited, thoroughly comfortable, and hardly prescient of calamity despite all the omens in the sky. We think of Oliver as looking onward to many blissful years in Cambridge for himself and his posterity. True, he told the English Commissioners in 1784 that he “foresaw the storm,”220 but he did not say how soon he foresaw it. Meantime his quiet life went on. His eldest child, Anne, was baptized on March 4, 1764 at Christ Church by the Reverend Mr. Troutbeck; the second, Elizabeth, on August 17, 1766; and the third, Penelope, on October 2, 1768. By Elizabeth Vassall, Oliver had three more daughters, Mary, Lucy (b 1771), and Frances.221 All six were to share his exile in England and to survive into the next century. Oliver, in these prosperous years, seems to have lived handsomely. During a visit to Antigua in 1763 he is stated to have “spent £900 on slaves, silver, and pictures.”222 In Cambridge, after the appearance of Anne and Elizabeth, he proceeded to construct what would surely be a permanent and delightful home. In 1766 or 1767, he bought, it is said for £1700, an estate of about a hundred acres, and there built the house Elmwood where he lived until his catastrophe, enjoying it, therefore, for some seven years.223 It stands today in Elmwood Avenue, somewhat changed, but still occupied, and its later history will be referred to again. Meantime, Oliver is heard of in connection with certain official positions. In 1771, he was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel of the First Regiment in Middlesex County;224 and in May, 1773, the report was being circulated that he had been appointed a judge of the Provincial Courts of Vice-Admiralty for Massachusetts and New Hampshire.225

New England, and the Massachusetts province in particular, teemed with Olivers. Their family trees are long and intricate; the Christian, or given, names recur without end. There are many Thomas Olivers of different races and generations. There is, however, nothing to show that, as some have supposed, our Thomas was akin to any other Olivers in the district. He was not connected by blood with the prominent brothers, Andrew and Peter Oliver. Andrew, his predecessor as Lieutenant Governor, had been appointed in 1770, had been fiercely assailed by the Whigs (including “Junius Americanus”) in England, and had died in 1774, old and stricken, his funeral being insulted by the rabble. Peter, the Chief Justice, was even more unpopular, but of harder metal. He too suffered: was impeached, was often in danger of his life, and with other Loyalists was ejected. He came to England, and died in 1791 at Birmingham.

IV

The position of Thomas in the summer of 1774 is shown by two interesting documents. Thomas Hutchinson had been superseded as Governor of Massachusetts by General Gage, and had left America on June 1 of that year. His Diary relates how, on July 1, he was brought by Lord Dartmouth to kiss hands in his Majesty’s “closet.” He was questioned on the whole political situation by the King in the minute fashion that is made familiar to us in the satires of John Wolcot, alias “Peter Pindar”:

King. Is the present L. Governor [Thomas] a relation to the late Mr. Oliver [Andrew]?

H. No, Sir, not of the same family. I have no connection with him, nor did I let him know that I had mentioned him as one of the persons I thought might be proper for a L^t Governor.

King. The Chief Justice [Peter], I think, is brother to the late L^t Governor?

H. Yes, Sir.

King. We had thought of him, but as he was not one of those you had named, the present Gentleman, upon enquiry, appeared under all circumstances the most proper.

H. I had some particular inducement not to mention the Chief Justice. He is related to me, and his appointment would have increased the envy against both of us.226

Long afterwards, on October 2, 1783, Thomas Oliver submitted a memorial to the Crown, asking for compensation. The substance of his statement was that

he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor and President of the Council of Massachusetts in 1774 without his knowledge, and from principles of loyalty he accepted this trust, although he foresaw that he would be drawn from a state of tranquillity to a difficult situation.227

There is yet another piece of evidence. Commissioner Coke’s transcript of Oliver’s personal statement in 1784 runs thus:

He says he foresaw the Storm & was sorry that the Situation of the Country made it necessary for him to accept the Appointm^t tho’ he did not hesitate to take it. And he thought he might be of service because he was a popular person with the people. His motives in taking it were to serve Gov^t.228

All this carries conviction, not merely as an ex post facto account but as a state of mind accurately recollected. Oliver’s commission, accordingly, was duly signed on May 28, 1774,229 and he was sworn in at Salem on August 8. Oaths were at the same time administered by Gage, at Salem, to Oliver and to ten other members of the Mandamus Council, Oliver’s name heading the eleven signatures. As Lieutenant Governor he was to receive a salary of £300 a year, and in the absence of the Governor, £750.230

The grievance against Oliver was not that he was Lieutenant Governor, but that he was a member, and the President, of the Mandamus Council. In this capacity he received no emolument. It was, of course, the creation of the Council that lighted the heather. The tale is told in all the histories of the Revolution. It had been enacted that the Council should henceforth be appointed by the King instead of elected by the General Court,231 a modification inevitably regarded by the people as an abrogation of the charter rather than as a “better regulating” of the government. With the dissolution of the General Court in June and the Governor’s refusal to meet the newly elected House in October, the Governor and Council had all the legal authority. The eleven Councillors who had taken the oath were already a remnant.232 Thirty-six had been originally named, but some had refused to be sworn in, and some who did take the oath soon resigned. The crisis for Oliver came on Friday, September 2, 1774; and here may follow, first Oliver’s narrative of the affair, and then the whig account of it, to which it is an answer. The day was, we hear from Thomas Newell’s Diary, “fair and warm,” but “at dark, rain and thundered very hard.”

V

The Narrative, with Oliver’s preface, appeared on Thursday, September 8, in the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News-Letter.233

To the Printer of the Massachusetts Gazette.

In the publications of last Monday, the transactions at Cambridge, on Friday the 2d of September, having been so generally related, I am constrained, in support of my Character, to give the Public a more particular Account of those Parts, in which I was so unhappily involved.

Early in the morning of that day, a number of the inhabitants of Charlestown called at my house to acquaint me, that a large body of people from several towns in the county were on their way coming down to Cambridge; that they were affraid some bad consequences might ensue, and beged [sic] I would go out to meet them, and endeavor to prevail on them to return. In a very short time, before I could prepare myself to go, they appeared in sight. I went out to them and asked the reasons of their appearance in that manner. They respectfully answered “They came peaceably to enquire into their grievances, not with design to hurt any man.” i perceived they were the land-holders of the neighbouring towns, and was thoroughly perswaded they would do no harm. I was desired to speak to them; I accordingly did, in such a manner, as I thought best calculated to quiet their minds. They thanked me for my advice, said they were no mob, but sober, orderly people, who would commit no disorders . And then proceeded on their way. I returned to my house. Soon after they had arrived on the common at Cambridge, a report arose that the troops were on their march from Boston. I was desired to go and interceed with his Excellency [Gage], to prevent their coming. From principles of humanity to the country, from a general love of mankind, and from perswasions that they were this orderly people, I readily undertook it. And, is there a man on earth, who placed in my circumstances, could have refused it? I am imformed [sic], I am censured for having advised the General to a measure which may reflect on the troops; as being too inactive upon such a general disturbance. But surely such a reflection on the military, can never arise, but in the minds of such, as are entirely ignorant of these circumstances. Wherever this affair is known, it must also be known, it was at my request, the troops should not be sent. But to return. As I passed the people, I told them of my own accord, I would return and let them know the event, of my application: (Not as was related in the Papers to confer with them on my own circumstances as President of the Council). On my return, I went to the Committee, I told them no Troops had been ordered, and from the account I had given his Excellency none would be ordered. I was then thanked for the trouble I had taken in the affair, and was just about to leave them to their own business, when one of the Committee observed, that as I was present, it might be proper to mention a matter they had to propose to me: It was, that although they had a respect for me as Lieut. Governor of the province, they could wish I would resign my seat at the board [i. e. on the Mandamus Council]. I told them, I took it very unkind, that they should mention any thing on that subject: And among other reasons, I urged that, as Lieut. Governor, I stood in a particular relation to the province in general, and therefore, could not hear any thing upon that matter from a particular County. I was then pushed to know, if I would resign, when it appeared to be the sense of the province in general: I answered that when all the other Counsellors had resigned, if it appeared to be the sense of the province, I should resign, I would submit.

They then called for a vote upon the subject, and by a very great majority, voted my reasons satisfactory. I enquired whether they had full power to act for the people, and being answered in the affirmative, I desired they would take care to acquaint them of their votes, that so I should have no further application made me on that head. I was promised by the Chairman, and a general assent, it should be so. This left me entirely clear, and free from any apprehensions, of a further application upon this matter. And perhaps, will account for that confidence, which I had in the people, and for which I may be censured. Indeed, it is true, the event proves I had too much. But reasoning from events yet to come, is a kind of reasoning I have not been used to.

In the afternoon, I observed large companies pouring in from different parts: I then began to apprehend they would become unmanageable; and that it was expedient, to go out of their way. I was just going into my carriage when a great croud advanced; and in a short time, my house was surrounded by three or four thousand people, and one quarter part in arms. I went to the front door, where I was met by five persons, who acquainted me they were a Committee from the people, to demand a resignation of my seat at the board. I was shocked at their ingratitude, and false dealings; and reproached them with it. They excused themselves, by saying, the people were dissatisfied with the vote of the Committee; and insisted on my signing a paper they had prepared for that purpose. I found I had been ensnared, and endeavoured to reason them out of such ungreateful behaviour. They gave such answers, that I found it was in vain to reason longer with them. I told them, my first considerations, were my honor, the next my life; that they might put me to death, or destroy my property; but I would not submit. They began then to reason in their turn, urging the power of the people, and the danger of opposing them. AH this occasioned a delay, which enraged part of the multitude, who presing [sic] into my back yard, denounced vengance [sic] to the foes of their Liberties. They [the Committee] endeavoured to moderate them, and desired them to keep back, for they pressed up to my windows which then were open, I could from thence hear them, at a distance calling out for a determination; and, with their arms in their hands, swearing they would have my blood, if I refused. The Committee appeared to be anxious for me; still I refused to sign, part of the populace growing furious, and the distress of my Family (who heard their threats, and supposed them just about to be executed) called up feelings, which, I could not suppress; and nature ready to find new excuses, suggested a thought of the calamities I should occasion, if I did not comply. I found myself giving way, and began to cast about, to contrive means to come off with honor: I proposed they should call in the people, to take me out by force; but they said the people were enraged, and they could not answer for the consequences; I told them I would take the risk; but they refused to do it: Reduced to this extremity, I cast my eyes over the paper, with a hurry of mind, and conflict of passion, which rendered me unable to remark the contents, and wrote underneath the following words, “My house at Cambridge being surrounded by four thousand people, in compliance with their commands I sign my name, tho’s oliver.” The five persons took it, carried it to the people and I believe used their endeavours to get it accepted. I had several messages, that the people would not accept it with those additions. Upon which I walked into the court yard, and declared I would do no more, tho’ they should put me to death.

I perceived that those persons, who formed the first body, which came down in the morning, consisting of the land holders of the neighbouring towns, used their utmost endeavours to get the paper received, with my additions. And I must in justice to them, observe, that during the whole of this transaction, they had never invaded my inclosures; but still were not able to protect me, from the insults which I received, from those who were in arms. From this consideration I am induced to quit the County, and seek protection in the town [Boston].

Boston, Sept. 7

thomas oliver

The original paper, signed by Oliver, with the additional clause just quoted runs:

Cambridge, Sept. 2, 1774.

I Thomas Oliver being appointed by his Majesty to a Seat at the Council Board, upon and in Conformity to the late Act of Parliament, entitled, An Act for the better Regulation of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, which being a manifest Infringement of the Charter Rights and Privileges of this People; I do hereby in conformity to the Commands of the Body of this County convened, now most solemnly renounce and resign my Seat at said unconstitutional Board, and hereby firmly Promise and Engage, as a Man of Honor and a Christian, that I never will hereafter upon any Terms whatsoever accept a Seat at said Board on the present novel and oppressive Plan of Government.

My House at Cambridge being surrounded by about four Thousand People, in Compliance with their Commands I sign my Name

thomas oliver234

VI

The version in the fiercely whig Boston Gazette of September 5, 1774, confirms, as far as it goes, Oliver’s account, and does not throw doubt on his good faith;235 and it makes clear, as he does not, the two incidents that provoked the “body,” namely the affair of the Cambridge guns and the chance passing of Benjamin Hallowell whose service of the Crown as Comptroller of the Port and Commissioner of Customs had made him on more than one occasion an object of popular hatred. But for this last mishap, Oliver’s declaration in his speech might still have been considered “satisfactory,” at least for the time. As to his conduct: the mob was at the door, and out of hand; the committee could not hold it back, and his family were looking on. The phrase about the “novel and oppressive plan” must have been a bitter pill, if indeed in his “hurry of mind and conflict of passion” Oliver really took it in. The Gazette is naturally silent about his last desperate stand to get his “clause” inserted; it was at this point that he was willing to risk his life. Probably few men, with their women indoors and menaced, would have acted otherwise; although, indeed, an Englishman and a descendant may breathe a fleeting wish that Oliver could have told his persecutors to go to the nether regions. Moreover, the loyalist historians claim — and with much color—that his voluntary mission to General Gage prevented bloodshed — the first bloodshed of the war — in Cambridge.236 In principle, of course, the Whigs were right; the new “plan” was “oppressive”; and its administrators, however innocent, must needs suffer, by methods however brutal and undiscriminating.

The account in the Gazette may be quoted and summarized as follows:

On Wednesday last [Aug. 31], the new Divan [i. e. Council] (consisting of the wretched Fugitives with whom the just Indignation of their respective Townsmen by a well-deserved Expulsion, have filled this capital) usurped the Seats round the Council Board in Boston. Their Deliberations have not hitherto transpired: And with equal Secrecy, on Thursday morning half after four, about 260 troops embarked on 13 boats at the long-wharff, and proceeded up Mistic river to Temple’s farm, where they landed, and went to the powder house on quarry hill in Charleston bounds, whence they have taken 250 half barrels of powder, the whole store there, and carried it to the castle.

Then a detachment of the military goes to Cambridge and takes off two field-pieces — “a scandalous expedition.” Some who “were near the Governor” gave out that he had threatened to imprison the Salem committee — and even ship them to England! — if they did not recognize the Council. Salem is warned and replies that it is prepared. The whig paper goes on:

. . . The county of Middlesex took the alarm, and on Thursday evening [Sept. 1] began to collect in large bodies with their arms, provisions and ammunition, determining by some means to give a check to a power which openly threatened their destruction, and in such a clandestine manner robbed them of the means of their defence. And on Friday morning [Sept. 2] some thousands of them had advanced to Cambridge armed only with sticks, as they had left their firearms, &c. at some distance behind them.

The Committees of Boston and Charlestown join that of Cambridge, at Cambridge. Some thousands of people round the steps of the courthouse hear an address from Judge Danforth, who signs a document (not in offensive terms) confirming his resignation of his seat on the Council and undertaking never to resume it. Judge Joseph Lee signs a similar paper. The committee pass one vote saying that they are satisfied, and another against mob violence and destruction of private property; and they accept the plea of the high sheriff that in delivering the powder he had only followed instructions.

About 8 o’clock his honor Lieut. Governor Oliver set off from Cambridge to Boston and informed Governor Gage of the true state of matters, and the business of the people; which, as his honor told the Admiral, were not a mad mob, but the freeholders of the county promising to return in two hours & confer further with them on his own circumstance as president of the council. On mr. Oliver’s return he came to the committee and signified what he had delivered to the body in the morning [N.B. the Gazette had not previously mentioned this, and Oliver denies that any such point was raised “in the morning”], viz., that as the commissions of Lieut. Governor and president of the council, seem’d tack’d together, he should undoubtedly incur his majesty’s displeasure if he resign’d the latter, and pretended to hold the former, and [as] nobody appeared to have any objection to his enjoying the place he held constitutionally, he begged he might not be pressed to incur that displeasure at the instance of a single county, while any other councellor held on the new establishment. Assuring them however, that in case the mind of the whole province collected in congress or otherwise appeared for his resignation, he would by no means act in opposition to it. This seemed satisfactory to the committee, and they were preparing to deliver it to the body, when commissioner Hallowell came through the town on his way to Boston. The sight of that obnoxious person so inflamed the people that in a few minutes above 160 horsemen were drawn up and proceeding in pursuit of him on the full gallop. Capt. Gardner of Cambridge first began a parley with one of the foremost, which caused them to halt till he delivered his mind very fully in dissuasion of the pursuit. . . . They generally observed that the object of the body’s attention that day seemed to be the resignation of unconstitutional councellors, and that it might introduce confusion into the proceedings of the day if any thing less was brought upon the carpet till that important business was finished; and in a little time the gentlemen dismounted their horses and returned to the body.

Hallowell, however, is pursued by one of the gentlemen; snaps his pistol at him in vain; has to take his own servant’s mount; hurries to escape, and gets into Boston

till the horse failing within the gate, he ran on foot to the camp, thro’ which he spread consternation, telling them he was pursued by some thousands, who would be in town at his heels and destroy all friends of government before them.

The alarm spreads from Boston to Charlestown and thence to Cambridge; a Dr. Roberts on “a fleet horse” brings it to the Cambridge committee, who are at dinner.

The intelligence was instantly diffused, and the people whose arms were nearest sent persons to bring them, while horsemen were dispatched both ways to gain more certain advice of the true state of the soldiery. A greater fervour and Resolution probably never appeared among any troops. The dispatches soon returning, and assuring the body that soldiers still remained, and were likely to remain in their camp, they resumed their business with spirit, and resolved to leave no unconstitutional officer within their reach in possession of his place. On this the committee assembled again, and drew up a paper of which the following is a copy, and at the head of the body delivered it to Lieut. Governor Oliver to sign, with which he complied, after obtaining their consent to add the latter clause implying the force by which he was compelled to do it. . . . [Here follows text of document he signed.]

The Gentlemen from Boston, Charlestown and Cambridge having provided some refreshment for their greatly fatigued brethren, they chearfully accepted it, took leave and departed in high good humour and well satisfied.

VII

One point in Oliver’s narrative remains obscure. He told the people, he says, “of my own accord, I would return and let them know the event of my application [to Gage]: Not as was related in the papers [Boston Gazette] to confer with them on my own circumstances as President of the Council” [italics mine]. He does not expressly say that he told the General that he was returning for this purpose. He did return, and he told the people that no troops had been, or would be, ordered. Now, on December 10, 1774, ex-Governor Hutchinson, then in London, writes in his Diary (I. 320):

M^r. Welbore Ellis made me a long visit; and gave me an opportunity of explaining several parts of General Gage’s conduct; — for his not laying the L^t. Gov^r, under Arrest [italics mine], when he came to him from the Mob. I shewed him Judge [Peter] Oliver’s letter, which says the General told him the L^t. Gov^r, never let him know that they had made him promise to return to them.

Why should Oliver have concealed his promise? And why, if he had mentioned it, should Gage have laid him under arrest? There was nothing irregular or disloyal in his making the promise; indeed, his mission would have been futile if he had not returned to satisfy the patriots. We can only suggest that the General might have “arrested” Oliver in order to secure the latter’s safety, and that Oliver, foreseeing such a step and feeling it his duty to return, held his tongue about his promise. This of course, is guesswork; but whatever the situation, he was in evil case. He was, naturally, between two fires. He had signed the humiliating document, and even so he had barely satisfied the patriots. He now had to explain himself to the Crown. Hutchinson, who was his friend, and who, as we have seen, had brought about his appointment, wrote him on November 24:

I should not treat you as a friend if I represented the manner in which people express themselves upon the subject of your resignation, different from the whole truth. In general it is said, a man is excusable who, when he is in the hands of 4000 people, and threatened with death, submits to the terms imposed upon him. Some have got it here, I know not how, that before you went to y^e Governor [italics mine], more had been said to you by the mob, (for I call them mob, tho’ freeholders,) about your resigning, than you communicated, and that if the Governor had known the whole, he would have laid you under Arrest. Others say that unless our mobs differ from those in England, no man is in danger of his life in open day. It is impossible for people here to know all the circumstances of y^e case. A succession of other great and important events, some come and others coming, will probably put an end to further speculation, and I fancy the Answer you have already received will be all you will receive. I thought it best to take no notice of your motion for an express order from the King, because, if circumstances so alter as to make it advisable to re-assume your seat, you may do it without such an order, as well as with; and if they should not so alter, it will be best you should not have the order.237

Hutchinson writes as though he had not read the Narrative; probably it had not reached England. It would have cleared up some of the doubts to which he refers. Oliver, plainly, never prevaricated; nor had the question of his resigning from the Council come up “before” his visit to Gage. He therefore could not tell Gage about it; there is no sign that he was faced with it until his return to Cambridge on the critical day. He flatly denies, what the Gazette asserts, that the matter had been mentioned before his mission; and in no other instance has his word been doubted.

Hutchinson’s last sentences are not fully explained, and Oliver’s exact position in Boston after leaving Cambridge, and down to 1776, is slightly obscure. He had moved to Boston September 12, 1774. There is, indeed, no doubt that he remained Lieutenant Governor.238 But to what action by Oliver does Hutchinson refer? It reads as though Oliver had requested the King to “order” him to “re-assume” his seat; and where, we at first ask, could this be, save on the Council? Hutchinson seems to say that Oliver had received an “answer” of a non-committal kind, and that he had advised him to await events; that the doubts raised by the sorry terms of his renunciation would blow over. This puzzle is increased by a document presently to be quoted, in which Oliver is made to say that when he reached Boston he had re-assumed his office, and that he remained in the exercise of the office of Lieutenant Governor, etc. On the face of it, the only office he could re-assume was his post on the Council. But this surely cannot be supposed. Not only would it have been out of his character to go back on his word; but any such action would have led to a tempest of abuse, not undeservedly, from the patriots; and of this we could not fail to have a record. I suggest that the re-assumption was simply that of his Lieutenant Governorship, which, though technically never abandoned, had been, de facto, interrupted by the crisis. In Boston, at any rate, he could function. There is a glimpse of him there a month before his departure for England. An official letter of February 24, 1776, contains his authorization to occupy and prepare a house, the “Green Dragon,” as a hospital for persons who were distressed by the blockade of the town, especially “the Widow and the Orphan, the Aged and Infirm”; and Oliver contributes £15 for the purpose.239

The document above referred to throws some light on the whole story as he recalled it ten years after the event.240 In 1783–4 a Commission sat in London to consider the “losses and services” of the loyalist émigrés and their claims to compensation, and to make recommendations to Parliament. Like the rest, Oliver, as will be explained below, had sent in a memorial; and on October 12, 1784, he appeared in person to give evidence upon oath and to answer questions. We have the careful transcript, in summary, of his depositions. It was made by Commissioner Daniel Parker Coke, M.P., an admirable and liberal-minded lawyer. Nothing is here said about the harsh terms of the renunciation, but it is made plain that Oliver had been officially absolved, at home; for he had “received an approbation of his conduct from Lord Dartmouth.” Hutchinson does not mention this satisfactory clearance; but his Diary ends just before his death in 1780; and the “approbation” may have been belated. Much of the sworn evidence repeats what we already know. The following extract explains itself. The nature of the questions from the bench can be gathered from the answers here noted by Coke.

He was first molested in 1774 by a large number of people surrounding his House, & he was in their hands for 5 or 6 Hours, and they threaten’d him with destruction if he did not resign the office of Pres^t of the Mandamus Council. This made him more unpopular than the office of Lieu^t Gov^r. He could not hold the office without being President of the Man^s Council. He had no Emolument as a Man^s Councillor. He maintain’d a determined resistance for sev^l Hours, & then he gave up that Situation, & the resignation was convey’d to his Majesty’s Ministers & he rec^d an Approbation of his Conduct from Lord Dartmouth. As soon as he got into Boston under the protection of the Kings Troops he reassumed his Office. He really thought that his Life was in danger if he had resisted. They never asked him to take an Oath to the Rebel State. He remain’d in the exercise of the Offices of Lieut Gov^r &c till the Evacuation of Boston & then he went with the Troops to Halifax & from thence to Eng^d in about a Month & he has never been in America since he came to Eng^d in 1776.

The Salary of £300 a Y^r was paid up to Oct^r 1782 from which time he has rec^d an Allowance of £200 a Y^r.

Produces no Certificates to Loyalty. During this Rebellion he has held no military Commission and has never borne Arms. He considers his Office as a Civil Employment.

VIII

In March, 1776, when the British evacuated, Thomas Oliver left Boston for Halifax, and in the following month sailed for England with the fleet.241 The number of his party, including servants, is given as six;242 and some or all of his women-folk had gone before him. Hutchinson records in his Diary, on February 14: “Letters from Boston by the Julius Caesar, a returned store-ship, at Plymouth: came out 19 Jan. M^rs Oliver, the L^t Gov’^s lady, w^th her family, arrived in her. . . .”243

On February 28, Hutchinson calls with his daughter on “Mrs. Oliver,” in Titchfield St., London. On June 7, he notes that the Lieutenant Governor, with Col. Vassall and others, has arrived at Dartmouth; and on June 12, Oliver, with some other émigrés, pays him a visit. “All,” he remarks, “depend upon Gov^t to support them.” And on the next day he calls with Oliver on Lord Dartmouth, not finding him in. On July 21, he records:

Lieutenant Gov. O. called to acquaint me with his intention to apply to Lord North for his salary. It seems, as I had it from M^r Knox, that when Gen. Gage was superceded (sic) in the command of the army, he [Gage] was promised, the whole of his salary as Governor should be continued; otherwise I should have thought the L^t Gov. might have stood a chance for half, but now he can have no more than his 300£ as L. G.

This prophecy is not very clear; it will presently appear how Oliver fared in the matter of compensation.

He had, of course, lost everything in Cambridge. His estate there was confiscated. Elmwood “was first converted into a hospital for soldiers — some of the scribbles traced with a bayonet on the woodwork at this period can still be seen.”244 There is an order, July 26, 1775, from Headquarters stating that since “the present hospital is not large enough to contain the sick, Lieutenant-Governor Oliver’s house is to be cleared for that purpose, and care to be taken that no injury is done to it.”245

The later fortunes of Elmwood are well known in Cambridge. After being leased by the Committee of Correspondence, it was sold, with ninety-six acres of land, to Andrew Cabot of Salem, thence passing, successively, to Governor Elbridge Gerry, to the Reverend Charles Lowell, with ten acres; and to his son James Russell Lowell, who in his letters has described its elms, its structure and outlook, and its library: “It was large, as things went here when it was built, and has a certain air of simplicity about it as from some inward sense of dignity.” The dignity and simplicity still remain; and Thomas Oliver must have his share of the credit for the charm of Elmwood.

He lived a while in London, doubtless watching for his chances of reparation from the Crown. He is heard of as often “visiting the courts” of law. In July, 1776, he writes to David Phips, his fellow-sufferer:

I found Mrs. Oliver well, and settled in a snug little house in Brompton. . . . But I shall continue here no longer than I am able to find an economical retreat. I have not had time to look about me yet; some cheaper part of England must be the object of my inquiry.246

Later in the year he had lodgings in Jermyn Street. The news from overseas during the next years could not have been unexpected. The Banishment Act of September, 1778, passed to prevent the return of certain persons who had “joined the enemies” of America, heads its list with the names of Hutchinson, Francis Bernard, and Oliver.247 They reappear in the Confiscation Act of April, 1779, which states that the culprits have “justly incurred the forfeiture of all their property, rights, and liberties”; and all their goods are to be seized accordingly.

IX

It is not known when Oliver settled in Bristol, or when the first Mrs. Oliver died. But in 1781 he was in Antigua; and the parish register of St. John’s records: “1781 June 3. Thomas Oliver to Harriette Freeman. By license from his Honor the President.”248 Harriette, or Harriet, was the only child and heir of the Hon. Byam Freeman, whose family was conspicuous in the island. They were a legal race, and they had retained their ties with England. Freeman had matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford; like his father Thomas and his grandfather Arthur, he was a member of one of the Inns of Court. Harriet, in an obituary notice, is described as a “lady of superior understanding, accomplishments and manners”; and we know no more of her, except that she bore Thomas Oliver two daughters. These were Harriet Watkins Oliver (1785–1826), wife of Captain Henry Haynes, R.N., and Emily Freeman Oliver. Emily married James Elton, Recorder of Tiverton, Devon, the paternal grandfather of the present writer; and she died on April 24, 1836. It will be seen from the footnote, which presents Oliver’s two families and some of their descendants, that of his eight daughters all but one married, and six left issue. The fifth, Lucy, Mrs. Tobin, survived till 1857, a widow.249

Of Oliver’s last thirty-three years we have stray glimpses. In February, 1782, he is at Birmingham, and writes cheerfully about a present of snuff:

I am much obliged to you for your care and trouble for an irritating powder for an American Refugee, and doubt not that it be of a more agreeable nature than the so many irritables we have all turned up our noses at for four or five years past.250

One of the “irritables” was undoubtedly the question of compensation for disturbance. In 1783, Oliver submitted a memorial, dated October 2, setting forth his claim and furnishing a schedule of his property.251 He asked for the curiously precise sum of £5167/17s. He received £2320, and also a pension of £200, which was paid until his death. What with these awards, his West India inheritance, and Harriet’s contribution, he cannot have been in straits; and his will, presently to be mentioned, shows that he was indeed very comfortable. It is said that he was “noted for his success as a planter”; and one transaction shows that he was also a good man of business, and throws light on his kindliness of character. Mrs. Henry Vassall, born Penelope Royall, was the aunt by marriage of Elizabeth Vassall, Oliver’s first wife. She was now, in her later years, living in great penury in Boston. A loyalist, she had seen her Cambridge property seized and her estates in Antigua taken over by creditors. Oliver was her trustee, and by sundry skilful transactions cleared and improved these estates; and we learn that “thanks to the warm-hearted ex-lieutenant-governor, the close of her life was blessed with something resembling an income, a luxury to which she had been unaccustomed for almost thirty years.”252

This is the latest personal notice of Thomas Oliver that I have found. His will describes him as of Parkside, St. Augustine’s, Bristol. In Bristol he died on November 29, 1815; Harriet had gone seven years before. The inscription on a marble tablet in the west porch of St. Paul’s Church in that city runs as follows:253

sacred to the memory

of thomas oliver esq.

the last governer of the state of massachusetts

north america

on the independence of that country

he relinquished considerable estates

from attachment to his sovereign

and died in this city

the 29th of november 1815

aged 83 years.

also harriet his wife

who died the 16th of july 1808

aged 50 years

There is also, “on a slab covering a vault in the churchyard next to Col. Vassall’s grave”:

most truly lamented

died harriett the wife of

. . . oliver esqr. on the 16th july

1808. aged 50 years.

thomas oliver

died the 29th . . .

aged 83 years

sincerely regre . . .

. . . lso harr . . . wat . . .

their daughter

wife of captn. h. hay . . .

died 8th decemr 1826

The age in the first inscription should be “81 years”; Oliver was born on January 5, 1734. Nor was he ever “Governer.” As to Harriet, there is a note in the Gentleman’s Magazine of July 16, 1808, to the effect that she died “after a few hours severe indisposition, from an apoplectic stroke.”

X

Oliver’s will, dated September 8, 1812, was proved on January 19, 1816. The estate is handsome, and the bequests seem to be equitable. The two daughters of the second marriage, Harriet Watkins and Emily Freeman, who were still unmarried at the date of the will, receive each £2500; and they share, along with Frances, the spinster, and Lucy Tobin, now a widow, “my dwelling-house in Park St., Bristol, and all my household furniture, plate, linen, china, books, paintings, and wines.” Mary Partridge and Frances Oliver each have £2500. There are legacies ranging from £500 to £750 to various grandchildren. The residue goes to Lucy Tobin, and to the three sons-in-law Rogers, Cave, and Partridge, “in trust to sell.” These four are the executors. There are other provisions, including sums to certain friends and servants.

The whole record suggests a friendly, likeable, straightforward, and shrewd character. Tradition describes Thomas Oliver as a “little” man, it is not clear why; and epithets like “mild,” “obliging,” and “retiring,” are also heard. He says himself that he had “a general love of mankind.” One is glad to have him for an ancestor; if this were China, his memory would receive some honorable ceremony, such as is due to our fathers who begat us. But a paper in a learned journal is the only substitute. I have said what I feel about his public career, and about his behavior at the crisis. For history, he is but one of a thousand straws that were tossed upon a rising torrent.

APRIL MEETING, 1931

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the invitation of Mr. James H. Ropes, at 13 Follen Street, Cambridge, on Thursday, April 23, 1931, at half after eight o’clock in the evening, the President, Samuel Eliot Morison, in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary announced the death of William Coolidge Lane, a Resident Member, on March 18, 1931; and of Edward Robinson, a Corresponding Member, on April 18, 1931.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Leverett Saltonstall and Mr. Edward Allen Whitney, accepting Resident Membership.

Mr. Allyn Bailey Forbes, of Cambridge, was elected a Resident Member, and Mr. John Pell, of New York, N. Y., a Corresponding Member of the Society.

The President, in anticipation of the Annual Meeting, appointed the following Committees:

To nominate candidates for the several offices, — Messrs. Fred Norris Robinson, John Woodbury, and Charles S. Rackemann.

To examine the Treasurer’s accounts,— Messrs. Nathaniel Thayer Kidder and Matt Bushnell Jones.

Mr. Arthur H. Buffinton read the following paper:

THE PURITAN VIEW OF WAR

In an age which more and more questions the value of war as a method of settling international differences and which distinguishes between wars which are lawful and those which are not, it is interesting to inquire what the New England Puritans thought about it. In a speech made in Congress in 1813, Josiah Quincy, Jr., asserted that the people of New England took a moral view of war, that they insisted on applying to political acts, war included, the principles of Christian ethics.

That wise, moral, reflecting people which constitute the great mass of the population of Massachusetts, indeed of all New England, look for the sources of their political duties nowhere else than in those fountains from which spring their moral duties. According to their estimate of human life and its obligations, both political and moral duties emanate from the nature of things, and from the essential and eternal relations which subsist among them. . . . And, above all, what I know will seem strange to some of those who hear me, they will not forget to apply to a case occurring between nations, as far as is practicable, that heaven-descended rule which the great Author and Founder of their religion has given them for the regulation of their conduct towards each other.254

The historian would scarcely consider assertions made in a political harangue, delivered at a time when sectional and party feeling ran high, as unimpeachable evidence. Moreover, New Englanders have certainly not been more backward than other people in claiming for themselves and their forebears a peculiar degree of moral and intellectual excellence. Before accepting Quincy’s statement, therefore, it would be well to inquire what evidence, if any, there is to support it, and whether the people of New England did, in fact, hold those views of war and politics which he ascribes to them.

* * * * * * *

It was inevitable that the first generation of New England Puritans should bring with them ready-made from the Old World their views on war, as well as on politics and religion. In the ferment of ideas which characterized the period of the Puritan migration to America, war did not wholly escape scrutiny, yet its lawfulness was seldom questioned. It was one of those institutions, like private property and the family, which were so deeply imbedded in the structure of society that they were generally accepted as a matter of course. That English Puritans of the period had no conscientious scruples on the subject of war is obvious from their conduct, for it was by force of arms that they undertook to establish those principles of government and religion for which they stood. It was only radical sects like the Anabaptists and the Quakers, which arose during and after the Civil War, which condemned war, and they were by no means typical of contemporary opinion.255

Practice, however, is often something different from theory; hence it is useful to inquire what the men of that time did think about the institution of war. Concerning this there can be no doubt. It was in 1625, on the eve of the Puritan migration to New England, that Hugo Grotius published his De Jure Belli ac Pacts. In this great treatise Grotius was not theorizing; he was merely attempting to set forth in systematic form what preceding ages and the best informed opinion of his own time thought about peace and war. His fundamental proposition is that some wars are just, and others unjust, and for this principle he found authority in the writers of classical antiquity, in the Scriptures, in the writings of mediaeval canonists and scholastics, and in that natural law which was held to embody the enlightened conscience of mankind. To Grotius and his contemporaries this distinction between just and unjust wars was axiomatic; it was hardly an arguable proposition.256

Of some of the authorities cited by Grotius the average Puritan knew little or nothing, but about one he was fully informed, and that was the Scriptures. When he read in the Old Testament about the wars of Israel, the Puritan could hardly doubt that God not only sanctioned war, but that He had on occasion used it to accomplish His peculiar ends. How then, he argued, could anyone affirm that all war was unlawful?

The circumstances of the Puritan migration to America tended to strengthen this opinion in those who emigrated. New England Puritans of the first and second generations regarded themselves as another chosen people, transported by the guiding hand of Divine Providence to their New England Canaan, which had been miraculously reserved for their habitation, and equally miraculously cleared for them of the bulk of its native inhabitants. Pursuing the parallel, they felt themselves divinely commissioned to defend their heritage against foes without and within, against the heathen, against papists and prelatists, against sectaries and Antinomians, against all the troublers of the Israel of God.

Nowhere can better illustration of this viewpoint be found than in Captain Edward Johnson’s Wonder-Working Providence of Sions Saviour in New England.

These souldiers of Christ Jesus [he writes (ed. 1910, p. 227)] having made a fair retreat from their Native country hither, and now being come to a convenient station, resolved to stand it out (the Lord assisting) against all such as should come to rob them of their priviledges . . . although the chiefest work of these select bands of Christ, was to mind their spiritual warfare, yet they knew right well the Temple was surrounded with walls and bulworks, and the people of God in re-edifying the same, did prepare to resist their enemies with weapons of war, even while they continued building.

And elsewhere he writes (p. 33):

You shall with all diligence provide against the Malignant adversaries of the truth, for assure your selves the time is at hand wherein Antichrist will muster up all his Forces, and make war with the People of God . . . and see that with all dilligence you incourage every Souldier-like Spirit among you, for the Lord Christ intends to atchieve greater matters by this little handfull then the World is aware of.

It is altogether likely that this warlike temper was more characteristic of the leaders than of the rank and file. In seventeenth-century Europe, war was still the sport of kings, the special prerogative of aristocracies which regarded it as the most honorable of occupations, the chief means of distinction and social advancement. But the settlers of New England were drawn from the middle and lower classes of society, and it may be doubted whether the common people of any civilized country have ever loved war for its own sake. Popular opinion has ever classed it with famine and pestilence as one of the great scourges of humanity. It was not long before the Massachusetts clergy and those charged with the defence of the colony were bewailing the lack of martial zeal among the people, their impatience of military discipline, and the indifferent manner in which they performed their military obligations. Probably the average settler found the wilderness a sufficient training school for the virtues of courage and endurance, and regarded war with human foes as an unwelcome interruption of the more serious business of making a living.

What the average settler thought about war, we can only infer from his conduct. The Puritan leaders, however, had definite views on the subject, of which they have left sufficient record. They were the ones who were bent upon assuring the success of their commonwealth by force of arms, if necessary. They were the ones whose zeal for their holy experiment animated them to beat down all opposition.

It so happened also that among the enemies of the Puritan Commonwealth were groups of sectaries, Anabaptists and, later, Quakers, who denied the lawfulness of war. That these religious radicals condemned war was in itself sufficient reason why the majority of Puritans had no use for such views. Denial of the lawfulness of war was regarded as a dangerous heresy, a sure sign of perverted opinions. Thus Winthrop notes among the new heresies “broached” by Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers, Anabaptism and the refusal to bear arms, and among the dangerous opinions attributed to the Anabaptists, in the order of the General Court of Massachusetts Bay banishing members of that sect from the colony, is denial of the lawfulness of making war.257

This connection between radical religious opinions and opposition to war is well illustrated in the case of the one eminent settler of New England who was most of a pacifist, Roger Williams. Those who have made a thorough study of his ideas are agreed that he was opposed to war of any kind.258 Wars he held to be generally “for greater dishes and bowls of porridge”; they were one of God’s three “most dreadfull earthly & temporall judgments vpon the children of men.” And yet even Williams refused to condemn all wars. “I yet doubt,” he wrote to John Winthrop, “ . . . whether any other vse of warr & arms be lawfull to the professours of the Lord Jesus, but in execution of justice vpon malefactors at home; or preseruing of life & Hues in defenciue warr as was vpon the Pequts &c.”259

The chief difference between Williams and Puritans of a more militant sort was one of temper. All accepted the general principle that some wars are just, but while Williams believed in using every effort to preserve peace, others required little persuasion to resort to force. The practical difficulty of the theory of a just war was never better stated than by Williams when he wrote that “ . . . all men of Conscience or Prudence, ply to Windward & wisely labour to mainteine their Wars to be defensiue. . . .”260 In holding that all but strictly defensive wars are unjustifiable, Williams went farther than most of his contemporaries.

What the contemporaries of Williams thought about war may best be discovered by reading Puritan sermons. The importance of the clergy as purveyors of ideas has long been recognized, and studies of their sermons have been made to discover what they thought on all kinds of subjects. It does not appear, however, that any systematic attempt has been made to discover from that source what they thought on the subject of war.

One group of sermons is particularly useful for such a study — those preached at the annual election of the officers of what came to be known as the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. This was the only military organization in the colony that might be called professional, and its members were presumed to have a special interest in the art of war. The preacher of the annual sermon, therefore, not infrequently took it upon himself to consider the place of war and of the military profession in a Christian state. A large number of these sermons have been preserved, and from them one may reconstruct the whole Puritan philosophy of war.

It is not necessary to examine in detail the views of individual ministers, for the reason that the Puritan view of war became stereotyped, nor were there substantial changes over the period of a century from King Philip’s War to the beginning of the American Revolution.261 Yet in their general attitude toward war one may, indeed, discover individual differences. Some preachers were of the belligerent type, and with great fervor preached the value and necessity of preparedness; others deplored war and emphasized its evils. Cotton Mather, for instance, in the preface to his Artillery Election Sermon for 1686, speaks of his bookish habits and his longing for the coming of the golden age of peace.262 His son, Samuel Mather, in his 1739 sermon, made an extended analysis of the evils of war, noting the interruption of lawful business, the corruption of manners and morals both during and after war, the loss of many valiant and useful men, and the financial cost. As regards this last, he anticipates the argument of Bloch and Norman Angell that even a successful war is seldom worth the cost. Mather argues also that the character of the typical soldier — he evidently has in mind the professional soldier of Europe, and not the citizen soldier of Massachusetts — is a reflection upon the institution of war, a faithless, profane, impious wretch who must be kept in awe when he is not employed in fighting.263

But war, however deplorable, is a part of the scheme of things, and as such requires to be explained and justified. The Puritan firmly believed, not that whatever is, is right, but that whatever is, is so by the permission or ordinance of an omnipotent God. So with war. War is the natural consequence of sin; like all other human ills it is a result of the fall of man.

. . . Wars and Fightings [said Amos Adams] come from the Lusts of Men; they have their Origin in that Lust of Riches and Dominion so common to a degenerate World. It is Ambition and Coveteousness that have, thro’ all Ages, depopulated Kingdoms, subverted Empires, and delug’d this World in Blood and Ruin. Wars are visible sad Instances, awakening dreadful Demonstrations, of the deep Corruption of human Nature.264

Moreover, God sometimes permits or ordains war to accomplish his purposes in the world. “War,” wrote John Richardson, “is an Ordinance appoynted by God for subduing and destroying the Churches Enemies upon Earth.”265 According to Cotton Mather, God permits war to refine and purify His Church, and to punish wickedness. He may even inspire His people to defend their liberty and their religion, and may raise up deliverers as He did of old. So long as sin and evil remain, will there be wars; only with the coming of the Kingdom of God will the reign of eternal peace be ushered in.266

While war may thus be considered as part of the divinely appointed scheme of things, some proximate cause and some human agency may usually be fixed upon as responsible, for, as Cotton Mather explained,

There is no War, for the most part, which has not some Injustice on one side giving Rise unto it. . . . A great part of the War in the World is but for the Persecution of them that own the Truths and Waves of the Lord Jesus Christ.267

Among these New England clergymen an interesting tendency is to be observed to lay the blame of war upon kings and princes. “Who are they that breake the Peace of the World,” exclaimed Cotton Mather in this same sermon, “more than the Bad Rulers of it? They are the Jeroboams of the world, that corrupt and poison their Subjects with such evill manners, as bring the Vengeance of War upon them.”268 Somewhat similar was the opinion of Henry Gibbs: “The Wars of Sovereign Princes and of free States, what are they for the most part better than a more plausible and powerful Sort of Piracies.”269

Such utterances were usually made with the King of France in mind, the king whom Cotton Mather called “that French Firebrand that has of late years kept almost all Europe in a flame of War,”270 and Thomas Bridge, “the Blasphemous, Proud, and Haughty Monarch of France.”271 Samuel Phillips, however, chose a most inopportune moment to remark that “it cannot be reasonably suppos’d that a Protestant Prince will have Recourse to the Sword until all other Remedies fail”;272 for his sermon was preached only a few months after he whom Englishmen later called the Protestant Hero wantonly attacked a neighbor and despoiled her of the rich province of Silesia. It does not appear that Frederick the Great was conscious that a Protestant king should be more reluctant to appeal to the sword than his Catholic fellow-monarchs.

Under certain circumstances, however, according to Puritan theory, war is justified. This general proposition was supported by appeals both to Scripture and to the Law of Nature. The latter, as a recent writer has remarked, was considered by the New England clergy to be part of God’s law, and “as sacredly and legally binding as any other part of the divine law.”273 In one of the very earliest of the Artillery Election sermons which has been preserved, John Richardson, of Newbury, remarked that the Law of Nature, which is God’s law, binds us to prevent evil unjustly offered.274 Moreover, the right of self-preservation is part of the Law of Nature. According to Cotton Mather, “Men have their Lives, Liberties, Properties, which the very Light of Nature teaches them to maintain by stronger Arms against all Forreign Injuries. Christianity never instructed men to lay down that Natural Principle of Self-Preservation.”275

For the most part, however, war was justified on Scriptural grounds. The changes were rung upon Abraham, David, Joshua, and other warlike worthies of the Old Testament. As regards the New Testament, it was asserted that John the Baptist had, by implication at least, sanctioned war when in his advice to the soldiers he did not order them to give up their occupation, and similarly Christ when he showed favor to the Roman centurion. The dealings of Peter with the centurion of Cæsarea were also cited as evidence that the military profession was not condemned by the early Church.276 Those passages of Scripture which were cited by opponents of war to justify their position, such as the sixth commandment and Christ’s command to turn the other cheek, were waved aside as merely forbidding private revenge and not the use of the sword by public authority.

In all the sermons examined only one reference has been found to the Law of Nations. In his 1740 Artillery Election sermon the well-known Mather Byles asserted that

the Law of Nations in general gives to every People Authority to protect themselves, and to punish those who injure them as far as they are able, as their own Executors. So that Fighting may be as necessary as Laws themselves; for what signify Laws without Sanctions.277

This reference to the need of sanctions has a decidedly modern sound, and suggests that Mather Byles fully deserves his reputation as one of the most eminent, as well as the wittiest, of the clergy of his day.

Having established the lawfulness of war as a general proposition, the Puritan clergyman had then to consider the question when and under what circumstances resort to the sword is justified. In his 1678 Artillery Election sermon Samuel Nowell gives the same list of justifiable causes of war as does Grotius: self-defence, recovery of what has been taken away, and punishment for injuries suffered. Nowell also, having the late Indian war in mind, concludes that “to take up arms for the defence of friends and allies is lawfull.”278

Coming to a later generation, we find Hull Abbot writing in 1735 that “it is Lawful to take up Arms in the Defense of our Lives and Estates, to guard our Religious and Civil Liberties, and to take just Revenges on those that have cruelly Slain our Neighbours and carried into Captivity our Friends.”279 William Williams was of the opinion that men should engage in war only “for the vindication of [their] own just Rights and Properties, when incroach’d upon and invaded or threatned by the unreasonable and injurious, and this after Terms of Peace and Accomodation are rejected by them.”280 In thus suggesting that a peaceful solution must first be attempted, Williams was in advance of most of his contemporaries, if their silence on this point may be considered sufficient evidence of their position.

Such opinions are fairly typical. Under certain circumstances war is lawful, those circumstances being such as the Christian Church through the ages has accepted as justifying war. One minister, however, Nathaniel Appleton, of Cambridge, was ready to take a more practical view, and to justify wars to maintain the balance of power.

And I don’t see [he wrote] why a War may not be lawful, for the opposing and suppressing the growing Power and Tyranny of any Nation, whom we behold advancing themselves, by violent and unjust Encroachments upon their Neighbours, to such a degree of Power, as would over-ballance all the Force that we could make against them.281

And the same writer concluded that in a just war undertaken to avenge injuries, it is lawful to prosecute it not only until satisfaction has been received for the injuries sustained, but also until the power of the aggressor is so weakened that he is discouraged from committing further acts of aggression.282 Whatever may be thought of the practical wisdom of such suggestions, it will probably be admitted that it would be difficult to find Scriptural warrant for such a view.

Appleton’s suggestion that wars to preserve the balance of power are justifiable was made with France in mind. A generation later, as the American Revolution approached, other justifiable causes of war were suggested. Thus Elisha Fish, in a sermon preached in 1773 to a military company at Upton, argued that the use of arms is lawful for the defence of human rights, such as life, liberty, and property, and also as a check upon designing and ambitious rulers. Thus were the New England clergy led by circumstances to add resistance to unjust and tyrannical rulers to the list of justifiable causes of war.283

This adaptation of opinion to circumstance well illustrates the practical difficulty of formulating a generally acceptable definition of a just war. What, it may be asked, about offensive wars? Is it lawful to attack an enemy when just provocation has been given, or must one wait to be attacked? Puritan opinion on this point was, with few exceptions, clear and united — under certain circumstances an offensive war is justifiable. In the use of words, however, the Puritan writers were not always so clear as might be desired, for occasionally one finds the word “defensive” used as synonymous with “lawful.” The Articles of the New England Confederation, however, clearly distinguish between offensive and defensive wars, and imply that both are lawful.284

In admitting the justice of offensive wars Puritan writers were but accepting the traditional view. Their lawfulness, under certain conditions, had been taught by the Church Fathers and by the great mediæval scholastics. It had again been affirmed by Grotius, who gave three justifiable causes of war: defence, recovery of property, and punishment for wrongs suffered. It is obvious that the second and third of these causes would justify a technically offensive war.285

One more question connected with war received some attention at the hands of the Puritan clergy. War is an act of the State, of public authority, but what of the individual who is opposed to war? What of the conscientious objector? This problem was an acute one in colonies such as Pennsylvania and New Jersey where the Quakers formed an important part of the population. It was not particularly pressing in Massachusetts, yet Puritan writers did not wholly ignore it. Here again they were dealing with a question which had been discussed at least ever since the foundation of the Christian Church, and again the position which they took was the traditional Christian one.286

Those who considered the question at all were pretty generally agreed that the individual is bound by the decision of the civil magistrate. According to Nathaniel Appleton, it was not the business of the soldier

to enquire into the Merits of the Cause, and judge whether the War be lawful or unlawful; for that is an Affair intrusted with the Prince and Councils of a Nation; and the Soldier is to presume that the Government have good Reasons to justify their proclaiming and engaging in a War.287

For this position Scriptural warrant was usually found in Christ’s command to render unto Cæsar his due, and in other New Testament passages where obedience to constituted authority is enjoined.

In general, so long as the affairs of the colony were conducted by those who were in sympathy with Puritan principles, the clergy tended to exalt the power of the government and to restrict the right of private judgment. The only dissenting note is that of Cotton Mather, who in one of his sermons argued that if the injustice of a war was “notoriously Evident and Apparent,” the private soldier ought to suffer sooner than engage in it; otherwise he was to “use an Implicit Reliance on the Command of the Supream Power.”288

Puritan sermons also contain interesting evidence upon the contemporary practice of the art of war, although only a word can be given to this subject here. It was early recognized that the kind of training received by the European soldier was of little value in that Indian warfare which was the only kind of fighting the average colonial was likely to see. It might seem that an artillery company in particular would be of little use in such fighting. There is a note of doubtless justifiable sarcasm in the words addressed by Urian Oakes, President of Harvard College, to the Artillery Company in 1677, as New England’s greatest Indian war was drawing to a close: “I hope the Gentlemen-Souldiers present will not blame any of us, if we cannot look upon their Trainings, and Artillery Exercises with such an Eye as formerly before the Warre.”289

But the chief difficulty mentioned is the abuses which grew up in connection with the days set apart for military training. Again and again complaint is made that such days are regarded as times of recreation and diversion, and that they are spent in carousing and drunkenness instead of in the performance of military exercises. According to one preacher, such neglect was common both to officers and private soldiers, with the inevitable result that the latter ceased to respect their officers and were ready to mock and deride them.290 The officer who spent the day treating and being treated could hardly complain if his soldiers spent it in the nearest tavern.

Moreover, according to another preacher of about the same period, there was already visible a tendency for those of a little above the ordinary rank to regard the performance of military exercises as unfashionable, and to leave it to the commoner sort and to those who had a special interest in military affairs.291 Thus it appears that those evils of our military system to which advocates of preparedness have ever been fond of pointing appeared at an early date in the history of this country, even in New England, which had the reputation in the colonial period of being more martial than other parts of British America.

The views of war held by the Puritan clergy of New England were not peculiar to that region. Probably the most important debate on the question of the lawfulness of war held anywhere in the colonies was that which took place in the Quaker colony of Pennsylvania in the closing months of the third French war. Moved by the defenceless state of the colony and by the unwillingness of the Quaker Assembly to provide for a militia, numbers of the leading men of Philadelphia and vicinity, under the leadership of Benjamin Franklin, formed an Association for Defence.292 There resulted an interesting controversy between the Quakers and their opponents concerning the lawfulness of war, the most notable contribution to which was a sermon by the celebrated Gilbert Tennent, entitled, The late Association for Defence encourag’d, or The lawfulness of a Defensive War. Tennent’s sermon contains as thoroughgoing a statement of the reasons why defensive war is justified as one could desire. In support of his position he cites the Scriptures, the Roman law, and Grotius, and in keeping with the thought of his time he places special emphasis upon the Law of Nature. Every passage of Scripture cited by opponents of war in justification of their position is examined at length and is interpreted in a different sense. To the arguments commonly used to support the lawfulness of war Tennent adds others of a more practical character.

Is it always practicable [he inquires] to get reparation for national Injuries by Treaties? No, by no Means! Do not the strongest generally keep the Advantages they have got, as long as they can, and use the most labour’d Subterfuges, and crafty Artifices to elude Application for Redress, and colour their Fraud and Oppression? . . . Is there any common Magistrate that presides over contending Kingdoms? or any Law common to both by which they will abide?

Thus Tennent, in 1748, uses the same argument to justify war which has been so often used since 1918 in support of the League of Nations.293

Such then was the Puritan, one may fairly say, the accepted Christian, view of war. In Europe, however, practice steadily diverged from theory, so that the eighteenth-century successors of Grotius were forced to abandon the distinction between just and unjust wars. In practice, the principles of Machiavelli were followed, not those of St. Augustine and Thomas Aquinas. It is interesting to note, however, that in seventeenth-century New England the distinction between just and unjust wars was not merely an academic one. Something more than mere lip service was offered to the idea that a Christian state must not engage in an unjust war.

Thus the Articles of the New England Confederation carefully provided that except in case of actual invasion none of the members should engage in a war until its justice had been determined by vote of the Commissioners. If a colony could not convince its confederates of the justice of a proposed war, it would be forced to carry it on, if at all, without their military and financial support.294

Ten years after the formation of the New England Confederation there arose among the members a dispute on this very question of the justice of a proposed war which nearly disrupted the organization. At that time the Connecticut colonies alleged that the Dutch of Manhattan had plotted with the Indians to destroy the English, and sought to persuade Massachusetts and Plymouth to join them in undertaking what they regarded as a justifiable war of defence. The proceedings were long and complicated, and need not be followed in detail here. The discussion turned largely upon the justice of the proposed war, and upon the power of the Commissioners, under the Articles of Confederation, to commit a colony to war if it was unconvinced of the justice of the cause. In the end, Massachusetts stood out, and the war could not be undertaken, but in the course of the discussion we get some significant statements concerning war and the conditions under which it is justified.

One of the most significant of these is the brief record of a meeting held by the Massachusetts Council and certain of the elders to discuss this question. All present accepted the view that there must be sufficient proof of the justice of their cause before war could be undertaken, one speaker remarking that respect for the religion they professed dictated that they should be clear on this point. The conclusion of the gathering was that it is both inexpedient and unsafe “to erre either in point of lawfullnes or expediency or both in a matter of this nature.”295

On a later occasion certain of the elders gave the Massachusetts General Court the following opinion:

Wee humble conceiue itt to bee most agreeable to the Gosspell of peace which wee professe and safest for these collonies to forbeare the vse of the sword, till the Lord by his prouidence and by the wisedome of his seruants sett over vs shall further cleare of his mind either for our settled peace or most manifest grounds of warr that wee may not proceed doubtfully and soe vnsafely in soe waighty a case . . .296

As regards the binding force of the vote of the United Commissioners, a committee of the Massachusetts General Court reported that it was “A Scandall in Religion that a generall court of Christians should bee oblidged to acte and engage vpon the faith of six Delligates against theire Consience,” thus clearly indicating their opinion of the necessity of obtaining sufficient proof of the justice of war to satisfy the Christian conscience.297

Confronted with this opinion, the New Haven General Court set forth its views. Their statement of the grounds of a just war is very clear:

It may be considered when a just warr in ordinary cases may be called offensive or vindictive . . . ordinarily and in refferrence to men, lawfull warrs are to defend, recover, secure or get satisfaction, in case of just possessions or rights injuriously invaded, seized or indangered by others, w^th respect to persons, estates or hono^rs, when other meanes will not serve. . . .298

Nevertheless Massachusetts stood stiffly to its position that in the case of an offensive war each confederate has the right to act according to his own light and conscience, and that it is bound by the determinations of the Commissioners only in so far as they are “just and according to God.” “Otherwise,” said the General Court, “wee Judge wee are not bound neither before God nor men.”299

This whole episode is important not only for the light it sheds upon the working of the first attempt at confederation on American soil, but also because it shows clearly that the distinction between just and unjust wars was one maintained in practice as well as in theory. It may freely be acknowledged that the position taken by the Massachusetts Bay colony was dictated largely by its interests, but the same is true also of the Connecticut colonies. The significant thing, however, from the point of view of our inquiry, is that both parties to the controversy accepted without question the principle that only just wars are lawful.

One other episode in the early history of New England is recorded when the question of the justice of a warlike act was raised. In the year 1643, Governor Winthrop permitted the Frenchman La Tour to hire men in Boston to aid him against his adversary, D’Aulnay. Certain of the leading men of the northern part of the colony, including Richard Saltonstall and Simon Bradstreet, seriously questioned both the wisdom and the justice of this action and sent Winthrop a strongly worded letter of protest.300 War, they asserted, is an extreme remedy, not to be undertaken in a dubious cause and except to avenge some great wrong. “The grounds of warre,” they declared, “ought to be just and necessary.”

In his reply to their protest Winthrop avoided the direct issue by arguing that permission to La Tour to hire volunteers did not constitute an act of war, and that he was merely aiding a neighbor in distress. In defence of his action he cited examples drawn from the Scriptures and from the practice of European nations. Winthrop did not, however, challenge the fundamental proposition of his critics that wars are not to be undertaken save for just cause, and there is no reason to suppose that on this point he differed from them.301

Thus, both in theory and in practice, the Puritans of New England held to the distinction between just and unjust wars. Critical, even defiant, of authority in matters political, the spiritual descendants of Calvin were conservative in their approach to questions of social ethics. In the Christian centuries from Augustine to Aquinas few such problems had escaped scrutiny. Tennent and Cotton Mather had but to draw upon the reservoir of knowledge which had been stored up through the centuries. Familiar with tradition, such men were conscious of its weight, and could not ignore it as did those radical sects which trusted some inner illumination, some divine intimation to the individual soul. It was no accident that colonies where the clergy had most influence were the most conservative, for it was the clergy preëminently who were under the spell of tradition.

So it was in the case of war. While liberal Puritans like Roger Williams sought to restrict the use of the sword, and radical sects like the Quakers rejected it altogether, conservative Puritans were content to admit the lawfulness of certain wars because that was the Christian tradition. From this inflexibility of opinion flowed results both good and evil. So long as men believed that certain kinds of war are lawful they would be pretty sure to find plausible reasons for fighting whenever passion or interest suggested the advisability of so doing. Moreover, tradition too often barred the way to a fresh approach to such problems as war.

On the other hand, the very fact that it was the accepted view that the justice of war must be proved exerted a restraining influence. The Puritan’s philosophy of war gave him a bent toward peace, for it put the burden of proof upon the advocates of war. This bent to peace was strongly reinforced by the fortunate situation of the settlers of America. They were not without enemies, and more than once they had to fight, but as compared to most European peoples their lot was a peaceful one. Moreover, the decision whether or not they should fight lay in their own hands. England and France might be officially at war, but no English government could compel an American colony to fight if it was not disposed to do so. Europeans who admit that Americans have been, on the whole, a peaceful people, find the cause in the fortunate environment of Americans, the lack of powerful and ambitious neighbors, the possession of a virgin continent to develop. When one considers, however, how large a proportion of the people of America were taught either that all wars are unchristian, or that only certain wars are just, it is certainly pertinent to inquire whether there is not something after all in Quincy’s theory that the Christian training of the people of New England, one may say, indeed, of all America, was a factor in their attitude towards war. The influence of ideas passed on from generation to generation is an intangible factor, but it is one that cannot, and should not, be wholly ignored.

It is interesting to reflect that the wheel has swung full circle, and that once again practical statesmen are attempting to establish in the code of international relations the distinction between just and unjust wars. It may even be said that they have established it, that today under the Covenant of the League of Nations and the Pact of Paris, certain kinds of war are recognized as lawful and certain other kinds as unlawful. That view of war to which the New England Puritans clung long after most of the world had abandoned it is now regarded as the necessary basis of the new international order. The experience of our generation has done much to vindicate the Puritan position that no political system can function successfully over any long period of time which is not based upon a recognition of the existence of a moral order.

Mr. Morison presented the following paper, written by Miss Isabel Calder:

JOHN COTTON’S “MOSES HIS JUDICIALS”

In October, 1636, John Cotton presented to the General Court of Massachusetts Bay “a model of Moses his judicials, compiled in an exact method.”302 This was a code of laws which Cotton had drafted in answer to a demand for a body of written legislation for the colony. The code had an interesting history until 1641, when it was rejected in favor of the Body of Liberties. Published in London in that year and in 1655, it was then lost sight of for almost two centuries. At the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, James Savage proclaimed it as the Body of Liberties itself and it passed as such until 1843, when Francis C. Gray produced the true Body of Liberties. Since then the Cotton code has been misunderstood and undervalued. It is the object of this paper to throw additional light on its early history and to determine its proper place in the history of early New England legislation.303

There was a demand for a body of written laws in Massachusetts as early as 1635. On March 4 of that year the General Court appointed John Winthrop and Richard Bellingham “to take a vewe of all orders already made, & to informe the nexte Generall Court w^ch of them they iudge meete to be altered, ebreviated, repealed, corrected, inlarged, or explained, &c.”304 On May 6, 1635, the deputies fearing great danger to the state because the magistrates, “for want of positive laws, in many cases, might proceed according to their discretions,” the General Court appointed Governor Haynes, Deputy Governor Bellingham, John Winthrop, and Thomas Dudley “to frame a body of grounds of laws, in resemblance to a Magna Charta, which, being allowed by some of the ministers, and the general court, should be received for fundamental laws.”305 Apparently this group did nothing, for on May 25, 1636, a second committee was appointed, this time with significantly different instructions. Governor Vane, Deputy Governor Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, John Haynes, Richard Bellingham, John Cotton, Hugh Peter, and Thomas Shepard were “intreated to make a draught of lawes agreeable to the word of God, w^ch may be the ffundamentalls of this com̄onwealth, & to present the same to the nexte Generall Court.” In the meantime the magistrates and their associates were ordered to

ꝑceede in the courts to heare & determine all causes according to the lawes nowe established, & where there is noe law, then as neere the lawe of God as they can; & for all busines out of Court for w^ch there is noe certaine rule yet sett downe, those of the standing counsell, or some two of them, shall take order by their best discrec̃on, that they may be ordered & ended according to the rule of Gods word. . . .306

The significant change at this time was the addition of several ministers to the committee of civil authorities and the instructions “to make a draught of lawes agreeable to the word of God.” Although there is no evidence that the committee appointed in May, 1636, functioned as a body, John Cotton, one of its members, did produce a code of laws, and in October, 1636, presented it to the General Court.307

The Cotton code consisted of ten chapters embodying the government, laws, and practices of Massachusetts Bay. It provided for Governor, Deputy Governor, Court of Assistants, and General Court, as did the colony charter; it limited the franchise and the right to hold office to church-members, as was the law in Massachusetts at the time. Only in minor details, as when he substituted the title of free burgess for that of freeman, had Cotton departed from current practices. Although the title, “Moses his judicials,” given to the Cotton code by Winthrop might imply a Biblical origin, the provisions of the code, with the exception of the chapters on crimes and inheritance, were not drawn from the Scriptures. Winthrop’s title was not inappropriate, however, for many of the provisions of the code were supported by marginal Scriptural references to prove that they were in harmony with the word of God and thus met the requirements laid down by the General Court in May, 1636. The defect of the code was that much space was devoted to outlining a government already outlined in the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company and but little space to the legislation so urgently needed by Massachusetts. Probably for this reason it was not accepted, but, until something better suited to the needs of Massachusetts could be drafted, it was not rejected.308

In 1637, Massachusetts became involved in the Pequot War and the Antinomian controversy, and it was not until the spring of 1638 that the General Court was in a position to give further attention to legislation. On March 12 of that year the Court ordered the freemen to assemble in their several towns and

collect the heads of such necessary & fundamentall lawes as may bee sutable to the times & places whear God by his ꝑvidence hath cast vs, & the heads of such lawes to deliver in writing to the Governo^r for the time being before the 5^th day of the 4^th month, called June, next, to the intent that the same Governo^r, together w^th the rest of the standing counsell, & Rich^rd Bellingham, Esq, M^r Bulkley, M^r Philips, M^r Peters, & M^r Sheopard, elders of severall churches, M^r Nathaniell Ward, M^r Willi: Spencer, & M^r Will: Hauthorne, or the maior part of them, may, vpon the survey of such heads of lawes, make a compendious abrigment of the same by the Generall Court in autum̄e next, adding yet to the same or detracting therefrom what in their wisdomes shall seeme meete, that so the whole worke being ꝑfected to the best of their skill, it may bee ꝑsented to the Generall Court for confirmation or reiection, as the Court shall adiudge.

The Court also ordered the committee thus established to

survey all the lawes & orders already made, & reduce them into as fewe heads as they may, & ꝑsent them vnto the Gen^rall Court for approbation or refusall, as aforesaid.309

Some of the towns acted on the order of March 12. On April 6, 1638, Newbury deputed two men “to labour to compile a body of laws & present them to the towne that they may be presented to the Govern^mt according to order of Court,”310 and on April 26, 1638, Charlestown desired Increase Nowell, Zachariah Sims, John Greene, John Harvard, Ralph Sprague, and William Learned “to consid^r of some things tending towards A body of Lawes, &c.”311 The work proceeded slowly, however, and on June 6, 1639, the General Court of the colony ordered that the marshal should “give notice to the com̄itte about the body of lawes, to send vnto the next Generall Court such drafts of lawes as they have ꝑpared, for the Court to take order about them what to settle.”312 On November 3, 1639, Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley wrote to Winthrop, “A body of Lawes is now of all much desired; & all maturenes of proceeding therin wished.”313 In the same month two codes of laws, one that of John Cotton and the other drafted by Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich, were before the General Court.

Ward’s code, the second attempt at codification, was a rather lengthy bill of rights which set a limit to the arbitrary power of the magistrates in Massachusetts and thus met the needs of the infant colony. It outlined no form of government but presupposed the existence of such a government as that provided by the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company.

On November 5, 1639, the General Court referred the codes of Cotton and Ward to Governor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, Treasurer Bellingham, and Israel Stoughton, “or any three of them,” with two or more of the deputies of Boston, Charlestown, or Roxbury, to peruse and draw up into one body, “altering, ading, or omiting what they shall thinke fit.” Copies of the resulting composite were to be sent to the several towns for the elders of the churches and the freemen to consider before the next General Court.314 It seems probable that Cotton’s capital laws were incorporated into Ward’s code at this point. Thomas Lechford did the immense amount of writing involved in making copies of the laws for the towns,315 and, although not a freeman and therefore not entitled to express an opinion, as “Amicus curiœ” pointed out to the Governor and Assistants, in a paper dated March 4, 1639–40, changes which he considered necessary:316 Nathaniel Ward protested against the submission of the laws to the freemen.

. . . Please to advise throughly with the counsell, [he wrote Winthrop, December 22, 1639] whether it will not be of ill consequence to send the Court busines to the common consideration of the freemen. I feare it will too much exauctorate the power of that Court to prostrate matters in that manner. I suspect both Commonwealth & Churches haue discended to lowe already; I see the spirits of people runne high, & what they gett they hould. They may not be denyed their proper & lawfull liberties, but I question whether it be of God to interest the inferiour sort in that which should be reserued inter optimates penes quos est sancire leges317

Nevertheless, on May 13, 1640, the General Court desired the elders and freemen to “ripen their thoughts & counsells” regarding the breviate of laws.318 June 2, 1641, found Massachusetts still without a code of laws, however, and on that date the General Court appointed Governor Bellingham to peruse all the laws and take notice what ought to be repealed, what to be certified, and what to stand, and to make return to the next General Court.319 On October 7, 1641, the General Court desired Governor Bellingham and William Hathorne to speak to Ward for a copy of the “liberties & of the capitall lawes” to be transcribed and sent to the towns.320 Finally, on December 10, 1641, the General Court voted that the body of laws formerly sent forth among the freemen should stand in force.321 Copies of the Body of Liberties thus adopted, subscribed by Deputy Governor Endecott, Emanuel Downing, and William Hathorne, were sent to each town.322 After circulating for five years as a potential code for Massachusetts Bay, Cotton’s “Moses his judicials” had been rejected by Massachusetts in favor of Ward’s Body of Liberties.

The Cotton code received recognition, however, and was adopted and enforced in two separate regions beyond the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. As has been stated, it was of little value to Massachusetts because much space was devoted to outlining a government already outlined in the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company. But for that very reason it was of value to those groups of settlers who were passing beyond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and establishing independent plantations in the territory thrown open by the Pequot War and who were without a charter or other outline of government.

In 1637, the Davenport-Eaton company arrived in Boston. During the ensuing nine months John Davenport lived with John Cotton.323 That Cotton and Davenport debated at least one of the provisions of Cotton’s code, Cotton’s Discourse About Civil Government in a New Plantation Whose Design is Religion324 is evidence. In 1638, the Davenport-Eaton company removed to Quinnipiac on Long Island Sound and within five years had expanded into the New Haven Colony. At Quinnipiac they adopted, first as a temporary measure, and on June 4, 1639, as a permanent constitution, “those rules w^ch the scripture holds forth,”325 and they meant by that phrase not the Bible, as has so often been stated, but the Cotton code. Years later Davenport wrote:

And by voluntary consent among themselves they settled a civill court & governm^t among themselves, upon such fundamentalls as were established in Massachusetts by allowance of their pattent, whereof the then governo^r of the Bay, the Right Worp^ll M^r Winthrop sent us a coppie to improve for our best advantage. These fundamentalls all the inhabitants of the said Quillipyack approved, & bound themselves to submitt unto & maintaine. . . .326

This passage might be interpreted to mean that Winthrop had sent the Davenport-Eaton company a copy of the Massachusetts Bay Company’s charter, but that evidently was not the meaning intended, for in 1644 New Haven was without a copy of the Massachusetts charter.327 Moreover, the planters of Quinnipiac adopted as their constitution the “rules w^ch the scripture holds forth,” a phrase which could mean neither the Massachusetts charter nor the Body of Liberties but which was quite as appropriate a title for the Cotton code as was Winthrop’s “Moses his judicials.”328

In 1640, Abraham Pierson led a group of settlers from Lynn, Massachusetts, to Southampton, Long Island. This company carried a copy of the Cotton code with them and accepted it as the basis of their plantation government and copied whole chapters of it into the Southampton town records.329

The Cotton code was published anonymously in London in 1641 with the title: An Abstract of the Lawes of New England, As they are now established. It is not improbable that it was Thomas Lechford, who had been employed by the Massachusetts General Court to copy the code, and thus knew that it embodied the government, laws, and practices of Massachusetts, who was responsible for this edition which appeared in the year of his return to England.330 The code was republished in London by William Aspinwall in 1655. In the preface to this edition, Aspinwall attributed the code to Cotton and stated that it had not been adopted by Massachusetts.331 Ward’s Body of Liberties remained unpublished. With the adoption of more elaborate codes of laws by Massachusetts in 1648, 1660, and 1672, and by New Haven in 1656, which superseded the Body of Liberties and the Cotton code in those colonies, both the Cotton code and the Body of Liberties were lost sight of and forgotten.

In 1769, Thomas Hutchinson published the Cotton code in his Collection of Original Papers, with a footnote attributing it to Cotton. In 1798, the Massachusetts Historical Society published the code, with a note attributing it to Cotton and Vane.332 In 1844, Peter Force included the code in his collection of Tracts and Other Papers.

In 1825–1826, James Savage issued his edition of Winthrop’s Journal under the title, The History of New England from 1630 to 1649. In commenting on the appointment of a committee in November, 1639, to combine the Cotton and Ward codes, Savage referred to the much published Cotton code as the compilation which resulted from the efforts of the committee, mistaking the Cotton code for the unpublished Body of Liberties,333 and the Cotton code passed as the Body of Liberties adopted by Massachusetts in 1641 until 1843, when Francis C. Gray published for the first time the true Body of Liberties and proved that the Cotton code had never been adopted by Massachusetts.334 Gray’s contribution to the knowledge of early Massachusetts legislation was a valuable one, but he seriously undervalued the Cotton code. He scoffed at it as a code the provisions of which were drawn chiefly from the Old Testament, and which Massachusetts would never have seriously considered. He offered the hypothesis that the code was published in London in 1641 by someone, perhaps a friend of Cotton, who had a copy of the Cotton code in his possession and, learning of the adoption of the Body of Liberties by Massachusetts in 1641, supposed that the Cotton code was the newly adopted Body of Liberties and gave it to the world with the title, An Abstract of the Lawes of New England, As they are now established, through ignorance that there were no laws common to all of New England. Gray overlooked the fact that the Body of Liberties was adopted almost too late in the year 1641 for news of its acceptance to have reached England and for the Cotton code, mistaken for it, to have been published in the same year. He further overlooked the fact that the Cotton code was occasionally called an “Abstract of the Lawes of New England” in the colony of its origin,335 the name New England here being used as equivalent to Massachusetts.336 Gray’s erroneous evaluation of the Cotton code has been passed on from one writer to another down to the present day. James Truslow Adams writes that it “was based entirely upon Bible texts, of which, characteristically, but two were drawn from the New Testament and forty-six from the Old.”337

The provisions of the Cotton code were not drawn from the Bible, however, and, although the code was never adopted by Massachusetts Bay, it embodied to a very large extent the government, laws, and practices of Massachusetts and was as much the law of Massachusetts as a compilation of statutes, which in its finished form may not have been passed upon by the legislature, is the law of the state for which it has been compiled. The Cotton code was not without effect upon the Body of Liberties which was adopted by Massachusetts in 1641. It was carried beyond the limits of Massachusetts and became the basis for the governments of the colony of New Haven and of the plantation of Southampton. The title of the 1641 edition — An Abstract of the Lawes of New England, As they are now established — was, therefore, quite appropriate, whether or not the name “New England” was used as equivalent to “Massachusetts.” The Cotton code was not the impracticable document that has been depicted by Gray and later writers, and deserves recognition as the earliest compilation of New England legislation.

Mr. Allyn B. Forbes presented three notes based on items in the correspondence of Henry Newman (H. C. 1687).

HARVARD ON TOUR AT OXFORD, 1703

With a varied career behind him since taking his second degree at Harvard — college librarian, amateur chaplain on a ship plying to Bilbao, and merchant at Boston and at St. John’s, Newfoundland — Henry Newman in 1703 came to London, where he was to spend the rest of his life. He had been there briefly before in the course of his voyages on the New England merchantman, but there had been little opportunity thus far for him to see the sights. Fortunately for him, Oxford was in July of that year ending its academic year with one of its infrequent public Acts, and accordingly he joined with Nathaniel Saltonstall (H. C. 1695), also in London at the time, to take in the festivities. The account of his tour is contained in the following fragment of his letter to his cousin, Henry (Tutor) Flynt.338

Henry Newman to Henry Flynt

London. 27 July 1703.

Dear S^r,

Having lately made a visit to Oxford, I look upon my self oblidged to give an account of my Journey to some Harvard Friend, and upon more accounts than one, think it belongs to yourself. M^r Saltonstall and I went down thither a Week before the Act began, that we might see the University, before the throng and Hurry of the approaching Solemnity, should ruffle her sedate appearance.

I can’t pretend to give you a Particular account of the University having spent but 14 Days there (that also being the Business of a Volumne) but only to relate what more remarkably affected my Observations.

As to the Buildings I cant refer you to a Better Description than M^r Loggan’s,339 which M^r I. Mather or M^r T. Brattle has, and will give you a better Idea, than any thing I can say. Let me only tell you there are 18 Colledges and 7 Halls, so full of Students that some Jun^rs are forc’d to take Lodging in Town. That each Colledge is fitt for a Princes Palace, and the Heads of them resembling, or rather excelling Princes in their Way of living, because they have all the Pleasure, seperate from the Toyls of such a Life, They know nothing of the fatigue of Managing State Designs, but as farr as the Contemplation of Warr and Peace may administer Pleasure to their Mind they enjoy it. The Principall Task these Gentlemen have, is to see the Statutes of the University, and the regulations of their severall Founders duely observed, which they do with the greatest Ease and Exactness, thereby preserving such a religious Decorum (if I may so call it) thro’ the University as strikes even a Stranger with Aw that visits them. When we went thither, we carried the Expectations of seeing a Place abandoned to all manner of loose and licentious Living, according to the Character some had given of it, but instead of that we found an admirable Discipline every where, as tightly executed, as was consistent with such a Vast Body, filled with young rampant Blood, made up of all sorts of Genius’s and Inclinations; and if any Difference was made to Quality, Noble Men’s Sons seem’d to be under a stricter Eye, than other’s, they being more immediately under the Conduct of the Heads: Batchelors of Art we took Notice, were censured and punished for Misdemean^rs as well as Undergraduates; and a Mast^r of Arts That was upon his Præferm^t would not willingly bear you Company out of his Colledge after 9 a Clock in y^e Even: at which hour the mighty Tomm rings and the Students vanish from Taverns, Publick Houses, and all Quarters, as if some Plague had swept ’em away. After that hour the two Procters or their Subs; go thro’ the Town attended with 2. or 3. Gent: to visitt all Houses they suspect of entertaining Scholl’s unseasonably, and have generally such Intelligence that hardly any Caball of Students escapes being blown up before Midnight, where the Landlord is sure to pay 4s and the Schollars what the Vice Chanceller pleases, some are admonished, some tasked with Exercises, some fined, and some have a Compound Penance appointed. The Vice Chanceller is always a Justice of Peace by his Place and therefore can punish Disord^rs in the Town as well as in the University, which makes the Inhabitants more observant of him, than of their Mayor or any other Officer in the Place.

It is not to be imagined the Aw those Procters carry with them during their Proctorship which is but one year, they go attended each with one & sometimes two foot-men, who I took Notice were always lusty fellows in a Hand-some Livery and as the Vice Chanceller is always a Head of some Colledge or other, these are fellows of some Colledge or other, and take place next to the Vice Chanceller of all the University, they have a large Commission and are very strict in executing it: It seems rivetted in the nature of a Schollar to shunn them, wherever they meet them, the Principall reason for which, that I could learn was, lest they should be surprized without a Band, have a wrong Capp on, or an improper Gown for their Standing, for any of which they are punishable, and are not spared by the Procters, however winked at by other Superiours. One Custom I must not omitt to acquaint you, because it was as surprizing, as it was odd to us both: We happened one Day to dine with the Provost of Queen’s Colledge in the Hall, where we were introduced on purpose to see their Manner. After Grace was said in Latin and about 16 or 18 Fellows, Masters of Art, and Strangers were seated at M^r Provost’s Table, 8 Schollars (which they told us were Batchell^rs of Art) stood reverently with Books in their Hands, before the Table, and by Turns upon their Knees, recited Aristotle in Greek or Latin; I did not understand that they were tyed to any particular Topick, But might begin where they Pleased in either of the Learned Languages, this they did every one in their Turns, saying by heart a good round Lesson, till they were interrupted by the Provost with some Question upon the Topick they were reciting, which they generally answered very smartly, and were obliged to go on ’till the Provost said Sufficit when another succeeded till they had all said something, this Ceremony lasted most of the Dinner time, and if we had not been there, they said it would have lasted all the time:340 Dureing this 10 Undergraduates, that waited at the Provosts Table, stood with their Hands across ’till the Cloath was taken away: Then we all washed our hands in a great Brass Bason, returned Thanks in Latin and marched out of the Hall. This Custom they told us was strictly observed every Day in the year, the foundation of the Coll: depending upon it: Other Coll^s have Customs as odd, too tedious to relate: Let me only add one more, because it was common to the whole University; all those Gentlemen that stood Candidates for a Mast^r of Arts Deg: (besides the Common Badges of a Master of Arts) wore a peice of Leather soe’d to the middle of the forepart of the Soles of their Shoes, so that it might flapp as they went along (as if the Sole were half rent off) and wherever they went thô in the Common Streets during Act Time (which was 4 or 5 Days) they were obliged besides wearing these Sorts of Shoes to goe Bear-headed, ’till they had the Vice Chancellors Benediction: I asked a reverend Doctor the meaning of the Custome, he said it was very antient, and signifyed the Humility that ought to possess every Man, before they arrived to Academick Hon^rs (they being by these flapps obliged to walk slowly) and that together w^th so innocent a Signification, it was necessary as a Badge to distinguish Candidates from those that were Master of Arts, regent as they called them.

There has not been an Act for 8 or 10 years before this discontinued because of the Expense it puts the University and Graduates to341 besides the Tumult and riottous Liberty it occasions, so that now, they have them only to preserve the Memory of Ancient Custome and invite mankind once in a few years to see a Glorious University. Degrees are usually conferred in Scholasticall Congregations, at their Terms, of which they have 4 in a year; and the July Term may have an Act at the V. Chanc^s Pleasure. I should tire your Patience to give you the Process of the Act; Let me only tell you; It began the 2^d Fryday in July; all mankind being assembled in the Theatre (an August Fabrick) the Entertainments were introduced with a Consort of Musick, consisting of a Pair of organs, severall Bass-Viols, Violins, Flutes, Haut Bois and Voices, both of Men and Boys, the Words sung all in Latin. Then severall undergraduates of the higher rank in the N^o of 27 Gent: made Speeches upon Astronomy, Geo^y, Law, Physick, Logick &c as they pleas’d all in Latin Verse, pronounced by Heart with a great Grace, and the 17 or 18 Orator spoke in praise of Musick, at the End of which, all the Musicians struck up, and play’d another Consort. The last Orator concluding with an Encomium upon all the other Performances, at the End of which, the Learned Multitude arose and the organs play’d them out.342 The 2^d Day being the 10^th July several Disputations were manag’d upon y^e Questions, you find for the Day in the enclosed, about the middle of which Disput^s the Terrae filius (as they called [him]) came to one of y^e Desks and was introduced with a Shout and Clapping of Hands. This Terrae filius was chosen by the youngest Proctor, must be a Master of Arts and is generally a rake that fears neither God nor man, with a face made of Brass. Their Business is to expose all the Private failings of the Heads, Professors & Doctors in the University, which they do with abundance of artificiall railery, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in English Verse and sometimes in Prose, sparing neither the Vice-Chanc^r the Proctors, nor their best Friends, and think they don’t come off honourably, if they are not expelled.343 This Custom likewise they say is antient, and has been indulged for the same reason it was first instituted, Viz: Because the Heads &c^a being above the ordinary Censures of the Statutes, to oblidge them to [be] circumspect, this Practice has been allowed as the fittest Way to lash them for their faults.

Monday the 12^th July was spent in Disputations on the Quest^s inclosed, about the middle of which the 2^d Terrae filius chosen by the Eldest Proctor mounted the Desk and lashed afresh all the heads of the University, not sparing their Ladies and their Acquaintance in Town: This Office is so ungratefull that they could find but one in the University that would accept of it.344

[End of fragment]

THOMAS PRINCE, SCIENTIST AND HISTORIAN

In those early eighteenth-century days when for a Bostonian to order from London by catalogue was far more hazardous than at present, it was a thoroughly recognized practice to entrust one’s purchases to one’s acquaintances or correspondents overseas. Particularly would this be the case when the selection of the desired items required a degree of expert knowledge. Hence it was that when Thomas Prince wanted some globes and some up-to-date scientific literature, he appealed to Henry Newman. Their actual acquaintance was apparently at the most very slight, limited perhaps to occasional contacts during Prince’s years in England. But Newman was under the circumstances a logical man to be pressed into service. In the year of his second degree at Harvard (1690) he had made a modest début in the scientific world as the compiler of an almanac and had followed that with another the next year. His early London associations had brought him contacts with members of the Royal Society, of which both Cotton Mather and Benjamin Colman had been on occasion glad to avail themselves in order to get contributions before that body. It was also through Newman that the Royal Society on its part had made advances in 1713 to the executors of Thomas Brattle’s estate for the latter’s manuscripts “relating to Astronomy, Musick and the other parts of y^e Mathematicks.” Prince might thus well think that there was no one else available so well fitted to discharge his commission.

At the same time, having decided the previous year “to draw up a short account of the most remarkable transactions and events [of New England history] in the form of a mere Chronology,” Prince seized the opportunity to submit to Newman a series of questions regarding the history of the latter’s family. It was doubtless to such correspondence as this that the historian later referred when he gave as one source of his facts “chronological Letters . . . collected from . . . the information of aged and intelligent persons.”

Thomas Prince to Henry Newman345

4 March 1728/9

Y^e Day y^e taking down of the fourth Church346 Meeting House.

Hon^d S^r

Tho I have not often taken y^e Liberty of troubling M^r Newman with my Letters, yet I hope He has such a Remembrance of me as will dispose him to excuse y^e present Freedom. And this especially when the Reason of my looking to him for y^e following Favour is an Apprehension, in which the Honourable Bearer joins w^th me, that none of my acquaintance in London is so well accomplished in y^e Mathematick sciences to do it for me.

Being very desirous of a Pair of y^e exactest Globes I wou’d humbly intreat you to receiv y^e Rings or money I send you by the Hon^ble M^r Belcher, and procure them at as cheap a Rate as you can, and then consult w^th him to send them to me by y^e safest Hand & as soon as may be.

In a catalogue of Globes &c made & sold by Philip Lea at y^e Atlas & Hercules in Cheapside, near y^e Corner of Fryday street, w^ch I suppose was printed about 1712 I find the 2 following articles —

(1) A new size of Globes 15 Inches Diameter, made according to modern astronomy & Geography; y^e coelestial according to y^e latest Observations, & y^e Terrestrial rectified more than 10 Degrees, and quite different from y^e old Globes. Price [£]4.1.

(2) Globes of 10 inches Diameter, after y^e same Observations. Price 2.1.10.

Now what y^e character of M^r Lea’s Globes are I can not tell; or whether any have been made since more agreeable to y^e new Discoveries or more nicely engraven. I doubt not but you are perfectly acquainted. To be sure, I desire y^e truest & most accurate yet made and as large as y^e money reaches. For y^e Rest I entirely leav it to your Judgment.

When you have purchased y^e Globes, if there shou’d be any money left, I wou’d further humbly request you to lay it out as far as it goes upon the following Books in order.

(1) Sphaer’s anatomy,347 Englished by John Ireton. Price 14s sold by I. Moxen at y^e Atlas in Warwick Lane — or if there is a later, better done, of y^e same sort, w^c lays open y^e several Parts of y^e Humane Body as they gradualy appear in Dissection, by turning up so many several Papers lying over one another, &c.

(2) D^r Well’s set of maps both of ancient & Modern geography — w^th a geographical Treatise particularly adapted to y^m348 sold by A. & I Churchill at y^e Black Swan in Pater Noster Row. Or if there are other small Books of Maps of ancient & modern Geography helpfull to y^e understanding of y^e ancient authors, more neatly engraven & of better character, for y^e use of schools &c.

With this I humbly present you w^th one of y^e last Sermons I have been prevail’d to Publish, and send you a couple of Printed Papers, to let you see what I am Preparing for y^e Publick Use.349 And this last I y^e rather do in Hopes you will oblige me w^th a particular & precise account.

2. When your excellent Grandfather350 came over to New England.
3. When He settled at Weymouth, or elsewhere first in this countrey.
1. What part of England He came from, when & where Born, & at what University & College educated.
4. When He remov’d from Weymouth to Rehoboth, & w^th Part or number of his Church.
5. When He Published y^e several editions of his Concordance.
6. When he died, & about w^t Age, if you can’t precisely tell when He was Born.
7. How many children He left, & where they liv’d & died &c.
8. Where & when your Rev. Father351 also was Born, when ordain’d at Rehoboth, when He Died, How many children left behind Him, & where they have lived &c.
9. And if you please to let me know y^e Place & Time of your own Birth, & when you left New England, w^th other Historical Passages of your worthy Family — you will, as well for the Trouble above desir’d extreamly oblige

Hon^d S^r

Your very respectful humble Servant

Thomas Prince

P.S. I have some expectations of a Brother352 of mine, master of a ship being in London sometime this Spring. If he shou’d be so — you cannot trust my Globes w^th a more carefull Hand. He is now at Antigua & sails in Mess^rs Oliver & Wilks Employ.

Newman’s reply to the first part of this letter, dated July 16, 1729, was as follows:

I receiv’d y^r letter of the 4^th of March last by our good friend M^r Belcher and with it ten Gold Rings which M^r Woodward of Change Alley weigh’d at 16^dw & 18^gr and at the rate of 3:15: ꝑ ounce the then market price allow’d me three Guineas for them, tho by my computations they wanted 2^d of that value. I bespoke a pair of Globes of M^r Senex353 the best maker of them in Engl^d now reckon’d (tho he had some very good ones by him) because when a pair are made on purpose to go beyond Sea, the artificer will exert himself to excell his common performances. I have deliver’d them to y^r Bro^rs order, and he I believe has ship’d ’em on the Sarah Galley Captⁿ Walker.

I have enclos’d a copy of the Prime Cost of them
paid to M^r Senex as p Particulars.	3:5:
p^d a Porter with them to the waterside	6
	3:5:6
The Rings came to	3:3
And y^r Bror paid me the Ball^a	2:6
	3:5:6

The cases in w^ch they are pack’d are mark’d T.P. N^o I Coelestial, 2. Terrestrial and as to the goodness of them I leave them to speak for themselves. I thank you for this Comission to serve you and for the Sermons and Proposals you sent to me and for the laudable Service you are doing to the Publick by your Chronology.

The following extract from a letter written by Newman to the Reverend Robert Millar at Paisley, N. B., October 2, 1739, may serve as an epilogue:

I have this day receiv’d a letter from Gov^r Belcher’s Son354 . . . in behalf of the Rev^r M^r Tho. Prince one of the learned Min^rs of the Church at Boston which the Gov^r constantly resorts to. I know him by his fame to be one of the most esteemed Divines educated in New Engl^d where he has been a Graduate above 30. years of Harvard Coll. and is the author of several valuable things which have pass’d the Press, particularly the Chronological History of N. Engl^d &c^a but M^r Belcher personally knows him, and has so well express’d his Character that I have sent his letter and heartily joyn with him in recomending M^r Prince to y^r good offices for procuring him the honour of a Diploma for the degree of D^r of Divinity in either of y^r celebrated Universities. . . .

DEAN BERKELEY, PATRON OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLLEGES

The story of Berkeley’s dream of a colonial college, of his interest in New England institutions of higher learning during his sojourn in Newport, and of his gifts to both Harvard and Yale upon his return to England is well known.355 The following letters relating to these benefactions, written to President Wadsworth of Harvard, Rector Williams of Yale, and the Reverend Samuel Johnson, are taken from copies in a letter-book of Henry Newman preserved in the archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, of which body he was for many years the Secretary. A search of the Harvard archives reveals no trace of the original letter to President Wadsworth, and it would appear that the original to Rector Williams is also missing; nor does that to Johnson appear in Professor Schneider’s recent comprehensive edition of Johnson’s writings and correspondence. That Newman should have copies is explained by the use Berkeley made of him in getting his gifts to their destination.

Berkeley to President Wadsworth

London May 31^st 1733

To the Rev^r M^r Wadsworth President of the Colledge at Cambridge near Boston in New England

Rev^d Sir

With this letter I take the Liberty to introduce a Box of Books containing all the Latin classick Authors in quarto being of the fairest Editions356 and the best Comments for the use of your Society. This is owing to certain well dispos’d Persons who having made me Steward of their Liberality I tho^t it might in part answer their views for the Encouragement of usefull Learning, if I should send to your Colledge at Cambridge the foremention’d Books which as they seem’d to be wanting in your Publick Library, so I am persuaded there are not wanting those in your Society who will make the proper use of them. I remain with sincere wishes that piety and learning may Flourish among you

Sir

Your obedient humble Serv^t

George Berkeley

The Box is markt CC and consigned by M^r Henry Newman to M^r Belcher the Governours Son at Boston.

Berkeley to Rector Williams

London May 31. 1733

To the Rev’ M’ Williams Rector of Yale College at New Haven in Connecticut N. E.

Rev^d Sir

I thought I could not better apply the benefactions of certain persons who left them to my disposal than in purchasing a collection of usefull books for the publick Library of your College, which books are contained in Eight cases & accompany this Letter. I earnestly hope that the pious intentions of the benefactors may be answer’d in the use of this Gift for the increase of Religion and Learning.357 These cases of Books are consign’d by M^r Henry Newman to M^r Belcher (son of the Gov^r) merchant at Boston who will deliver them to your order. The freight to Boston hath been paid here. I wrote to you last Summer by the same Vessel w^ch brought a Deed for conveying the farm I formerly possess’d in Rhode Island to the use of your College, but have not since heard from you. I remain with sincere wishes that true learning and Piety may ever grow and flourish among you, Sir

Your obedient humble Serv^t

George Berkeley

Berkeley to Samuel Johnson

London 31. May. 1733

To the Rev^r M^r Samuel Johnson at Stafford358 in Connecticut New England

Rev^d Sir

Being desirous so far as in me lies to promote sound Learning and true Religion in your part of the World I judged that the purchasing a good Collection of books for the Library of Yale College might be a proper application of the liberality of certain publick spirited persons who left it to my disposal. Accordingly I have sent herewith 8. Cases of Books, I think well chosen, which I heartily wish may shed a copious light in that remote wilderness, and answer the worthy intention of the benefactors. The aforemention’d cases of books are consign’d by M^r Hen. Newman to M^r Belcher son of the Gov^r at Boston. I had a letter from you dated in last December wherein you intimate some defect in the expression of the instrum^t conveying the farm in Rhode Island to the use of Yale College in w^ch benefaction, as I told you before, I had but a small Share. I know not wherein particularly that defect consists: and as I have heard nothing from the Presid^t or College, I must desire you to place this matter in a clear light and show how it may be rectify’d. If you think a Letter of Attorney empowering certain Persons there to make a Conveyance in such terms as shall best answer the design would be the proper means, let me know; and name the persons you would have joyned with your self (for there should be 2 or 3 to provide in case of Mortality or accidents) and I will send you such Letter of Attorney. In order to which it might be proper to send me a patern thereof conformable to the advice of your own Lawyers.359 Though I should be gone to Ireland, M^r Henry Newman will forward any letter to me. This Gentleman is I doubt not by reputation, if not by person, known to you and to all New England, for the Service of which he is very zealous; so letters directed to him will be very safe. In order to preserve the books I doubt not the College will think fit to make proper Statutes and regulations, particularly in lending them out. It would seem convenient that the full price (if not the double) of the Book lent should be lodg’d in the hands of the President by way of caution or security360 I hope this will find you and your family well. My wife and I join our Services to you. I thank God my health seems on the mending hand. I write by this same Opportunity to M^r Williams Rector of the Colledge. Pray give my Service to any friends in your Colony, not forgetting M^r Elliot361 in particular. I am

Rev^d Sir

with great Truth

Your most faithfull humble Serv^t

George Berkeley

Mr. Winship presented the following communication prepared by the Reverend Charles F. Robinson and Mr. Robin Robinson:

THREE EARLY MASSACHUSETTS LIBRARIES

Two of the libraries here described were bought in 1651 for the use of John Eliot by the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England; the third was the collection belonging to a pioneer minister who died in 1702. The books of the Eliot purchase were left behind by their owners when they returned to England after their brief stay in the Bay Colony, and evidently were largely those brought with them when they came, augmented by moderate purchases during their American pastorates.

For convenience in avoiding duplications in identification, these three have been listed in one numbered series, in the order found in the manuscript sources: for the first two, the Rawlinson Manuscript C 934 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford; for the third, the original inventory preserved in the archives of Middlesex County, East Cambridge, Massachusetts. Photostats of both sources have been furnished by their custodians.

The first of these libraries belonged to the Reverend Thomas Jenner.362 The following facts about him are gleaned from a short notice in Venn’s Alumni Cantabrigienses (ii. 469). The son of Thomas Jenner, of Fordham, Essex, a farmer, he matriculated as a sizar at Christ’s College, Cambridge, in 1624 at the age of seventeen. In 1635, his father, accompanied by him, emigrated to New England and settled at Roxbury. Thomas Jenner, the son, became minister at Weymouth in 1636, and continued there until 1640, when he transferred to Saco, where he stayed until 1646. After residing at Charlestown from 1646 to 1649, he returned to England in 1650 and secured a living at Coltishall, Norfolk, in which he remained until 1658. He wrote Quakerism Anatomis’d and Confuted (1670). His will, made May 26, 1676, is recorded at Dublin.

The second library was that of Eliot’s colleague, the Reverend Thomas Weld, one of the well-known figures in early New England ecclesiastical history. Weld, too, was a Cambridge alumnus, having taken his A.B. from Trinity College in 1613, and his M.A. in 1618. He was the son of Edmund Weld, mercer, of Sudbury, Suffolk, and was baptized at St. Peter’s Church there, July 15, 1595. After his university course he became vicar of the church in Terling, Essex, where he adopted Puritan methods, for which he was excommunicated by Archbishop Laud in 1631. He sailed from London on the William and Francis, which reached Boston on June 5, 1632. In July, he was settled as the first pastor of the new church in Roxbury. John Eliot became his colleague as “teacher” early in November. Weld’s career for nine years has received extended mention from historical authorities. In 1641, the Bay Colony sent to England a commission of three, consisting of Weld, Hugh Peter, and William Hibbens of Boston. There Weld had a moderate degree of success in raising money for the new college, of which he was one of the first overseers, and for Indian evangelization, and he endeavored to forward the unsuccessful experiment of transporting needy children to New England in order to “better their condition.” There is a pretty well-grounded suspicion that Peter and he were expected to render advice to the Puritan party in England on the establishment of religion there after the New England model. At any rate, Peter was soon engrossed in the course of political and military activity that was to make him the sturdy preacher and pamphleteer of the Commonwealth, chaplain and commander in the Ironsides, preacher of Cromwell’s funeral sermon, and beheaded regicide after the Restoration. Of Hibbens we hear little. On Weld, therefore, in this confused time, rested the burden of forwarding such money and supplies as the commission secured, and of accounting for their dealings to distant and captious critics. Innocency Cleared, a rare pamphlet, and audited accounts (Rawlinson C 934) contain his answer to them. After nearly three centuries, there is at least one monument to his activities, rarely, indeed, recognized as such. In 1643, he secured from Anne Radcliffe, Lady Mowlson, the first donation to Harvard College made by a woman. The fund, for many years held inactive by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts for lack of a college treasury, finally came into use, and furnished the name — rather by its feminine origin than for any other reason — to Radcliffe College.

The power of the bishops having been broken, there was now a pastorate for Weld in England. Of the parish of Gateshead in Newcastle it is said:363 “Thomas Weld, an intruder, was put in by the sequestrators in 1649.” There, to the great dissatisfaction of the majority, he put into execution his Puritan idea of “Communion for Saints only.” The complaint was that of a flock of one thousand persons he would admit “only eight men and two women, weak and unstable persons” to the Lord’s table, denying the rest the solace even of a lecturer “to administer the means of salvation.” There must have been some good in his work, for the Corporation of Newcastle voted him twenty pounds “for his good services to the town.” In the choir of the church appears the epitaph of Judith, his second wife, who died there in 1656. Weld was dispossessed immediately on the Restoration, and after January 6, 1660/1, we find him in London signing “a renunciation and declaration of the ministers of Congregational Churches and Preachers of the same judgment living in and about London against the late horrid insurrection and rebellion acted in the City of London.”364 He died in London on March 23,1661/2.

The third library is that of Weld’s grandson and namesake, the Reverend Thomas Weld of Dunstable. On his return to England, the first Thomas Weld gave the 533 acres of land which the General Court had granted him in recognition of his services as pastor at Roxbury, as well as his homestead, to his second son, also Thomas, who, thus established as one of the most substantial citizens of Roxbury, married Dorothy, daughter of the Reverend Samuel Whiting of Lynn, and became the progenitor of one branch of the American Welds. The third Thomas Weld, his second son, was baptized at Roxbury, June 12, 1653; graduated at Harvard in 1671; studied theology with the Reverend Samuel Danforth; gathered a church at Dunstable, and was ordained there, December 16, 1685. At the time of his death in Dunstable, June 9, 1702, his books were at three places, Roxbury, Dunstable, and Cambridge. His library is of interest for its transitional character, preserving the staple books of the English Puritan worthies, and adding a good number produced by his colleagues in the New World. It contains a few that may have been college text-books.

Something should be said of the purchase of the first two libraries for John Eliot. Weld had left his books with his colleague when he went to England, and upon finding that he was not to return, set on them a price of thirty-four pounds. In 1649, the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England had been founded, giving new impetus to the collection of funds started by Peter and Weld. In that same year Edward Winslow, agent for the colonies in England, corresponded with Eliot about the work and his needs in forwarding it. In a letter in reply, undated, but printed between one dated “this 8 of the 5.49” and another “this 29 of the 10^th 49,” Eliot wrote:365

Mr Mahew, who putteth his hand unto this Plough at Martins Vineyard, being young, and a beginner here, hath extreme want of books; he needeth Commentaries and Common Places for the body of Divinity . . . if therefore the Lord bring any meanes into your hand, I desire you would (by the help of some godly Divine) send him over such books as may be necessary for a young Scholer; I will name no books, he needs all. . . .

And for my self, I have this request (who also am short enough in books) that I might be helped to purchase my brother Weld his books, the summe of the purchase (34li.) I am loth they should come back to England when we have so much need of them here, and without ready money there I cannot have them; if therefore so much money might be disbursed for me, it would be a blessing to me, but it is on condition that all his books here be comprehended, else I will not give so much for them.

The response evidently was favorable; for on October 21, 1650, he wrote again:366

Sir, when I had gone thus farre in my Letters, by a Ship that came in, you wrote unto our Governour touching the two Libraries, my brother Welds and Mr. Jenners, and of the willingnesse of the Corporation to discharge for them, for which cause I do humbly thank the Worshipful Corporation, all the Christian and much respected Gentlemen my loving friends. And Sir, I thank you for all your faithful pains in this work. . . .

Whereas you require the Catalogue of both Libraries, it shall be done (if God will) but I am to go into the Countrey to the Indians now, and have much businesse, therefore know not whether I can send it by this Ship, if I can I will.

Eliot’s willingness to make the catalogues plainly shows that both libraries were accessible to him on this side of the ocean.

Mr. Jenner, at his home in Norfolk, was in much need, and pleaded his case so strongly that Winslow, trusting to support by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, who had charge of spending the funds that were raised, advanced thirty pounds for his library. On April 17, 1651, Winslow wrote them about his payment to Jenner as follows:367

For his necessities pressed us to a present disbursement of thirty pounds, and to recover it againe would be a hard matter, yea too hard for us, he living in Norfolk; but a word is sufficient, it is better to loose some than all. I shall speedily write to Mr. Weld and acquaint him also with the readines that is in the corporation to pay the thirty-four pounds to him also (having order soe to doe) for his library left with Mr. Elliott, so that I trust that gapp will be soone stopped.

It is not quite plain in which direction the catalogue, mentioned by Winslow in this same letter, was “sent over”; Winslow may have meant the list that Eliot was to send to him; or he may have sent back to America the lists made by Jenner and Weld; at any rate, the Rawlinson Manuscript has the two in different handwritings, attested by the two owners. The transaction was completed with the receipt by Weld dated August 18, 1651.

The only printing of any of these catalogues is the unannotated transcription of the second in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxvi. 371ff. This copy was probably not made directly from the Bodleian manuscript, but from a manuscript book of uncertain date in the Harvard College Library, entitled “Papers relating to the Progress of the Gospel in New England, 1641–1654. Copied from the Original Autograph Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, for Henry Stevens of Vermont.”368 A comparison of this book with the printed list in the Register, and studies in identification of the books intended by the entries made it seem necessary to secure a photostat of the original source; and the resulting clearing up of obscurities amply justified the trouble and expense of doing so. The transcription is in many places difficult, even to those accustomed to seventeenth-century chirography. It is often only the finding of the title in less obscure sources that makes it certain. With the greatest care, there may be some errors still.

Where possible, we have tried to indicate the editions of the books which the owner probably had; but it must be understood that such particularity is generally out of the question. When books went from two or three to twenty or thirty editions — sometimes even more — it is only the bare chance of some twist in the nomenclature, or the argument of the date that can decide. Consequently, we have usually had to be content with giving the imprint of an early edition, with the understanding that others usually followed. It was a time when printing presses were busy.

Our work has been carried out mainly through the facilities of the Harvard College Library and the Baker Library at Dartmouth, whose officials have given valuable advice. We have also been assisted by Mr. Julius H. Tuttle, Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and by Professor Emeritus Charles R. Gillett and Professor William W. Rockwell of Union Theological Seminary.

Key to Abbreviations

aas.	Catalogue of the Library of the American Antiquarian Society (1834).
adb.	Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (1875–1912).
Allibone.	A Critical Dictionary of English Literature (1858–1871).
ats.	Library of Andover Theological Seminary. Cambridge, Mass.
Arber.	The Term Catalogues, 1668–1709 A. D. (1903–1906).
bm.	British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books.
bn.	Catalogue Générale des Livres Imprimés de la Bibliothèque Nationale.
bu.	Biographie Universelle (1811–1862).
Cat. 1723	Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecæ Collegij Harvardini (1723).
Dart.	Dartmouth College Library.
dnb.	Dictionary of National Biography.
Evans.	American Bibliography.
hcl.	Harvard College Library.
jht.	Manuscript card catalogue of early New England libraries, in the office of the Massachusetts Historical Society, made by J. H. Tuttle, Librarian.
mca.	Catalogue of the David Hunter McAlpin Collection of Books pertaining to British History and Theology in the Library of Union Theological Seminary.
Potter.	Catalogue of John Harvard’s Library, in the Publications of this Society, XXI. 190–230.
Prince.	Catalogue of the Library of the Reverend Thomas Prince.
Sta. Reg.	A Transcript of the Register of the Company of Stationers of London, 1554–1640 A. D. (1875–1877).
stc.	A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, A Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and of English Books Printed abroad, 1475–1640.
Watt.	Bibliotheca Britannica (1824).
Wood.	Athenæ Oxonienses.

M^r Thomas Jenners Cattolog of Books as Followeth:369

1 Cottons concordans in Fołł^s.
Clement Cotton. The Christians concordance: containing the most materiall words in the New Testament. London, 1622. 4^o. mca. stc.

Clement Cotton. A complete concordance to the Bible of the last translation. London, 1631. f^o. hcl. mca. stc Cf. 213.
2 Bæza in N test in fołł^s.
from a photostat furnished by the Bodleian Library. The first line of each entry

Theodore Beza. Jesu Christi domini nostri Nouum Testamentum. London, 1574. 8^o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1585.

Theodore Beza. The Newe Test, of our Lord Jesus Christ tr. out of Greke. Englished by L. Tomson. London, 1576. 8^o. hcl. stc Tomson’s revision of the Geneva Version.
3 Wiłłt Hexapl in Gene. fołł^s.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla in Genesin: that is, a sixfold commentarie vpon Genesis, wherein sixe seuerall translations, that is, the Septuagint, and the Chalde, two Latin, of Hierome and Tremellius, two English, the great Bible, and the Geneva edition are compared, where they differ, with the originall Hebrew, and Pagnine, and Montanus interlinearie interpretation: together with a sixfold vse of euery chapter. Cambridge, 1605. f^o. hcl. mca. stc
4 Willots in exod. in fołł^s.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla in Exodum. London, 1608. 2 pts. f^o. stc.
5 Wellet in Levit. in fołł^s.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla in Leviticum. London, 1631. f^o. mca. stc.
6 Perkins works 3 voll fołł^s.
William Perkins. Works. Cambridge, 1605. 3 vols. f^o. hcl. Cf. 208.
7 Gouge his works in fołł^s.
William Gouge. Workes. London, 1627. 2 vols. f^o. hcl. stc.
8 Willets Synopsy in fołł^s.
Andrew Willet. Synopsis papismi, that is, a generall viewe of papistrie: wherein the whole mysterie of iniquitie, and summe of antichristian doctrine is set downe, together with an antithesis of the true Christian faith, and an antidotum or counterpoyson out of the Scriptures, against the whore of Babylons filthy cuppe of abomination. 2nd ed. London, 1594. f^o. hcl. mca. stc.
9 Downhams warfare in fołł^s.
John Downame. The Christian warfare. Wherein is first generally shewed the malice, power and politike strategems of the spirituall enemies of our saluation, Satan and his assistants the world and the flesh; with the meanes also whereby the Christian may withstand and defeate them. 2nd ed. London, 1609. f^o. hcl. mca.
10 Book of Marters in 3 vołł^s.
John Foxe. Actes and monuments of these latter and perillous dayes. 6th ed. London, 1610. 3 vols. f^o. bm. hcl.
11 Josephus his historij fołł^s.
Josephus. Famous workes; translated by T. Lodge. London, 1602. f^o. hcl. stc.
12 Downhams Divinitij in fołł^s.
John Downame. The summe of sacred diuinitie briefly and methodically propounded. London, 1630? 8^o. mca. stc. Downame also wrote an introduction to: James Usher. A body of divinitie, or the summe and substance of Christian religion, catechistically propounded and explained. London, 1645. f^o. bm.
13 Simpson on the histo of y^e ɔħ fołł^s.
Patrick Symson. The historie of the Chvrch since the dayes of our Saviour Iesus Christ, vntill this present age. 3d. ed. London, 1634. f^o. hcl. stc.
14 Heiron in ps 51 & other sermō foiłł^s.
[Samuel Hieron.] Davids penitentiall psalme opened: in thirtie lectures. Cambridge, 1617. 8^o. stc.

Samuel Hieron. All the sermons of Samvel Hieron heretofore sunderly published, now diligently reuised, and collected together into one volume. London, 1614. f^o. hcl. mca.
15 Junius & Trmel in Bib in fołł^s.
Franciscus Junius (François du Jon) and Emmanuel Tremellius. Testamenti Veteris biblia sacra, quibus etiam adiunximus Noui Testamenti libros. London, 1593, 92. f^o. hcl. Cf. 201, 476.
16 Misterij of iniquitij in Fołł^s.
Philippe de Mornay. The mysterie of iniqvitie: that is to say, the historie of the papacie. London, 1612. f^o. hcl. mca. stc.
17 Wilson in romans in Fołł^s.
Thomas Wilson. A commentarie vpon the most diuine Epistle of S. Paul to the Romanes. London, 1620. f^o. mca. stc.
18 Bæza in Job in a small fołł^s or great q^to.
Theodore Beza. Iobus partim commentariis partim paraphrasi illustratus. London, 1589. 8^o. hcl. stc. No folio edition listed. Cf. 374.
19 Twist his Vinditiæ in fołł.
William Twisse. Vindiciæ gratiæ, potestatis, ac providentiæ Dei: hoc est, ad examen libelli Perkinsiani de prædestinationis modo et ordine, institutum a Iacobo Arminio, responsio scholastica. Amsterdam, 1632. f^o. hcl. mca. Potter. Cf. 332.
20 Byfeild in Coll. in fołł^s.
Nicholas Byfield. An exposition vpon the Epistle to the Colossians. London, 1615. f^o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf. 236.
21 Parker on Crosse in fołł^s.
[Robert Parker.] A scholasticall discourse against symbolizing with Antichrist in ceremonies: especially in the signe of the Crosse. Amsterdam, 1607. 2 pts. f^o. mca. stc.
22 Saints Cordialls in fołł^s.
Richard Sibbes. The saints cordialls. London, 1637. f^o. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1658. Issued in 1627 as the third volume of the Works of William Gouge (see 7).
23 Calvin in pentit in fołł^s.
John Calvin. Mosis libri V., cum commentariis, Genesis seorsum, reliqui quatuor in formam harmoniæ digesti. Geneva, 1563. f^o. bn. Cf. 217, 414.
24 Calvin on Job in fołł^s Engl.
John Calvin. Sermons vpon the Booke of Iob. Translated out of French by Arthur Golding. London, 1574. f^o. hcl. mca.
25 Calvin in Jerimia in fołłi^s.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in librum prophetiarum Jeremiæ et Lamentationes. Geneva, 1563. f^o. bn.
26 Calvin in Danill in fołłi^s.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in librum prophetiarum Danielis. Geneva, 1571, f^o. Prince, hcl. has an edition of 1583.
27 Calvin in Jsaiah in fołł^s Eng^l.
John Calvin. A commentary vpon the prophecie of Isaiah. Translated out of French into English: by C. C[otton]. London, 1609. f^o. mca. stc.
28 Calvin in proph. min. in Fołł^s.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in duodecim prophetas (quas vocant minores). Geneva, 1559. f^o. bn.
29 Calvin in psal in 4^to.
John Calvin. The psalmes of David and others. With commentaries. London, 1571. 2 pts. 4^o. hcl. stc.
30 Caluin in Josua — 4^to.
John Calvin. A commentarie vpon the Booke of Iosue. London, 1578. 4^o. mca. stc.
31 Calvin in Harm: in 4^to.
John Calvin. A harmonie vpon the three euangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke, with commentary. Whereunto is added a commentarie vpon S. John. London, 1584. 4^o. bm. stc.
32 Caluin in actes in 4^to.
John Calvin. Commentaries vpon the Actes of the Apostles. London, 1585. 4^o. stc.
33 Caluin Ephes in 4^to.
John Calvin. Sermons vpon the Epistle of S. Paule too the Ephesians. London, 1577. 4^o. mca. stc.
34 Caluin in Samuell — this book mistaken for another author.
John Calvin. Homiliæ in primum librum Samuelis. Geneva, 1604. f^o. hcl. jht. Potter. The book for which, according to the note, this was mistaken, would probably be the following, the only other important commentary of the time on Samuel: Peter Martyr. Samuelis prophetse qui vulgo priores libri Regum appellantur commentarii cum rerum et locorum plurimorum tractatione perutili. Zurich, 1575. f^o. bm. Cf. 221.
35 Caluin his instit. in 4^to.
John Calvin. The institvtion of Christian religion. Norton translation, London, 1574. 4^o. stc. hcl. has the folio edition of 1561; also editions of 1599, 1611, 1634.
36 Calvin, the Epitomij of his Instit.
John Calvin. Institutionis Christianæ religionis epitome, per G. Launreum. London, 1583. 8^o. stc.
37 Caluin his Epistles.
John Calvin. Epistolæ et responsa. 2nd ed. Lausanne, 1576. 8^o. bm.
38 Cal. & Laviter in Ezech in Fołł^S.
John Calvin. Prælectiones in Ezechielis viginti capita priora. Geneva, 1583. f^o. Prince.

Ludwig Lavater. Propheta Ezechiel, homiliis seu comentariis expositus. Chronologia adjuncta est, ad intelligenda non solum hujus prophetæ, verumetiam Jeremiæ ac Danielis recondita vaticinia. Ancre, 1571. f^o. bn.
39 Arretius on Mathew.
Benedictus Aretius. Novum Testamentum Jesu Christi, commentariis explanatum. Editio postrema, emendatissima. Morges, 1596–1600–1596. 3 pts. f^o. bm.
40 Aretius in mark.
See under 39.
41 Aretius in Luke.
See under 39.
42 Aretius in John.
See under 39.
43 Aretius in acts.
See under 39.
44 Aretius in Epłs Rom.
Benedictus Aretius. Commentarii in omnes Epistolas D. Pauli, et Canonicas, itemque in Apocalypsin D. Joannis. Morges, 1583. 3 pts. f^o. bm. See also under 39.
45 Aretius in Epł^s corin. 1^st & 2^d.
See under 39, 44.
46 Aretius in Epłs Gall.
See under 39, 44.
47 Aretius in Epł^s Ephes.
See under 39, 44.
48 Aretius in Ep^łs Col.
See under 39, 44.
49 Aret. in Ep^ł phil.
See under 39, 44.
50 Aret. in Ep^ł Thes.
See under 39, 44.
51 Aret. in Ep^łs Tim. & Tit.
Benedictus Aretius. Commentarii in Epistolas Pauli ad Timoth. ad Titum et ad Philem. cum indice rerum memorabilium. Morges, 1583. 8^o. bm. See also under 39, 44.
52 Aret. de Eclesia.
Benedictus Aretius. Examen theologicum. Lausanne, 1579. 8^o. bn.
53 Aret. in Epist. Hebr. &c.
See under 39, 44.
54 Aret. in Ep^łs Jam. &c.
See under 39, 44. Judge Sewall in his diary speaks of studying Aretius’ comments on James 4:5 with approval, and of making them the subject of table-talk. 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Col., vii. 367.
55 Aret. in Ep^łs pet. & John.
See under 39, 44.
56 Rolloc in Efect-vocat.
Robert Rollock. Tractatus de vocatione efficaci. Edinburgh, 1597. 8^o. stc. Translated into English with the title “A treatise of Gods effectual calling.” London, 1603. 4^o. stc.
57 Rolloc in psal.
Robert Rollock. An exposition vpon some select psalmes of Dauid. Edinburgh, 1600. 8^o. stc.
58 Rolloc in Joan:
Robert Rollock. In Evangelium secundum Johannem commentarius. Acc. harmonia in historiam mortis, resurrectionis & ascensionis Domini. Geneva, 1600. 8^o. Cat. 1723.
59 Roll in rom:
Robert Rollock. Analysis dialectica in Epistolam ad Romanos. Edinburgh, 1593. 8^o. stc.
60 Roll in Gallathis.
Robert Rollock. Analysis logica in Epistolam Pavli Apostoli ad Galatas. London, 1602. 8^o. stc.
61 Roll in Ephes.
Robert Rollock. In Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad Ephesios commentarius. Edinburgh, 1590. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1592.
62 Roll in phil.
Robert Rollock. Certaine sermons vpon severall places of the Epistles of Paul. Edinburgh, 1599. 8^o. Wodrow Society reprint (Select Works), I (Edinburgh, 1849). hcl. The tenth sermon is on Philippians i: 18–26. No general commentary on Philippians is found in the list of Rollock’s works in the first volume of the reprint.
63 Roll in Thess.
Robert Rollock. In Epistolam Pauli Apostoli ad Thessalonicenses priorem (posteriorem) commentarius. Edinburgh, 1598. 2 pts. 8^o. stc.
64 Roll in Coll.
Robert Rollock. Commentarius in Epistolam ad Collossenses. Edinburgh, 1600. 8^o. stc.
65 Roll in Hebr.
Robert Rollock. Analysis logica in Epistolam ad Hebræos. Edinburgh, 1605. 8^o. stc.
66 Roll his Sermons on pass & Risr —
Robert Rollock. Lectures, upon the history of the passion, resurrection and ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ. Edinburgh, 1616. 8^o. hcl.
67 Rolloc on Daniell:
Robert Rollock. In librum Danielis prophetse commentarius. Edinburgh, 1591. 4^o. stc.
68 Hebrew bible verij faire in 4^to.
69 Paulus de pellatis in proph Minores.
Paulus Palacios de Salazar. In XII Prophetas, quos minores vocant, commentarius. Cologne, 1583. 8^o. bm.
70 Marlor̄ts Thesaurus.
Augustin Marlorat. Propheticæ et apostolicæ, id est, totius diuinæ ac canonicæ scripturæ thesaurus. London, 1574. f^o. stc.
71 Bæzæ in passiones:
Theodore Beza. Sermons sur l’histoire de la passion et sépulture de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, descrite par les quatre Évangelistes. Geneva, 1592. 8^o. hcl.
72 Bæzæ in Resurectn̄:
Theodore Beza. Sermons sur l’histoire de la résurrection de nostre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Geneva, 1593. 8^o. bn.

Theodore Beza. Homiliæ in historiam Domini resurrectionis. Geneva, 1593. 8^o. bm.
73 Bæza his Confessions.
Theodore Beza. Confessio Christianæ fidei et eiusdem collatio cum papisticis hæresibus. London, 1575. 8^o. stc.

Theodore Beza. A brief and piththie [sic] summe of the Christian faith made in the forme of a confession. London, 1565? 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1572.
74 Bæza in psal:
Theodore Beza. Psalmorum Dauidis et aliorum prophetarum libri quinque Latine expressi. London, 1580. 8^o. stc

Theodore Beza. The Psalms of David truely opened and explained. London, 1580. 16^o. stc. Cf. 375.
75 Bæza de Ministerijs.
Theodore Beza. Tractatvs pivs et moderatus de vera excommunicatione, & Christiano presbyterio, iampridem pacis conciliande causa, CI. V. Th. Erasti D. Medici centum manuscriptis thesibus oppositis, & nunc primum, cogente necessitate, editus. Geneva, 1590. 22.9 x 15.8 cm. mca.

Theodore Beza. Ad tractationem de ministrorum evangelii gradibus ab H. Seravia editam responsio. London, 1592. 8^o. bm.
76 Amesius his Medulla.
William Ames. Medulla theologica. Franeker, 1623. 12^o. bu. hcl. has editions of 1628, 1629, 1656.
77 Ames his Coronis.
William Ames. Coronis ad collationem Hagiensem, qua argumenta pastorum Hollandiæ adversus Remonstrantium quinque articulos de divina prædestinatione, & capitibus ei adnexis, producta, ab horum exceptionibus vindicantur. Leyden, 1618. 4^o. Potter.
78 Ames Bell. Enarv:
William Ames. Bellarminus eneruatus. Sive disputationes anti-Bellarminianæ. 3d ed. Oxford, 1629. 4 vols, in 2. 12^o. Cat. 1723. hcl. stc. Cf. 503.
79 Ames in psal in 4^to.
William Ames. Lectiones in CL psalmos Davidis. Amsterdam, 1635. 4^o. bn. hcl. has an edition of 1656.
80 Tilen: Syntag. 1. p^t.
Daniel Tilenus. Syntagmatis disputationum theologicarum in Academia Sedanensi habitarum. Editio postrema recognita; cui nunc primum tertia pars accessit. Geneva, 1622. 8^o. bm.
81 Tilen Syntag. 2 p^t.
See under 80.
82 Ames his Case in 4^to.
William Ames. De conscientia et ejus jure vel casibus, libri quinque. Amsterdam, 1631. 12^o. stc. Edition in English, 1643. 4^o. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1635. Cf. 532. Judge Sewall refers to Ames “Cas. Consc. Lib. 5. cap. 23,” as supporting his antislavery views. 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 20.
83 Preston on New Covn^t.
John Preston. The new covenant, or the saints portion. A treatise vnfolding the all-sufficiencie of God, and mans vprightnes, and the covenant of grace. London, 1629. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1631. Cf. 257.
84 Preston on faith & love.
John Preston. The breast-plate of faith and love. London, 1630. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has editions of 1631 and later.
85 Preston on the attributs.
John Preston. Life eternall; or, a treatise of the knowledge of the divine essence and attributes. London, 1631. 4^o. hcl. stc.
86 Preston on the new Creat.
John Preston. The new creatvre: or a treatise of sanctification. London, 1633. 4^o. mca. This is the second part of his Saints Qualification, with separate pagination and register.
87 Preston on Mortificat.
John Preston. Sins overthrow: or, a godly and learned treatise of mortification. London, 1633. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
88 Pareus in Matt in 4^to.
David Pareus (Waengler). In S. Matthei Evangelium commentarius. Oxford, 1631. 4^o. stc.
89 Pareus in Cor. in 4^to.
David Pareus (Waengler). Commentarius in priorem Epistolam ad Corinthios. In Works, ii. Heidelberg, 1628. f^o. Prince. The original separate edition was probably dated 1613 or 1614, as in 90.
90 Pareus in Gallat. in 4^to.
David Pareus (Waengler). In divinam ad Galatas Apostoli Epistolam commentarius. Geneva, 1614. 8^o. Prince. Cf. 291.
91 Pareus in Heb. in q^to.
David Pareus (Waengler). Commentarius in Epistolam ad Hebræos. In Works, ii. Heidelberg, 1628. f^o. Prince.
92 parres one romanes Capt 8 &c q^to.
Elnathan Parr. A plaine exposition upon the whole eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth chapters of S. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. London, 1620. 4^o. dnb. stc.
93 parr, on Rom. 15: capt. 16 ad fine.
Elnathan Parr. A plaine exposition upon the whole thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth chapters of the Epistle to the Romanes. London, 1622. 4^o. stc. Cf. 313.
94 Cartwright his Catech: in q^to.
Thomas Cartwright. Christian religion: svbstantially, methodicallie, plainlie, and profitablie treatised. London, 1611. 4^o. mca.

Thomas Cartwright. A treatise of Christian religion. London, 1616. 4^o. mca. Cf. 342.
95 Tho: aquinus sum̄ in fol.
Thomas Aquinas. Summa sacræ theologiæ in tres partes divisa, Thomas a Vio Caietani commentariis illustrata. London, 1562. 4 vols. f^o. bm.
96 pemble in Eccles.
William Pemble. Salomons recantation and repentance; or the Booke of Ecclesiastes briefly and fully explained. London, 1627. 4^o. bm. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1658.
97 pemble on Zacherry.
William Pemble. A short and sweete exposition upon the first nine chapters of Zachary. London, 1629. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1658.
98 pemble his vindic̄ Gratiæ.
William Pemble. Vindiciæ gratiæ. A plea for grace. More especially the grace of faith. Or, certain lectures as touching the nature and properties of grace and faith: wherein, amongst other matters of great vse, the maine sinewes of Arminius doctrine are cut asunder. 2nd ed. London, 1629. 4^o. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1659. Cf. 261.
99 pembl on Justificat.
William Pemble. Vindiciæ fidei, or a treatise of justification by faith. Oxford, 1625. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1658. Cf. 412.
100 pembl on the Sacrem^t & other sermō.
William Pemble. An introduction to the worthy receiving the sacrament of the Lords Svpper. London, 1628. 4^o. hcl. stc.
101 Heming: in Ephes.
Neils Hemmingsen. The Epistle to the Ephesians expounded. London, 1581. 4^o. stc.
102 Camdens Remains in q^to.
William Camden. Remaines, concerning Britaine: but especially England, and the inhabitants thereof. London, 1614. 4^o. hcl. mca. An earlier quarto edition, in two parts (London, 1605) has a slightly different title, hcl. stc.
103 English dictionary.
Henry Cockeram. The English dictionarie, or a new interpreter of hard English words. London, 1623. 8^o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1642, 1658. Cf. 198.
104 Downeham on Command^ts.
George Downame. An abstract of the dvties commanded, and sinnes forbidden in the law of God. London, 1620. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1635.
105 Cleuer one the Law.
Robert Cleaver and John Dod. A treatise or exposition vpon the Ten Commandments. London, 1603. 8^o. stc. Cf. 106.
106 Dod on Command^ts.
See under 105. Cf. 329, 330.
107 Scuddars walking w^th god.
Henry Scudder. The Christians daily walke in holy securitie and peace. London, 1627. 12^o. mca. stc.
108 Practis of Christianity.
Richard Rogers. Seven treatises, containing svch direction as is gathered ovt of the holie Scriptvres, leading and guiding to true happines, both in this life, and in the life to come: and may be called the practise of Christianitie. London, 1603. f^o. mca. stc. Cf. 169.
109 Practic of Piety & oracles.
Lewis Bayly. The practice of piety. 3d ed. London, 1613. 12^o. bm. stc. Cf. 346, 550. The “& oracles” in the title may be a case of dittography; see next number.
110 Byfeilds marrow & oracles.
Nicholas Byfield. The marrow of the oracles of God. London, 1620. 12^o. stc.
111 Byfeilds Principles.
Nicholas Byfield. The principles or, the patterne of wholesome words. Containing a collection of such truths as are of necessity to be belieued vnto saluation, separated out of the body of all theologie. Made euident by infallible and plaine proofes of Scripture. London, 1622. 8^o. mca. The title of the first edition, 1618, lacks the first three words of the above, stc.
112 Byfields one the Creed.
Nicholas Byfield. The rvle of faith: or an exposition of the Apostles Creed, so handled as it affordeth both milke for babes, and strong meat for such as are at full age. London, 1626. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf. 242.
113 Alstedius his definitions.
114 Alstedius his distinctions.
Johann Heinkich Alsted. Both 113 and 114 are perhaps preparatory studies made in the course of Alsted’s preparation of his Lexicon (cf. 343). Or they may be portions of his Præcognita Theologica (Hanover, 1623. 4^o.), of which Liber 1 is made up of definitions with theorems following, and Liber 2 has a section of twelve pages made up of “distinctiones.” hcl. Or, compare: Compendium lexici philosophici. Herborn in Nassau, 1626. 8^o. bn.
115 Astedius synopsis.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Synopsis theologia exhibens œconomiam singulorum locorum theologicorum. Frankfort-on-Main, 1653. 12^o. bn. This is, of course, a later edition than Jenner’s.
116 Astedius his Quest: & Respons.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. [Perhaps] Theologia catechetica exhibens sacrosanctissimam novitiolorum Christianorum scholam. Hanover, 1622. 4^o. bn.
117 Markams Husbandry.
Gervase Markham. Cheape and good husbandry. London, 1614. 4^o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1631 and 1676.
118 Dike one Repent.
Daniel Dyke. Two treatises, the one of repentance; the other of Christs temptations. London, 1616. 4^o. stc. Cf. 246, 413.
119 Dixon in hebr.
David Dickson. A short explanation of the Epistle to the Hebrewes. Aberdeen, 1635. 8^o. hcl. mca. stc.
120 Gouerm^t of Thoughts.
Thomas Cooper. The sacred mysterie of the government of the thoughts. London. 1619. 8^o. mca. stc. Cf. 388.
121 Gales of Grace.
Thomas Barnes. The gales of grace: or, the spirituall winde: wherein the mysterie of sanctification is opened and handled. London, 1622. 8^o. mca. stc.
122 Barnard faithfull shepard.
Richard Bernard. The faithfvll shepheard: or the shepheards faithfulnesse: wherein is set forth the excellencie and necessitie of the ministerie. London, 1607. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf. 391.
123 Hedersham on Fastings.
Arthur Hildersam. The doctrine of fasting and praier, and humiliation for sinne. London, 1633. 2 pts. 4^o. mca. stc.
124 Bradshew one the L^ds Super.
William Bradshaw. Direction for the weaker sort of Christians shewing in what manner they ought to fit themselves to the worthy receiuing of the Sacrament. London, 1609. 12^o. stc. Another edition, part one rewritten, with altered title, London, 1617. 12^o. stc.
125 Dods housould gouernm^t.
John Dod. A godly form of householde government. London, 1598. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1621. According to the notice of Dod in dnb., Dod did “editorial work” on Robert Cleaver’s work of the same title. Cf. 395.
126 Return of prayer.
Thomas Goodwin. The retvrne of prayers. A treatise wherein this case [how to discerne Gods answer to our prayers] is briefly resolved. London, 1626. 4^o. hcl. stc.
127 Brentius Judges & Ruth.
Johann Brentz, the Elder. In librum Judicum et Ruth commentarii. Schwäbisch-Hall, 1544. f^o. bm.
128 Kekermans Theolog.
Bartholomäus Keckermann. A manduction to theologie. London, 1622. 8^o. stc.
129 Tailers rule of life.
Thomas Taylor. Regula vitæ, the rvle of the law vnder the gospel. Containing a discovery of the pestiferous sect of libertines, Antinomians, and sonnes of Belial, lately sprung up to destroy the law, and disturbe the faith of the gospell. London, 1631. 12^o. mca. stc.
130 Mortons 3. fold estat.
Thomas Morton. A treatise of the three-folde state of man, or, an anatomie of the soule. London, 1596. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1599.
131 Ainsworths S^t comun.
Henry Ainsworth. The communion of saints. A treatise of the fellowship, that the faithfull have with God, and His angels, and one with another; in this present life. [Amsterdam?] 1615. 8^o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1628.
132 Saints societij.
Joseph Bentham. The saints societie. London, 1636. 4^o. stc. A reprint of “The societie of the saints; or, a treatise of good-fellowes.” London, 1630. 4^o. stc.
133 Richardson on Peter & Jude on repent.
Charles Richardson. The repentance of Peter and Iudas. Together with the frailtie of the faithfull, and the fearefull ende of wicked hypocrites. London, 1612. 4^o. mca. stc.
134 Sadeel in Terranum.
Antoine de Chandieu (Sadeel). Opera theologica. Geneva, 1592. f^o. hcl. Several parts are devoted to a controversy with Francisco Torres, a Spanish Jesuit, the first section of which (pp. 561–829) is headed: Sophismata F. Tvrriani Monachi, ex eorum sodalitate qui sacrosancta Iesu nomine ad suss sectæ inscriptionem abutantur.
135 Smith patt: of prayer.
John Smith. A paterne of true prayer. London, 1605. 4^o. stc.
136 Gilpins life.
George Carleton. Vita Bernardi Gilpini, viri sanctissimi, famaqve apvd Anglos aqvilonares celeberrimi. London, 1628. 4^o. mca. Translated by W. Freake with the title “The life of Bernard Gilpin.” London, 1629. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1636.
137 Rogers on saul.
Richard Rogers. Samuel’s encovnter with Saul. London, 1620. 12^o. mca. stc.
138 Lightfoot his missella.370
John Lightfoot. Erubhin: or miscellanies, Christian and Judaicall. London, 1629. 8^o. stc.
139 Tayler on Titus in 4^to.
Thomas Taylor. A commentarie vpon the Epistle of S. Paul written to Titvs. Cambridge, 1612. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
140 Tayler on the Types.
Thomas Taylor. Christ revealed, or, the Old Testament explained. A treatise of the types and shadowes of our Saviovr contained throughout the whole Scriptvre. London, 1635. sm 4^o. mca.
141 Frogmorton on faith.
G. Throgmorton. A treatise of faith. London, 1624. 8^o. stc. Watt.
142 Sacra Heptad.
G. S. (George Sandys?). Sacræ heptades, or seaven problems concerning Anti-christ. Leyden, 1625. 4^o. mca. stc.
143 Europæ speculum.
Sir Edwin Sandys. Europæ specvlvm or, a view or svrvey of the state of religion in the westerne parts of the world. Wherein the Romane religion, and the pregnant policies of the Church of Rome to support the same, are notably displayed. The Hague, 1629. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has editions of 1632 and 1637.
144 Rogers practicall catich. fołł.
Daniel Rogers. A practicall catechisme: or, a view of those principall truths of the word, which most directly tend to life and godlinesse. London, 1632. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1640.
145 Rogers on the sacriments 4^to.
[Daniel Rogers.] A treatise of the two sacraments of the gospel: Baptisme and the Svpper of the Lord. London, 1633. 4^o. stc.
146 Israels Idolatry Genisson.
Robert Jenison. The height of Israels heathenish idolatrie. London, 1621. 4^o. stc. Mackenzie: Historical Account of Newcastle, i. 282, 316.
147 Moulins Anoton. of Armin.
Pierre du Moulin, the Elder. Anatome Arminianismi seu, enucleatio controversiarum quæ in Belgio agitantur. Leyden, 1619. 4^o. Potter. English translation with the title “The anatomy of Arminianisme.” London, 1620. 4^o. mca. stc.
148 Testamentij restitutio.
149 Ursinus Catich.
Zacharias Ursinus. Catechesis religionis Christianæ quæ in ecclesiis Palatinatus traditur. Edinburgh, 1591. 8^o. stc. The Heidelberg Catechism, of which Ursinus was one of the authors.

Zacharias Ursinus. Explicationum catecheticarum editio altera. Cambridge, 1587. 8^o. stc.
150 Bucanum Com̄. pl.
Gulielmus Bucanus. Institutiones theologicæ, seu locorum communium Christianæ religionis analysis. Geneva, 1617. sm. 8^o. Potter.

Gulielmus Bucanus. Institvtions of Christian religion framed out of Gods word. London, 1606. 4^o. mca.
151 Fresh suit ag^st Cerum.
William Ames. A fresh svit against human ceremonies in Gods worship. [Rotterdam?] 1633. 3 pts. 4^o. mca. stc.
152 The visible church.
[Henry Barrow]. A true description out of the word of God of the visible church. London, 1589. 4^o. stc.
153 Trelcatius.
Lucas Trelcatius. [Probably] A briefe institution of the common places of sacred divinitie. London, 1610. 8^o. stc. Cf. 454.
154 Spirituall stedfastness.
John Barlow. A seasonable discourse of spiritvall stedfastnes. Published in his “Exposition of the first and second chapters of the latter Epistle to Timothie.” London, 1632. 4 pts. f^o. mca.
155 Weemes in 2 vołł in 4^to.
John Wemyss (Weemse). Works. London, 1633. 3 vols. 4^o. 1636. 4 vols. 4^o. hcl.

John Wemyss (Weemse). Exercitations divine, in two books. The first containing sundry questions for the understanding of the Scripture in general, the second containing sundry questions for the understanding of the moral law. London, 1632. 4^o. stc. Cf. 484.
156 Weems godes Image in q^to.
John Wemyss (Weemse). The povrtraiture of the image of God in man. London, 1627. 2 pts. 4^o. mca. stc.
157 White woolf.
Stephen Denison. The white wolfe or, a sermon preached at Pavls Crosse, Feb. 11. 1627. Wherein faction is vnmasked, and iustly taxed without malice. Especially the Hetheringtonian faction growne very impudent in the citie of late yeeres, is here confuted. London, 1627. 4^o. mca. stc.
158 Harrisons Sermō st[?] Abso. Fun^łł: & others.
Robert Harris. Absaloms fvnerall: or, the lamentation of a loving father for a rebellious childe. London, 1626. 4^o. hcl.
159 Baynes Letters.
Paul Baynes. Christian letters. London, 1620. 8^o. stc.
160 Denison on sacriment^s.
Stephen Denison. The doctrine of both the sacraments. To wit, Baptisme and the Svpper of the Lord. London, 1621. 4^o. stc. 1634. mca.
161 Sibs saints saftij.
Richard Sibbes. The saints safetie in evill times. London, 1633–1634. 2 pts. 12^o. stc.
162 Randall of the church.
John Randall. Twenty nine lectures of the church. London, 1631. 4^o. mca. stc.
163 Luther on Gallath.
Martin Luther. A commentarie vpon the Epistle to the Galathians. London, 1575. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1588. Cf.290.
164 Slater on Thess.
William Sclater, the Elder. An exposition with notes upon the first and second Epistles to the Thessalonians. London, 1627. 2 vols. 4^o. mca. stc. A work of his on First Thessalonians only was published in London in 1619. mca.
165 Slater on rom.
William Sclater, the Elder. A key to the key of Scriptvre: or an exposition with notes vpon the Epistle to the Romanes; the three first chapters. London, 1611. 4^o. mca. stc. Cf. 312.
166 Gualter on act.
Rudolph Walther. An hundred, threescore and fiftene homeleyes or sermons vppon the Actes of the Apostles. London, 1572. f^o. stc.
167 Rogers on faith.
John Rogers. The doctrine of faith. 3d ed. London, 1629. 12^o. stc.
168 Goodwins Moses & aron.
Thomas Godwin. Moses and Aaron. Civil and ecclesiastical rites, vsed by the ancient Hebrewes; obserued, and at large opened, for the clearing of many obscure texts thorowout the whole Scriptvre. London, 1625. 4^o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1628 and later.
169 Rogers 7 Treatesys.
See under 108.
170 [ ]371 in Gen:
171 Culverwel on faith.
Ezekiel Culverwell. A treatise of faith. Wherein is declared, how a man may liue by faith, and finde reliefe in all his necessities. 6th ed. London, 1629. 4^o. mca.
172 Essex Dove.
John Smith. Essex dove, presenting the world with a few of her olive branches. London, 1629. 4^o. mca. stc.
173 Rayners sinfulnes of sin q^to.
Edward Reynolds. Three treatises of the vanity of the creature; the sinfulnesse of sinne; the life of Christ. London, 1631. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1634.
174 Palag: Redivium̄.
[Daniel Featly.] Pelagius redivivus. Or Pelagivs raked ovt of the ashes by Arminivs and his schollers. London, 1626. 4^o. hcl. mca. The same as his “Parallel of new-old Pelagiarminian error.”
175 Wheatlij Care-clo[th].
William Whately. A care-cloth: or a treatise of the cumbers and troubles of marriage. London, 1624. 4^o. stc. Cf. 331.
176 Vestig Antiquitees.
Richard Verstegen (Rowlands). A restitvtion of decayed intelligence in antiquities. Concerning the most noble and renowned English nation. Antwerp, 1605. 4^o. hcl. mca.
178372 Genevas Discipline.
Robert Fills (translator). The laws and statutes of Geneua, as well concerning ecclesiastical discipline as ciuill regiment, with certeine proclamations, duly executed, whereby Gods religion is most purelie mainteined, and their common wealth quietli gouerned. London, 1562. 8^o. bm. mca.
179 Dike on 4:373 Evang hystor:
Daniel Dyke. Sixe evangelical histories. Of water turned into wine. The temples purgation. Christ and Nicodemvs. Iohns last testimonie. Christ, and the woman of Samaria. The rvlers sonnes healing. Contained in the 2. 3. and 4. chapters of St. Iohns Gospel. London, 1617. 4^o. stc. 1633. mca.
180 Baal on faith.
John Ball. A treatise of faith. London, 1631. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632.
181 Rogers on Luke: ch. 15.
Nehemiah Rogers. The trve convert. Or an exposition vpon the whole parable of the prodigall. London, 1620. 4^o. mca.

Nehemiah Rogers. The trve convert: or, an exposition vpon the XV chapter of St. Luke’s Gospell, containing the lost sheepe, the lost groat, the lost sonne. London, 1632. 3 pts. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc. Cf.307.
182 Rogers on the vinyard.
Nehemiah Rogers. A strange vineyard in Palætine. London, 1623. 4^o. stc.

Nehemiah Rogers. The wild vine: or, an exposition on Isaiah’s parabolicall song of the beloued. London, 1632. 4^o. mca. Cf. 333.
183 Rogers his sermon.
Richard Rogers. Certaine sermons. London, 1612. 4^o. stc.
184 Richardson his Lodgick.
Alexander Richardson. The logicians schoolmaster. London, 1629. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1657.
185 Mayor on James.
John Mayer. Praxis theologica: or, the Epistle of the Apostle St. Iames resolved, expovnded, and preached vpon by way of doctrine and vse. London, 1629. 4^o. mca. stc.
186 Smith on ps y^e 51.
Samuel Smith. Davids repentance: or, a plaine and familiar exposition of the 51. psalme. London, 1614. 4^o. stc. 1640. 8^o. mca.
187 Whitaker ag^st Camp.
William Whitaker. Edmvndi Campiani Iesvitæ rationes decem, quibus fretus certamen Anglicanæ ecclesiæ ministris obtulit in causa fidei: & ad eas responsio. London, 1582. 4^o. mca. stc. Translated into English with the title “An answere to the ten reasons of Edmvnd Campian the Iesvit.” London, 1606. 4^o. mca.
188 Arrainent of hipocrites.
John Yates. Gods arraignement of hypocrites: with an inlargement concerning Gods decree in ordering sinne. As likewise a defence of Mr. Calvine against Bellarmine: and of M. Perkins against Arminivs. Cambridge, 1615. 4^o. mca. stc.
189 Brightman on revelat.
Thomas Brightman. Apocalypsis apocalypseos. Frankfort, 1609. 4^o. Prince. Translated into English with the title “A revelation of the Apocalyps.” Amsterdam, 1611. 4^o. stc. Another English edition: “A revelation of the Reuelation that is the Revelation of St. John opened clearely with a logicall resolution and exposition.” Amsterdam, 1615. 4^o. mca.
190 Gilt Latin bible.
191 wattons defence of Perkins.
Anthony Wotton. A defence of M. Perkins booke, called A Reformed Catholike: against the cauils of a popish writer, one D. B. B. or W. B. in his Deformed Reformation. London, 1606. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
192 Prins Antijarminisme.
William Prynne. Anti-Arminianisme. Or the Church of Englands old antithesis to new Arminianisme. Wherein seven anti-arminian orthodox tenets, are evidently proved; their seven opposite Arminian (once popish and Pelagian) errours, are manifestly disproved, to be the ancient, established, vndoubted doctrine of the primitive and moderne Church of England. London, 1630. 4^o. hcl. mca.
193 Cristopher on Eph.
[Possibly] St. Chrysostom. An exposition upon the Epistle of S. Paule the Apostle to the Ephesians: truely and faithfully translated out of Greeke, perused and auctorized, according to an order appointed in hir Maiesties iniunctions. London, 1581. 4^o. bm.
194 Boltons his instructions.
Robert Bolton. Instrvctions for a right comforting afflicted consciences, with speciall antidotes against some grievous temptations. London, 1631. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
195 Bolton his Direction for walks.
Robert Bolton. Some generall directions for a comfortable walking with God. London, 1625. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1630.
196 Boltons 4 last thinges.
Robert Bolton. The foure last things, death, ivdgement, hell, and heaven. London, 1632. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1639. Cf. 416.
197 Passors Lexicon.
Georg Pasor. Lexicon Græco-Latinum in Novum Testamentum. London, 1620. 8^o. stc.
198 Riders Dictionary best sort.
John Rider. Riders Dictionarie, corrected and augmented by F. Holyoke. London, 1606. 4^o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1639 and 1659.
199 Dikes Deceit of y^e hart.
Daniel Dyke. The mystery of self-deceiving. Or, a discovrse and discouery of the deceitfulnesse of mans heart. London, 1614. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1634.
200 Barnard on witch Craft.
Richard Bernard. A guide to grand jury men [with respect to witches]. London, 1627. 12^o. hcl. stc. Sta. Reg. Cf. 531.

The Catalogue of mine Thomas Jenner. This aboue written Cattaloug of bookes according as they are nombred being tow hundred Bookes are sould vnto the Corporacon for the propagacõn of the Gospell in New England374

A Catalogue of the Library y^t M^r Eliot Hath Bought of Me Tho: Weld for Thirty & Fowre Pounds, Paid Me by the Corporation for N. Engl. Aug. 18 1651.

Bookes in folio375

201 Tremelius & Junius bible.
See under 15. Cf. 476.
202 Halls workes.
Joseph Hall. Works. London, 1625. f^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1634.
203 Zanchij opera, vol.
Girolamo Zanchi. Opera theologica. Geneva, 1613. 3 vols. f^o. BN.
204 Chemnitij opera, vol.
Martin Chemnitz (Chemnitius). Loci communes. Frankfort-on-Main, 1631, 1591, 1592. 3 pts. f^o. Cat. 1723.

Martin Chemnitz (Chemnitius). Loci theologici quibus et Loci Communes Philippi Melanthonis explicantur. Frankfort-on-Main, 1591–2. 3 vols. f^o. hcl.
205 Cypriani opera.
St. Cyprian. Opera ab innumeris mendis repurgata, adjectis nonnullis libellis quæ hactenus non habebantur ac remotis iis, quæ falso videbantur inscripta, una cum annotatiunculis, atque hæc omnia nobis prsestitit labore suo Erasmus. Basel, 1521. f^o. bn. hcl.
206 Basilij Magni Opera.
St. Basil the Great. Ἁπαντα τα του θειου και Μεγαλου καλουμενου Βασιλειου. Divi Basilii Magni opera Græca quæ ad nos extant omnia. J. Cornarius, ed. Basel, 1551. f^o. bm. hcl.

St. Basil the Great. Opera omnia. Paris 1638, ’37. 3 vols. f^o. hcl.
207 Polani Syntagma.
Amandus Polanus. Syntagma theologiæ Christianæ. Hanover, 1615. f^o. Potter. Translated into English with the title “The svbstance of Christian religion, sovndly set forth in two bookes. The first booke concerneth faith. The second concerneth good workes.” London, 1595. 8^o. mca.
208 Perkins workes, in vol.
See under 6.
209 Grenehams works.
Richard Greenham. Workes. London, 1601. f^o. stc hcl. has an edition of 1627.
210 Rogers 7 treatises.
See under 108. Cf. 169.
211 Heirons works.
Samuel Hieron. Workes. London, 1620. 2 vols. f^o. mca. stc.
212 Tayler on Titus.
See under 139.
213 Cottons Concordance.
See under L
214 Destructoriū Viciorum.
Alexander, Anglus (Alexander Carpenter). Tabula compendiosa operis præsentis destructoriū viciorum intitulati. Cologne, 1480. f^o. bm.

Alexander, Anglus (Alexander Carpenter). Summa quæ destructoriū viciorum appellatur. Cologne, 1485. f^o. Nuremburg, 1496. f^o. bm. Copies in America of the Cologne, 1485, edition are in the Providence, R. I., Athenæum and in the library of the Catholic University, Washington, D. C.; of the Nuremberg, 1496, edition, in hcl., at the Peabody Institute, Baltimore, and at Cornell University. Census of Fifteenth-Century Books in America.
215 Babingtons workes.
Gervase Babington. Workes. London, 1615. 5 pts. f^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1637.
216 Hemingius in Epistolas.
Niels Hemmingsen. Commentaria in omnes Epistolas Apostolorum, Pauli, Petri, Judæ, Johannis, Jacobi, et in earn quæ ad Hebræos inscribitur. Leipzig, 1572. f^o. bm.
217 Calvinus in 5 libros Mosis.
See under 23.
218 Calvins sermons in Deutero:
John Calvin. Sermons vpon the fifth booke of Moses called Deuteronomie; faithfully gathered word for word as he preached them in open pulpet. London, 1583. f^o. hcl. mca.
219 Ainsworth in Gen. et. Exod.
Henry Ainsworth. Annotations upon the first book of Moses, called Genesis. Amsterdam, 1617. 4^o. stc.

Henry Ainsworth. Annotations vpon the second booke of Moses, called Exodus. Amsterdam, 1617. 4^o. stc. The earliest folio edition in which these items appear is “Annotations upon the five bookes of Moses,” London, 1627, 26. bm.
220 Attersole on numbers.
William Attersoll. A commentarie vpon the fourth booke of Moses, called Numbers. London, 1618. f^o. dnb. stc. Made up of “The pathway to Canaan” (1609), “The historie of Balak” (1610), and other works.
221 Pet: Martir in Iud.
Peter Martyr (Vermigli). Most fruitfull & learned commentaries with a very profitable tract of the matter and places. London, 1564. f^o. hcl. mca. stc. The running title is “A commentary vpon the booke of Iudges.”
222 Rogers on y^e Judges.
Richard Rogers. A commentary vpon the whole booke of Ivdges. London, 1615. f^o. mca. stc.
223 Willet on 1^st & 2^d lib. Sam̄.
Andrew Willet. An harmonic upon the first booke of Samuel. Cambridge, 1614. f^o. stc.

Andrew Willet. An harmonie upon the second booke of Samuel. Cambridge, 1614. f^o. stc. Cf. 471.
224 Musculus in Psalmos.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Davidis psalterium sacrosanctum commentarii. Basel, 1618. f^o. bm.
225 wilcocks on the psal.376
Thomas Wilcox. Works, containing an exposition upon the whole booke of David’s Psalmes. London, 1624. f^o. bm.
226 Musculus in Isaiā.
Wolfgang Musculus. In prophet. Isaiam. Basel, 1570. f^o. Cat. 1723.
227 Bullinger in Isa.
Heinrich Bullinger. Isaias excellentissimus Dei propheta expositus. Zurich, 1567. f^o. bm. Potter.
228 Marloret in Isa.
Augustin Marlorat. Esaie prophetia, cum Catholica expositione ecclesiastica. Paris, 1564. f^o. bm.
229 Musculus in Math.
Wolfgang Musculus. Commentary in Matthseum Evangelistam. Basel, 1611. 3 vols. f^o. bm. Potter.
230 Marloret in novū test.
Augustin Marlorat. Novi Testament: Catholica expositio ecclesiastica. [Paris?] 1570. f^o. bm.
231 Gaiter in Acta Aposto.
See under 166.
232 Calinus in Epistolas.
John Calvin. Commentarii in omnes Pauli Epistolas. Adivnximvs commentaries in omnes Epistolas canonicas. Geneva, 1580. f^o. Prince.
233 Erasmus in novū test.
Desideeitjs Erasmus. The first tome or volume of the paraphrase vpon the Newe Testamente. London, 1548. f^o. mca. stc.

Desiderius Erasmus. The second tome or volume of the paraphrase vpon the Newe Testament. London, 1549. f^o. mca. stc.
234 Musculus in Rom. & Corinth.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Epistolam D. Apostoli Pauli ad Romanos commentarii. Basel, 1600. f^o. bm.

Wolfgang Musculus. In Apostoli Pauli ambas Epistolas ad Corinthios commentarii. Basel, 1611. f^o. bm.
235 Willet on y^e Romans.
Andrew Willet. Hexapla: that is, a six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine Epistle of the holy Apostle S. Paul to the Romanes: wherein according to the authors former method sixe things are observed in euery chapter. Cambridge, 1611. f^o. mca. stc.
236 Byfield on y^e Col.
See under 20.
237 Hildersham on y^e4 chap, of John.
Arthur Hildersam. Lectvres vpon the fovrth of Iohn. London, 1629. f^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632.
238 P. Martir. Loci.
Peter Martyr (Vermigli). Loci communes. London, 1576. f^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1622. Translated into English with the title “The common places of Peter Martyr.” London, 1583. f^o. hcl. stc.
239 Willets Synopsis.
See under 8.

Bookes in 4^to

240 Wilsons dictionary.
Thomas Wilson. A Christian dictionary. Opening the significations of the chiefe words dispersed generally through Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. 2nd ed. London, 1616. 4^o. stc. Cf. 488.
241 Simpsons history of the church.
See under 13.
242 Byfield on y^e Creeds.
See under 112.
243 Heron on Psal. 51.
See under 14.
244 Dyke on the heart.
See under 199.
245 Dyke on Philemon.
Daniel Dyke. Two treatises; the one upon Philemon, the other the school of affliction. London, 1618. 2 pts. 4^o. stc.
246 Dyke on repentance &c.
See under 118. Cf. 413.
247 Dyke of 6 histories on John.
See under 179.
248 Downhams Warfare in booke
See under 9.
249 Downhams 4^r treatises.
John Downame. Foure treatises tending to diswade all Christians from swearing. London, 1609. 4^o. stc.
250 Smiths sermons.
Henry Smith. Sermons. London, 1595. 4^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1631.
251 Gouch on Ephes: domesticall duties.
William Gouge. An exposition of part of the fift and sixt chapters of S. Paules Epistle to the Ephesians, wherein is handled all such duties as belong to household gouernnient; also the spiritvall armour, ovt of which a Christian may fetch svfficient furniture against all his spirituall enemies. London, 1630. 4^o. mca.
252 Rogers on y^e 39 Art.
Thomas Rogers. The faith, doctrine, and religion, professed, & protected in the realme of England, and dominions of the same: expressed in 39 articles, concordablie agreed vpon by the reuerend bishops, and clergie of this kingdome. Cambridge, 1607. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
253 Forbes on Justification.
John Forbes. A treatise tending to cleare the doctrine of ivstification. Middelburgh, 1616. 4^o. mca. stc.
254 [Sphinx Philosophica]377
See under 362.
255 Molineus contra Armin.
See under 147.
256 Negus of faith.
William Negus. Mans active obedience, or the power of godlines, especially in the cominandement of the gospell, which requireth faith in euerie Christian: or a treatise of faith. London, 1619. 4^o. mca. stc.
257 Counsell of Dort.
Synodus. Ivdicium synodi nationalis, reformatarvm ecclesiarvm Belgicarvm, habitae Dordrechti, Anno 1618. & 1619. Dort, 1619. 4^o. mca. hcl. has two editions of 1620.
258 Boultons Workes.
Robert Bolton. Workes. London, 1641. 4^o. mca. stc.
259 D^r Preston Allsufficieny & Coven^t.
See under 83.
260 D^r Preston of faith & Love.
See under 84.
261 Pemble his Vindicia Gra. et Glo.
See under 98. The source of the phrase “& Glo.” is not apparent.
262 Pemble in Zach.
See under 97.
263 Granger in Eccles.
Thomas Granger. A familiar exposition or commentarie on Ecclesiastes. London, 1621. 4^o. mca. stc.
264 2 Physick bookes
265 Esties Workes.
George Estey. Certaine godly and learned expositions vpon diuers parts of Scripture. London, 1603. 2 pts. 4^o. mca. stc.
266 Topsell on Ruth.
Edward Topsell. The reward of religion. Deliuered in sundrie lectures vpon the Booke of Ruth. London, 1601. 4^o. mca.
267 Topsell on Joel.
Edward Topsell. Times lamentation: or an exposition on the prophet Ioel. London, 1599. 4^o. mca.
268 Edwins Works.
269 Calvin on y^e Psalmes.
See under 29.
270 Dod on y^e Proverbs.
John Dod and Robert Cleaver. A plaine and familiar exposition of the ninth and tenth chapters of the Proverbs of Salomon. London, 1606. 4^o. stc. Four later volumes, 1607–1610, carried their exposition through chapter 20. stc.
271 A. C. on Eccles:
Antonio de Corro (Corranus). Salomons sermon of mans chief felicitie with paraphrase. Oxford, 1586. 8^o. stc.
272 Giffird on y^e Cant.
George Gifford. Fifteen sermons vpon the Song of Solomon. London, 1598. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1612. Cf. 376.
273 Clapham on y^e Cant.
Henoch Clapham. Three partes of Salomon his Song of Songs, expounded. London, 1603. 4^o. mca. The fourth and fifth parts were published in London in 1606. stc.
274 Gouch on y^e Cant.
William Gouge. An exposition of the Song of Solomon. London, 1615. 4^o. stc.
275 Brinsley in Chap. 9^th of Ezekiell.
John Brinsley, the Elder. The third part of The Trve Watch, containing the call of the Lord, to awake all sorts to meet him with intreatie of peace, and to turn unto him by true repentence: taken out of the vision of Ezekiel, chap. 9. London, 1622. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1623.
276 Map of Rome.
Thomas Taylor. A mappe of Rome: lively exhibiting her mercilesse meeknesse, and cruell mercies to the church of God; preached in fiue sermons on occasion of the Gunpowder Treason. London, 1619. 4^o. mca. stc hcl. has an edition of 1659.
277 Renolds against Hart.
John Rainolds. The summe of the conference betwene John Rainolds and John Hart; touching the head and faith of the church. London, 1584. 4^o. bm. hcl.
278 Whitaker against Bellermine.
William Whitaker. Disputatio de sacra scriptvra contra huius temporis papistas, imprimis Robertum Bellarminum & T. Stapletonum. Cambridge, 1588. 4^o. bm.

William Whitaker. Prselectiones in quibus tractatur controversia de ecclesia contra pontificios, inprimis R. Bellarminum. Cambridge, 1599. 4^o. bm.
279 Danseus in Omnes minores Prophetas.
Lambert Daneau. Commentarium in prophetas minores. Geneva, 1586. 2 vols. 8^o. bm. Translated into English with the title “A frvitfvll commentarie vpon the twelue small prophets.” Cambridge, 1594. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
280 Winklemann̄ in omnes Prophetas minores.
Johannes Winklemann. Commentarius in xii prophetas minores. Frankfort, 1603. 8^o. Watt.
281 Downham on y^e 4 Chap of Hosea.
John Downame. Lectures upon the foure first chapters of Hosea. London, 1608. 4^o. stc.
282 D^r Mayers Catechisme.
John Mayer. The English catechisme explained, or, a comentarie on the short catechisme set forth in the Booke of Common Prayer. London, 1620. 4^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1623.
283 Mayer on the 4^r Evangl. & Acts.
John Mayer. A treasvry of ecclesiasticall expositions, vpon the difficult and doubtfull places of the Scriptures, collected out of the best esteemed interpreters, both auncient and moderne, together with the authors judgement, and various observations. Conteining 270. texts, throughout the Gospels of Mathew, Marke, Luke, and Iohn, and the Acts of the Apostles. London, 1622. 4^o. mca. stc. Cf. 489.
284 Malcolmus in Acta.
John Malcolm. Commentarius in Apostolorum Acta, notis locisque sacrarum literum appositis illustratus. Middleburg, 1615. 4^o. bm.
285 Musculus in Johan̄.
Wolfgang Musculus. In Divi Joannis Apostoli Evangelium commentarii. Basel, 1618. f^o. bm.
286 Bucerus in Johan̄.
Martin Bucer (Butzer). In Euangelium Joannis. Catalogue of William Ames library in Prince Collection.
287 Wilson on y^e Romanes.
See under 17.
288 Pareus in Romanos.
David Pareus (Waengler). In divinam ad Romanos S. Pauli Apostoli Epistolam commentarius. Heidelberg, 1613. 4^o. bm.
289 Pareus in 1^st Epist. ad Cor.
See under 89.
290 Luther on y^e Gal.
See under 163.
291 Pareus in Gal.
See under 90.
292 Aiery on y^e Philipians.
Henry Airay. Lectvres upon the whole Epistle of St. Paul to the Philippians. London, 1618. 4^o. bm.
293 Elton on Col.
Edward Elton. An exposition of the Epistle of St. Paule to the Colossians. London, 1615. 4^o. mca. stc. Cf. 477.
294 Rolocus in Thes. 1̄ et 2̄ Epist.
See under 63.
295 Slater in 1̄ Epist: ad Thes.
See under 164.
296 Phillips sermons.
Edward Philips. Certaine godly and learned sermons. London, 1605. 4^o. mca. stc.

George Phillips. Fiue godly and learned sermons. London, 1594. 8^o. stc.
297 Tayler on y^e Parable of y^e Sower.
Thomas Taylor. The parable of the sower and of the seed. London, 1621. 4^o. mca. stc. To the third edition (1634) was added the “Mappe of Rome.” hcl. has an edition of 1659. See 276.
298 Tayler on 10. Chap of the Acts.
Thomas Taylor. Exposition of the 10th chap, of the Acts from verse 34 to verse 43. Cambridge, 1612. 4^o. Cat. 1723.
299 Tayler on Psal. 32.
Thomas Taylor. Davids learning, or the way to true happinesse, in a commentarie vpon the XXXII. psalme. London, 1617. 4^o. mca. stc.
300 Luther on the epistles of Joh: Jude & Revel.
Martin Luther. A commentarie or exposition vpon the twoo Epistles generall of Sainct Peter, and that of Sainct Jvde. London, 1581. 4^o. mca. stc. A commentary by Luther on Revelation was published in German in 1530. bm.
301 Boulton on y^e 1 Psal.378
Robert Bolton. A discourse [on Ps. i. 1] about the state of true happinesse. London, 1611. 4^o. hcl. This book strongly influenced John Winthrop. Winthrop Papers, I. (1929), 211.
302 Simpson on 7 Pen. Psalmes.
Archibald Simson. A sacred septenarie or the seven psalms of repentance. London, 1638. 4^o. stc.
303 Cygnsea Cantio.
Daniel Featley. Cygnea cantio:379 or, learned decisions, and most prvdent and poivs directions for stvdents in divinitie; delivered by our late soveraigne of happie memorie, King lames, at White Hall a few weekes before his death. London, 1629. 4^o. mca.

John Leland. Κύκνειον ᾆδμα. Cygnea cantio. London, 1545. 2 pts. 4^o. stc.
304 Bradshaw on 2 Thess.
William Bradshaw. A plaine and pithy exposition of the second Epistle to the Thessalonians. London, 1620. 4^o. mca. stc. Cf. 405.
305 Jackson on 2 Thess.
Timothy Jackson. A brief and plaine exposition upon S. Pauls second Epistle to the Thessalonians. London, 1621. 4^o. stc.
306 Bradshaw on y^e 90 Psal.
William Bradshaw. A meditation of mans mortalitie. Containing an exposition of the ninetieth psalme. London, 1621. 4^o. mca. stc.
307 Rogers on y^c Parables.
See under 181.
308 Anatomy of Death.
John More. A liuely anatomie of death. London, 1596. 8^o. stc.
309 Stapletons Postillory libri Duo.
Thomas Stapleton. Promptvarivm morale svper evangelia dominicalia totivs anni. Ex sacris Scripturis SS. Patribus, & optimis quibusq[ue] authoribus studiosè collectum. Antwerp, 1593. 2 pts. 4^o. Allibone. mca.
310 Theodorici Postill. libri tres.
Conrad Dieterich. Analysis logica evangeliorum quæ diebus festis in D. Apostolorum ecclesia Christi proponi solent. Giessen, 1617. 8^o. bm.
311 Whatly of Gods husbandry. &c.
William Whately. Gods husbandry. London, 1619. 4^o. stc.
312 Slater on Rom. / Cap. 1. 2. &. 3.
See under 165.
313 Parr on Rom. / cap. 12. to end of y^e Epist.
See under 93.
314 Couper on y^e 8 cap. ad Rom.
William Cowper. Three heavenly treatises upon the eight chapter to the Romanes. London, 1609. 4^o. stc.
315 Elton on y^e 7^th Cap: ad Rom.
Edward Elton. The complaint of a sanctified sinner answered: or an explanation of the seuenth chapter of the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans. London, 1622. 4^o. mca.
316 D^r Denison on 1 Cor. 11. 28 ad finem.
See under 160.
317 Cooper on 2 Cor. Cap. 5 to vv. 10^th.
William Cowper. A defiance to death. London, 1610. 12^o. stc. A collection of tracts by Cowper, with autobiography, the general title page having been torn out, but with separate title pages intact, is in the Dartmouth College Library, presented to Samson Occum in London. It has this treatise (ed. 1629), which proves to be a commentary on ii. Cor. 5: 1–9, inclusive, which might be called “to verse 10.”
318 Baines on y^e first Chapt. to y^e Ephes.
Paul Baynes. A commentarie vpon the first chapter of the Epistle of Saint Pavl to the Ephesians. London, 1618. 4^o. mca. Reading this book suggested to Judge Sewall the writing of his antislavery tract “The Selling of Joseph.” 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi. 16.
319 Byfield on 1 Pet. Cap. 1.
Nicholas Byfield. Sermons vpon the first chapter of the first Epistle generall of Peter. London, 1617. 4^o. mca. stc.
320 Byfield on 1 Pet. Cap. 2.
Nicholas Byfield. A commentary: or, sermons vpon the second chapter of the first Epistle of Peter. London, 1623. 4^o. mca.
321 Denison. 2 Pet. Cap. 1.
Stephen Denison. An exposition upon the first chapter of the second Epistle of Peter. London, 1622. 4^o. stc. Cf. 386.
322 Boys his Postills.
John Boys. An exposition of all the principall Scriptvres vsed in our English liturgie. Together with a reason why the church did chuse the same. London, 1609. 4^o. mca. Thirteen other editions with varying titles: on dominical epistles and gospels; on festivall epistles; of the proper psalmes. stc. hcl. has an edition of the “festivall epistles,” 1613–14.
323 Brentij Postil.
Johann Brenz. Pericopae evangeliorum, quæ singulis diebus dominicis publice in ecclesia recitari solent, expositae. Frankfort-on-Main, 1556. 4^o. hcl.
324 Hemingij Postil.
Niels Hemmingsen. A postill, or exposition of the Gospels that are vsually read in the churches of God, vpon the Sundayes and feast dayes of sainets. London, 1569. 4^o. hcl. mca. stc.
325 Erasmi Post, in dies festas.
Desideeitjs Erasmus. Evangelia et epistolæ quæ diebus festis in templis leguntur. Cologne, 1534. 8^o. bn.
326 Melancton. Postil.
Philipp Melanchton. Annotationes in Evangelia dominicalia, quæ usitato more diebus dominicis et festis proponuntur. Wittemberg, 1561. 8^o. bn.

Philipp Melanchton. Postilla. The same, edited with additions and comments by Christopher Pezellerich, Hanover, 1594, 1596. Corpus Reformatorum: Melanchton’s Works, xiv.11 n.
327 Whites way to y^e church.
John White. The way to the true church. London, 1608. 4^o. stc. hcl. has editions of 1610, 1612. This was defended by his brother, Francis White, in “The orthodox faith and way to the chvrch explained and iustified.” London, 1617. 4^o. mca. stc. Both treatises were included in Dr. John White’s “Workes,” 1624, the latter with separate register and pagination, mca.
328 Ames Contra. Armin.
William Ames. De Arminii sententia, qua electionem omnem particularem fidei praevisae docet inniti. Amsterdam, 1613. 4^o. bn. hcl. has an edition of 1658.
329 Dod on y^e 10 com̄d.
See under 106.
330 [Dod]380 on y^e 4^th com̄d.
See under 106.
331 Whately of Mortif. & troubles of Marriage.
See under 175.
332 D^r Twisesus Contra Armin.
See under 19. Or perhaps, although the edition seems later than most of Weld’s books: Ad Jacobi Arminii collationem cum Francisco Junio; & Johan. Arnoldi Corvini defensionem sententiæ Arminianæ, de prædestinatione, gratia, & libera arbitrio. Amsterdam, 1639. f^o. mca.
333 Strange Vinyards in Palestina.
See under 182.

Libri in octavo. & 16^o

334 Bucani Loci.
See under 150.
335 Hyperij Loci.
Andreas Gerardus, Hyperius. Methodi theologiæ, sive præcipuorum Christianæ religionis locorum communium libri tres. Basel, 1567. 8^o. bn. Translated into English with the title “Two common places taken out of A. Hyperius.” London, 1581. 8^o. stc.
336 Alstedij Loci.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Loci communes theologici, perpetuis similitudinibus illustrati. Frankfurt-on-Main, 1653. 12^o. bn. Weld’s must have been an earlier edition.
337 Yates his Modell.
John Yates. A modell of divinitie catechistically composed. London, 1622. 4^o. mca. stc.

338 Crookes		Catechisme.
339 Par.
340 Baines

Samuel Crooke. The gvide vnto trve blessednesse. Or, a body of the doctrine of the Scriptures, directing man to the sauing knowledge of God. London, 1614. 8^o. mca. An abridgment was published the same year under the title “A briefe direction to trve happinesse.” dnb.
David Pareus (Waengler). Explicationum catecheticarum Z. Ursini opus recognitum. Geneva, 1608. 8^o. Cf. 509.
Paul Baynes. Briefe directions vnto a godly life. London, 1618. 12^o. bm. stc.
341 Baals expos, of y^e Cat.
John Ball. A short treatise contayning all the principall grounds of Christian religion. By way of questions and answers. London, 1631. 8^o mca.
342 Cartwrights Cat.
See under 94.
343 Alstedij Lexicon.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Lexicon theologicum, in quo sacrosanctæ theologiæ termini dilucide explicantur juxta seriem locorum communium. Accedit monitio de lectione Novi Testamenti. Hanover, 1620. 8^o. bm. Cf. 113; 114.
344 Virelij opera.
Matthieu Virel. A learned and excellent treatise concerning all the principall grounds of Christian religion. 2nd ed. London, 1594. 8^o. stc.
345 Allins Cat.
Edmond Allen. A catechisme, that is to saie, a familiar intro-duccion and trainyng of the simple in the commaundementes of God. London, 1548. 8^o. stc.

Robert Allen. A treasvrie of catechisme, or Christian instrvction. London, 1600. 12^o. mca. stc.
346 Practise of Piety.
See under 109. Cf. 550.
347 Bunies resol. p^t.
Edmund Bunny. A booke of Christian exercise appertaining to resolution, that is, shewing how that we should resolue our selues to become Christians indeede; by R. P. Perused, and accompanied now with a treatise tending to pacification. London, 1585. 8^o. stc The first part is Bunny’s altered version of a treatise published anonymously by Robert Parsons the Jesuit. The second part was issued separately in 1594 and 1598. dnb. In 1585, Parsons reissued his treatise under the title “A Christian directory gviding men to their salvation, with reprofe of the corrupt and falsified edition of the same booke lately published by M. Emd. Buny.” Bunny replied in 1589 with “A briefe answer vnto those idle quarrels of R. P. against the late edition of the Resolution.” dnb. stc
348 Plutarchi Moralia in lib.
Plutarch. Moralia. Latine, ex diversorum interpretum versione. London, 1542–1551. 3 vols. 8^o. bm. An English version appeared in 1603 under the title “The philosophic, commonly called, the morals.” stc
349 Piscator in novū Test, in quatuor libris.
Johannes Piscator (Fischer). Commentarii in omnes libros Novi Testamenti. Herborn, 1621. 4^o. bm. Cf. 482.
350 Downhamus in Ramū.
George Downame. Commentarius in Rami dialecticam. Frankfurt-on-Main, 1610. 8^o. dnb. hcl.
351 Magirij Physica.
Johannes Magirus. Physiologise peripatetics libri sex. Frankfort-on-Main, 1619. 8^o. Cat. 1723. hcl.
352 Keckermanni Logica.
Bartholomäus Keckermann. Gymnasium logicum. London, 1606. stc.
353 Dy on scandalls.
Jeremiah Dyke. The mischiefe and miserie of scandals, both taken and given. London, 1631. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632. Cf. 413.
354 Dy on Conscience.
Jeremiah Dyke. Good conscience: or, a treatise showing the nature thereof. London, 1624. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632. Cf. 413.
355 Burroughs Gra. spirit.
Jeremiah Burroughs. The excellency of a gracious spirit. London, 1638. 8^o. stc
356 T. Goodwin of Returne of Prayer.
See under 126. Cf. 442.
357 Child of light.
Thomas Goodwin. A childe of light walking in darknes. London, 1636. 4^o. mca. stc
358 Sibbs, bruised reed.
Richard Sibbes. The bruised reed and smoaking flax. London, 1630. 12^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1632.
359 Great assize.
Samuel Smith. The great assize or day of jubilee. London, 1618. 8^o. stc.
360 Greenwoods works.
Henry Greenwood. Workes contayned in five several tractates. London, 1616. 8^o. stc.
361 Danseus de hæresibus.
Lambert Daneau. Augustini liber De hæresibus adquodvoltdeum emendatus et commentariis illustratus. Geneva, 1578. 8^o. bm.

Lambert Daneau. Elenchi hoereticorum. Geneva, 1592. 8^o. bn.
362 Sphinx Philosophica.
Johann Heidfeld. Sphinx theologico-philosophiea. Herborn, 1604. 8^o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1621. Cf. 438.
363 Morneus de veritate rel. Christ.
Philippe de Mornay. De la verité de la religion chrestienne. Antwerp, 1581. 4^o. bm. The author’s own Latin version appeared in 1583 under the title “De veritate religionis Christianæ.” Prince. (hcl. has editions of 1587 and 1592.) An English version (1587), “begunne to be translated by Sir Philip Sidney Knight,” has the title “A woorke concerning the trewnesse of the Christian religion.”
364 Sam^ll Wards sermons.
Samuel Ward. Collection of sermons and treatises. London, 1627. 8^o. mca. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1636.
365 Aristophanes.
Aristophanes. Comcedire undecim. Leyden, 1600. 12^o. bm.
366 Greeke Test.
367 Chaine of Graces.
Cornelius Burgess. A chaine of graces, London, 1622. 8^o. stc.
368 Greeke Gramm̄er.
[William Camden.] Institutio Graecae grammaticæ compendiaria in vsum regiæ scholæ Westmonasteriensis. London, 1595. 8^o. stc.
369 True watch.
John Brinsley, the Elder. The true watch. London, 1606. 8^o. stc. hcl. has an edition of 1626. Cf. 275 for the third part of this work.
370 Brightman on y^e Revel. Engl.
See under 189.
371 Halls contemplations, in 3 bookes.
Joseph Hall. Contemplations upon the principal passages of the holie storie. Vol. 1. London, 1612. 8^o. stc. The second volume, “in four bookes,” appeared in 1614, and the third, “in three bookes,” in 1615. Seven volumes in all appeared up to 1623.
372 Rogers on 1 Sam. 15.
See under 137.
373 Pilkington in Nehemiah.
James Pilkington. A godlie exposition vpon certeine chapters of Nehemiah. Cambridge, 1585. 4^o. stc.
374 Beza on Job.
See under 18.
375 Beza on Psal.
See under 74.
376 Gifford on Cant.
See under 272.
377 Benifield on Amos. 1 cap.
Sebastian Benefield. A commentarie or exposition vpon the first chapter of the prophecy of Amos. Oxford. 1613. 4^o. mca. stc.
378 Theophilac in Evangelia.
Theophylactus, Archbishop of Achrida. In quatuor Evangelia enarrationes. Cologne, 1532. 8^o. bm.
379 Hochmester in Lucan.
380 Mathisius in Rom.
Guerard Matthys. In Epistolam S. Pauli ad Romanos commentarius. Cologne, 1562. adb.
381 Rolocus in Ephes. & 1 Thess.
See under 61 and 62.
382 Bullinger in Reu.
Heinrich Bullinger. A hundred sermons vpō the Apocalips. London, 1561. 4^o. hcl. stc.
383 Fox in Reu.
John Fox. Eicasmi, seu, meditationes in Apocalypsin S. Ioannis Apostoli et Euangelistre. Geneva, 1596. 8^o. bm.
384 Dent in Reu.
Arthur Dent. The rvine of Rome: or an exposition vpon the whole Reuelation. Wherein is plainly shewed and proued, that the popish religion, together with all the power and authoritie of Rome, shall ebbe and decay still more and more throughout all the churches of Europe, and come to an vtter ouerthrow euen in this life before the end of the world. London, 1603. 4^o. mca. stc.
385 Withers in y^e1 Psal.
George Wither. Exercises upon the first psalme. London, 1620. 8^o. hcl. stc.
386 D^r Denison on 2 Pet. 1 Chap.
See under 321.
387 Moulin of the Love of God.
Pierre du Moulin. Theophilvs, or love divine. A treatise containing five degrees, markes, aides, of the loue of God. London, 1610. 12^o. mca. stc.
388 Governm^t of thoughts.
See under 120.
389 Converts Catechisme.
Clement Cotton. The converts catechisme; wherein are seaven of the divine graces of the Holy Spirit anatomized. London, 1616. 12^o. stc.
390 Pathway. Dent.
Arthur Dent. The plaine mans path-way to heaven. London, 1601. 8^o. stc Twenty-five editions before 1612. hcl. has an edition of 1648.
391 Faithfull Shepherd., Bernard.
See under 122.
392 Lewes his sermons.
R. Lewes. A sermon preached at Paules Crosse concerning Isaac his testament. Oxford, 1594. 8^o. bm.

Jeremiah Lewis. The doctrine of thankfulnesse. A sermon. London, 1619. 4^o. stc

John Lewis. Treatise on Heb. x. 2. Sermon on I John iv. 19. London, 1620. 8^o. Watt.
393 Hildersham on y^e Lo. supper.
Arthur Hildersam. The doctrine of communicating worthily in the Lords Svpper. London, 1617. 12^o. dnb. Included in William Bradshaw’s “A preparation to the receiving of the Sacrament.” See under 124.
394 Sutton on y^e Sac^ts.
Christopher Sutton. Godly meditations upon the sacrament of the Lordes Supper. London, 1601. 12^o. stc.
395 Houshold Goverm^t. m^r Dod.
See under 125.

Diverse other, small bookes. w^ch I sett not down.381

ꝑ me Thomā Wel[d]

Novemb : 18 : 1702

An Inventory of the Estate of M^r Thomas Weld Minister of Dunstable Deceased, Lying in Roxbury382Books, Viz

396 Leighs Critica Sacra.
Edward Leigh. Critica sacra: or philologicall and theologicall observations upon all the Greek words of the New Testament in order alphabeticall. London, 1639. 4^o. bm. dnb. stc.

Edward Leigh. Critica sacra. Observations on all the radices or primitive Hebrew words of the Old Testament in order alphabeticall. London, 1642. 4^o. bm. dnb. The two published together, London, 1650. 4^o. Dart. dnb.
397 Featlye’s Clavis Mystica.
Daniel Featley. Clavis mystica: a key opening divers difficult and mysterious texts of Holy Scripture. London, 1636. f^o. bm. stc.
398 Musculus In Genesin.
Wolfgang Musculus. Commentarii in Genesin. Basel, 1554. f^o. adb. bu.
399 R. Bajlij opus historicum &c.
Robert Baillie. Operis historici et chronologici libri duo. Amsterdam, 1663. f^o. dnb. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1668.
400 Reliquiæ Raleighanæ.
Walter Ralegh, D.D. Reliquiæ Raleigbanæ, being discourses and sermons on several subjects. London, 1679. 4^o. dnb. mca.
401 A Practicall Catechism By D. R.
See under 144.
402 An English Bible.
403 Scarpij Cursus Theologicus.
John Sharp (Sharpe, Scharpius). Cursus theologicus. Geneva, 1618. 4^o. dnb. hcl. has President Hoar’s edition of 1620.
404 Grynei Enarratio Brevis Psal. 133 &c.
Johann Jacob GrynÆus. Enarratio brevis psalmi CXXXIII. De concordia fidelium: CX. De Jesu Christo Immanuele: XIX. De Studio Theologico. Geneva, 1579. 8^o. bm.
405 Gataker on the 2^d Epistle to y^e Thessal:
Thomas Gataker, Editor. See under 304.
406 Normans Cases of Conscience Resolved.
John Norman. Cases of conscience practically resolved. London, 1673. 8^o. dnb. mca.
407 Poems Occasioned by a Melancholy vision.
Humphrey Mill (Mille). Poems occasioned by a melancholy vision. Or, a melancholy vision upon divers theames enlarged. London, 1639. 8^o. dnb. hcl. stc.
408 Baxters Saints Everlasting Rest.
Richard Baxter. The saints everlasting rest. London, 1650, 49. 4 pts. 4^o. bm. hcl.
409 Antisynodalia Scripta &c.
William Ames. Anti-synodalia scripta, vel animadversiones in dogmatica ulla, quæ Remonstrantes in Synodo Dordracena exhibuerunt, & postea divulgarunt. Amsterdam, 1633. 12^o. bm. hcl.

[Charles Chauncy.] Anti-synodalia scripta Americana. Or, a proposal of the judgment of the dissenting messengers of the churches of New England assembled, by the appointment of the General Court, March 10, 1662, whereof there were several sessions afterwards, n.p., 1662. 4^o. Sabin’s Bibliotheca Americana.
410 Brooks paradice opened.
Thomas Brookes. Paradise opened; or the secrets, mysteries, and rarities of divine love. London, 1675. 4^o. bm.
411 M^r Hooker on y^e 17 of John.
Thomas Hooker. A comment upon Christ’s last prayer in the seventeenth of John. London, 1656. 4^o. Massachusetts Historical Society Library. On the half-title-page it says that this is Hooker’s “Seventeenth Book, made in New-England.”
412 Pembles Treatise of Justification.
See under 99.
413 Dykes 2 Treatises.
Jeremiah Dyke. Two treatises; the one of good conscience, the other of scandals. 5th ed. London, 1632. 8^o. stc. Published separately first in 1624 and 1631 respectively.

Daniel Dyke. Two treatises; the one upon Philemon, the other the school of affliction. 2 pts. London, 1618. 4^o. stc.

Daniel Dyke. See under 118, 246.
414 Calvin on y^e Book of Joshua.
See under 30.
415 Owen on y^e Sabbath.
John Owen. Exercitations concerning the day of sacred rest. London, 1671. 8^o. bm. dnb. hcl.
416 Bolton on y^e 4 Last things.
See under 196.
417 Keckermanni Systema Mathematices.
Bartholomäus Keckermann. Systema compendiosum totius mathematices; hoc est, geometriæ, opticæ, astronomiæ et geographiæ. In fine accessit brevis commentatio nautica. Hanover, 1617. 12^o. Fogg Museum, Harvard University.
418 Nortons Orthodox Evangelist.
John Norton. The orthodox evangelist. London, 1654. 4^o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1657.
419 Roman Antiquities.
Thomas Godwin. Romana? historiæ anthologia, or an English exposition of the Romane antiquities. Oxford, 1614. 4^o. dnb. stc. hcl. has editions of 1623 and 1628.
420 Meads383 Treatise of Sacramental Covenanting with X^t.
John Rawlet. A treatise of sacramental covenanting with Christ. 5th ed. London, 1692. 8^o. bm. The Mead referred to may have been Matthew Mead, Independent divine (1630?–1699). No such title, however, appears among his works.
421 Calvin on the Psalms.
See under 29. Cf. 269.
422 Ch:^t y^e perfect pattern.
423 Cotton of Schism.
John Cotton. A defense from the imputation of selfe contradiction, charged on him by M^r D. Cawdrey. Whereunto is prefixed, an answer to a late treatise of the said M^r Cawdrey about the nature of schisme. Oxford, 1658. 8^o. bm. Prince.
424 D^r Rolls Answer to D^r Patrick.
Samuel Rolls (Rolle). A sober answer to the friendly debate betwixt a conformist and a nonconformist. London, 1669. 8^o. bm.
425 Dicksons Therapuetica Sacra.
David Dickson. Therepeutica sacra; seu, de curandis casibus conscientiæ circa regenerationem per fœderum divinorum prudentem applicationem. London, 1656. 4^o. bm. An English translation appeared in 1695 with the title “Therapeutica sacra, or the method of healing the diseases of the conscience concerning regeneration.” dnb.
426 Durnhams Treatise Concerning Scandal.
James Durham. The dying man’s testament to the church of Scotland. Or, a treatise concerning scandal. Edinburgh, 1659. 4^o. hcl. mca.
427 Drakes Bibliotheca Scholastica.
Thomas Draxe. Bibliotheca scholastica instructissima, or, a treatise of ancient adagies, and sententious proverbs, selected out of the English, Greeke, Latine, French, Italian, and Spanish. London, 1633. stc
428 Loves two Treatises.
Christopher Love. The souls cordiall: in two treatises. London, 1653. 2 pts. 8^o. bm. dnb.

Christopher Love. Heaven’s glory, hell’s terror: or two treatises. London, 1653. 2 pts. 4^o. bm. dnb.
429 Cartwright in Eccleasiastes.
Thomas Cartwright. In librum Salomonis qui inscribitur Ecclesiastes homiliæ. London, 1604. 4^o. dnb. stc.
430 Weckerus de Secretis.
Johann Jacob Wecker. De secretis libri XVII ex variis auctoribus collecti. Basel, 1582. 8^o. bu. hcl. has editions of 1587 and later.
431 Chamberlains present State of Eng^d.
Edward Chamberlayne. Angliæ notitia: or, the present state of England; together with divers reflections upon the antient state thereof. London, 1669. 12^o. bm. hcl. The first volume of a long series under the same title.
432 The Barren figtrees doom.
Samuel Willard. The barren fig trees doom. Boston, 1691. 8^o. Evans.
433 Henrici Smitii Prosodia.
Henricus Smetius. Prosodia; de syllabarum quantitate, ex veterum poetarum auctoritate. Frankfort-on-Main, 1611. 8^o? aas.

Henricus Smetius. Prosodia in novam formam digesta. Amsterdam, 1648. 12^o. bm.

Henricus Smetius. Prosodia promptissima quæ syllabarum posic̄one et dipthongis carentium quantitates sola veterum poetarum auctoritate adductis exemplis demonstrat ab autore reformato, locisque inumeris emendata et quarta sui parte audaucta. Sta. Reg., April 29, 1695.
434 Ius Regum &c.
Henry Parker. Jus regum. Or, a vindication of the regall power: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government. London, 1645. mca.
435 Ward of Wit & wisdome.
Richard Ward. Two theological treatises: the first shewing the nature of wit, wisdom, and folly. The second describing the nature, use, and abuse of the tongue. London, 1673. 8^o. bm.
436 Riveti critici Sacri Libri 4.
Andre Rivet. Critici sacri libri IV. Geneva, 1626. hcl.
437 Horn on Infant Baptism.
John Horne. Διατριβη περι παιδο-βαπτισμου: or, a consideration of infant baptism. London, 1654. 4^o. bm. dnb. hcl.
438 Heildfedij Sphynx Theolog: Philosophico.
See under 362.
439 Hookers four Treatises.
Thomas Hooker. Foure learned and godly treatises; viz. The carnall hypocrite. The churches deliverance. The deceitfulnesse of sinne. The benefit of afflictions. London, 1638. 12^o. Allibone. stc.
440 Index biblicus Multijugus.
Leonard Hoar. Index biblicus multijugus, or a table to the Holy Scriptures wherein each of its books, chapters, and divers matters are distinguished and epitomized. London, 1672. 8^o Cat. 1723. dnb. hcl. An enlarged edition of “Index biblicus.” London, 1668. 8^o. Prince.
441 Castanej distinctiones Philosophicæ.
Henri Louis Chasteigner. Celebriorum distinctionum turn philosophicarum, turn theologicarum synopsis. London, 1617. 4^o. stc.
442 Goodwin’s Return of prayers.
See under 126. Cf. 356.
443 Amesij Sciagraphia xtianæ Catecheseos.
William Ames. Christianæ catechesωs sciagraphia. Amsterdam, 1635. 12^o. bm.
444 Netheni Examen Arminianismi.
Matthias Nethenus, Editor. Examen Arminianismi. Utrecht, 1668. 8^o. bm. From a ms. left by Samuel Rutherford.
445 Clarks Golden Apples.
Samuel Clarke. Golden apples; or seasonable and serious counsel from the sanctuary to the rulers of the earth, held forth in the resolution of sundry questions and cases of conscience about divisions, schisms, heresies, and the tolleration of them. London, 1659. 8^o. bm.
446 Crucjj Logica.
Jacobus Crucius. Medulla logicæ contracta. Leyden, 1646. 8^o. Cat. 1723. jht.
447 Dansie’s Mathematicall Manuell.
John Dansie. A mathematicall manuel; wherein is handled arithmeticke, planimetry, stereometry, and the embatteling of armies. Whereunto is annexed the measuring of superficies. London, 1627. 12^o. Allibone. bm.
448 Cobbett on y^e Respective duties of parents & children.
Thomas Cobbet. A fruitfull and usefull discourse touching the honour due from children to parents, and the duty of parents towards their children. London, 1656. 8^o. Sabin’s Bibliotheca Americana.
449 Ravisii Text Epithet: Epitome.
Joannes Ravisius Textor (Jean Tixier de Ravisi). Epithetorum epitome. Accedunt synonyma poetica. London, 1564? 16^o. stc. First published (Paris, 1518) under the title “Specimen epithetorum.” bu. hcl. has editions of 1595 and later.
450 Mathers Companion for Com̄unicants.
Cotton Mather. A companion for communicants. Discourses upon the nature, the design, and the subject of the Lords Supper, with devout methods of preparing for, and approaching to that blessed ordinance. Boston, 1690. 8^o. Evans, hcl.
451 Alstedij Methodus Sacrosanctse Theologian.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Methodus theologian. Hanover, 1619. 16^o. aas.
452 Prestons Sermons Concerning God.
See under 85.
453 Bacons Advancem^t of Learning.
Francis Bacon. The twoo bookes of the proficience and advancement of learning, divine and humane. London, 1605. 4^o. stc.
454 Trelcatij Institutiones.
Lucas Trelcatius. Scholastica et methodica locorum communium sacran theologite institutio. London, 1604. 8^o. stc. Translated into English with the title “A briefe institution of the common places of sacred divinitie.” London, 1610. 8^o. stc. Cf. 153.
455 Sphera Johan. de Sacro Bosco Emendata.
Johannes de Sacro Bosco (John Holywood or Halifax). Sphæra Ioannis de Sacro Bosco, emendata. Paris, 1562. Library of Congress, hcl. has editions of 1478 and later. A copy of the edition of 1478, containing the signature of Christopher Columbus and two marginal notes resembling his engrossing hand, is in the John Carter Brown Library.
456 Hereboords Collegium Ethicum.
Adrian Heereboord. Collegium Ethicum. Leyden, 1649. jht.
457 Fullers Infants Advocate.
Thomas Fuller. The infants advocate. Of circumcision on Jewish, and baptisme on Christian, children. London, 1653. 2 pts. 8^o. bm. hcl.
458 Giffard against y^e Brownists.
George Gifford. A short treatise against the Donatists in England, whom we call Brownists. London, 1590. 4^o. dnb. stc.
459 Willards childs Portion.
Samuel Willard. The child’s portion: or the unseen glory of the children of God, asserted and proved. Boston, 1684. 16^o. Evans, hcl.
460 Mathers mystery of Christ.
Increase Mather. The mystery of Christ opened and applyed. Boston, 1686. 12^o. Evans, hcl. Cf. 551.
461 of Peters Supremacy &c
William Clenche. St. Peter’s supremacy faithfully discuss’d, according to Holy Scripture, and Greek and Latin Fathers. London, 1686. Book 1. 3 pts. 4^o. mca.
462 Bulkleys Gospell Covenant.
Peter Bulkeley. The gospel covenant; or, the covenant of grace opened. London, 1646. 4^o. dnb. hcl. has an edition of 1651.
463 Joseph or y^e divine Providence.
René de Cerisiers (Ceriziers). Joseph, ou la providence divine. Paris, 1642. 8^o. bu. Translated into English with the title “The innocent Lord, or the divine providence, the incomparable history of Joseph.” London, 1655. 8^o. dnb.
464 Thomas Dictionary.
Thomas Thomas (Thomasius). Dictionarium summa fide ac diligentia accuratissime emendatum, magnaque insuper rerum scitu dignarum, et voeabulorum accessione, longè auctius locupletiusque redditum. Cambridge, 1587. 8^o. Allibone. bm.
465 Clarks Lives.
Samuel Clarke. The lives of twenty-two English divines. London, 1662. dnb.

Samuel Clarke. Lives of ten eminent divines. London, 1662. dnb. hcl.

Samuel Clarke. Lives of thirty-two English divines. 3rd ed. London, 1670. dnb.

Samuel Clarke. Lives of sundry eminent persons in the later age. London, 1683. dnb. hcl.
466 Wanlyes history of y^e little world.
Nathaniel Wanley. The wonders of the little world, or a general history of man. London, 1678. f^o. bm. dnb. hcl.
467 Heylens Cosmography.
Peter Heylyn. Microcosmus; a little description of the great world. Oxford, 1621. 4^o. stc. Revised and enlarged by the author about 1648 (dnb.) and issued as “Cosmography, in four books; containing the corography and history of the whole world, and all the principal kingdoms, provinces, seas and isles thereof.” London, 1657. f^o. hcl. Watt.
468 Mede’s Works.
Joseph Mead (Mede). Works. London, 1648. 4^o. dnb. Prince.
469 Zanchius de Natura Dei.
Girolamo Zanchi (Zanchius). De natura Dei, sive de divinis attributis. In Volume 1 of “Opera theologica.” Geneva, 1605. f^o. adb.
470 P. Rami Arithmetica & Geometria.
Petbtjs Ramus. Arithmeticee libri duo: geometrise septem et viginti. Frankfort-on-Main, 1599. 2 pts. 4^o. bm.
471 Willets harmony upon y^e 2^nd of Sam^ll.
See under 223.
472 Isocratis orationes & Epistolse.
Isocrates. Isocrates nuper accurate recognitus et auctus. Venice, 1534. f^o. bm.

Isocrates. Orationes. Accesserunt ejuodem epistolae. Basel, 1546. 8^o. bm. Greek and Latin texts. An edition of the orations and letters was published in London in 1615. stc.

which Books are prized att

℔	s	đđ
05	10	00384

[Signed:]
Nehemiah Walter
Timothy Steuens
Samuell Williams

By y^e Hon^rbl John Leverett Esq^r J Prob^t:

Decemb^r 7^th 1702

Nath: Brewer Admitted Adm^r of all and singular y^e Goods, &c of m^r Tho: Weld Late Of Chelmford deed Intestate psonally Appearing made oath y^t y^e within written Contains a true Inventory of y^e Estate of sd dec̄ed so far as is come to his hand, and when more Appears he will Cause itt to be added

Jud Cod

J Leverett.

An Inventory of the Estate of m^r Thōas Weld, Minister of Dunstable, Deceased, Lying in Dunstable385

In Dunstable

473 Newmans Camƀ. Concordanc.
Samuel Newman. A large and complete concordance to the Bible in English according to the last translation. London, 1643. f^o. bm. Generally known as the “Cambridge Concordance.”
474 Diotati Annotat.
Giovanni Diodati. Pious annotations upon the Holy Bible: expounding the difficult places thereof learnedly, and plainly. London, 1643. 6 pts. 4^o. bm.
475 Τροποσχημαλογεια
Benjamin Keach. τροποσχημαλογια; tropes and figures; or, a treatise of the metaphors, allegories, and express similitudes, &c. contained in the Bible of the Old and New Testament. London, 1682. f^o. mca. hcl. has an edition of 1779.
476 Biblia Sacra Junij & Tremelij.
See under 15. Cf. 201.
477 Eltons Exposit. on Coloss.
See under 293.
478 Hall on 2^d Tim^o.
Thomas Hall. A practical and polemical commentary or exposition upon the third and fourth chapters of the latter Epistle of Saint Paul to Timothy. London, 1658. f^o. dnb. Sta. Reg.
479 Morning Exercise ag^st Popery.
Nathaniel Vincent, Editor. The morning-exercise against popery. Or, the principal errors of the church of Rome detected and confuted. London, 1675. 4^o. bm. Dart. mca. This consists of twenty-five sermons preached by eminent divines in Vincent’s Southwark pulpit, dnb.
480 Morning Exercise 1^st part.
Samuel Annesley, Editor. The morning-exercise at Cripplegate: or, several cases of conscience practically resolved, by sundry ministers. London, 1661. 4^o. ats.
481 Supplem^t of Morning Exercise.
Samuel Annesley, Editor. A supplement to the morning-exercise at Cripplegate: or, several more cases of conscience practically resolved, by sundry ministers. London, 1674. 8^o. ats.
482 Piscator in Nov. Test.
See under 349.
483 Caryl on Job. vol. 8.
Joseph Caryl. An exposition with practical observations upon the book of Job. London, 1644–69. 12 vols. 4^o. bm. A folio edition of 1676–7 is listed in the Catalogue of 1723.
484 Weems 2 Volūs.
See under 155.
485 Gots Div̄. Hyst.
Samuel Gott. The divine history of the genesis of the world. London, 1670. 4^o. bm.
486 Harris’s Works.
Robert Harris. Workes. London, 1635–34. 17 pts. f^o. stc.
487 D^r Jacomb on 8. Rō.
Thomas Jacombe. Several sermons preach’d on the whole eighth chapter of the Epistle sto the Romans. London, 1672. 8^o. mca.
488 Wilsons Xtian Diet: 4^to.
See under 240.
489 Mayer on y^e Gospel & acts.
See under 283.
490 Nomenclatura.
Philipp Melanchthon. Nomenclatura rerum, innumeris, quam antea, nominibus, cum locupletior, turn castigatior. Frankfort-on-Main, 1573. 8^o. bm.
491 Culverwels light of Natr.
Nathaniel Culverwell. An elegant and learned discourse of the light of nature. London, 1652. 2 pts. 4^o. bm. hcl.
492 Shep^ds Sincere Convert.
Thomas Shepard. The sincere convert; discovering the paucity of true believers, and the great difficulty of saving conversion. London, 1641. 12^o. bm. hcl.
493 Culpepers phys.
Nicholas Culpeper. The English physician, or an astrologo-physical discourse of the vulgar herbs of the nation. London, 1652. 12^o. bm.

Nicholas Culpeper. School of physick. London, 1659. 8^o. bm.
494 Baily of glorifying god.
John Bailey (Baily). Man’s chief end to glorifie God. Boston, 1689. 8^o. Evans.
495 Hubbards Hyst. of Ind. wars.
William Hubbard. A narrative of the troubles with the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof in the year 1607, to this present year 1677. Boston, 1677. 4^o. Evans, hcl.
496 Cases of Consc. about witch^ft.
Increase Mather. Cases of conscience concerning evil spirits personating men; witchcrafts, infallible proofs of guilt in such as are accused of that crime. London, 1693. 4^o. bm. hcl.
497 Synops. pur. Theol.
Joannes Polyander a Kerchoven, André Rivet, Antonius Walæus, Antonius Thysius. Synopsis purioris theologiæ?, disputationibus quinquaginta duabus comprehensa. Leyden, 1625. 8^o. bm. hcl. has an edition of 1658. There is mention of an English translation in Sta. Reg. (April 17, 1656).
498 plot ag^st K. W.
An impartial history of the plots and conspiracies against the life of his sacred majesty, King William III. London, 1696. 4^o. mca.
499 Mart. Chemnetij Theol.
Martin Chemnitz (Chemnitius). Theologiæ Jesuitarum præcipua capita. La Rochelle, 1589. 8^o. adb. bu. Cf. 204.
500 fulfilling of y^e scriptr.
Robert Fleming, the Elder. The fullfilling of the Scriptures held forth in a discovery of the exact accomplishment of the word of God in the works of providence performed. Rotterdam, 1669. f^o. Arber. dnb. There was another edition in 1693 with a slightly different title, mca. hcl. has an edition of 1773.
501 Mathers remarkable prov^ds.
Increase Mather. An essay for the recording of illvstrious providences. Boston, 1684. 8^o. Evans, hcl. Running title, “Remarkable providences.”
502 Bailys life & Death.
Thomas Baily. The life and death of the renowned John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. London, 1655. 8^o. dnb. hcl. has an edition of 1740.
503 Bell. Enerv^tus.
See under 78.
504 Vincent on y^e Catechism.
Thomas Vincent. An explicatory catechism: or, an explanation of the Assemblies shorter catechism. London, 1673. 8^o. Allibone.
505 Allins Alarm.
Joseph Alleine. An alarm to unconverted sinners. London, 1672. 8^o. Arber. dnb. hcl.
506 Engl. Bible.
507 Blessed unions.
Cotton Mather. Blessed unions; an union with the Son of God by faith, and an union in the church of God by love. Boston, 1692. 24^o. Evans, hcl.
508 Flavel of feare.
John Flavel. A practical treatise of fear. London, 1682. dnb.
509 parseus in urs. catech.
See under 339.
510 Lukin of sc. Tropes.
Henry Lukin. An introduction to the Holy Scripture, containing the several tropes, figures, proprieties of speech used therein, with other observations necessary for the understanding thereof. London, 1669. 8^o. dnb. Sta. Reg.
511 Macovij Distinct.
Johannes Maccovius (Makowski). Distinctiones et regulæ theologicæ ac philosophicæ. Franeker, 1653. 16^o. aas.
512 Safety of appearing in X^ts Right^ns.
Solomon Stoddard. The safety of appearing at the day of judgment in the righteousness of Christ. Boston, 1687. 8^o. Prince. hcl. has an edition of 1729.
513 Johan. in Eremo.
Cotton Mather. Johannes in Eremo. Boston, 1695. 16^o. Evans, hcl.
514 Bileivers Evid. for life.
Francis Roberts. The believer’s evidences for eternal life. London, 1649. 8^o. bm. hcl.
515 Eaton ag^st Knowls.
Samuel Eaton and John Knowles. A friendly debate on a weighty subject; or a conference by writing concerning the divinity of Jesus Christ. London, 1650. 4^o. bm.
516 A. R. his Remedys.
Alexander Read (Rhead, Reid). Most excellent medicines and remedies for most diseases. London, 1652. 8^o. bm. dnb.
517 Perill of y^e Times.
Samuel Willard. The peril of the times displayed. Or the danger of mens taking up with a form of godliness, but denying the power of it. Boston, 1700. 8^o. Evans, hcl.
518 Russels sermons.
Robert Russell. Seven sermons. On the sin against the Holy Ghost. 13th ed. London, 1705. 12^o. bm. hcl. has editions of 1711 and later. Weld’s must have been an earlier edition.
519 Mather of Comets.
Increase Mather. ΚΟΜΗΤΟΓΡΑΦΙΑ. Or, a discourse concerning comets. Boston, 1683. 8^o. Evans, hcl.
520 Morton’s Resp. ad Appolō.
John Norton. Responsio ad totam qusestionum syllogen à clarissimo viro Domino Guilielmo Apollonio propositam. Ad componendas controversias quasdam circa politiam ecclesiasticam in Anglia nunc temporis agitatas spectantem. London, 1648. 8^o. hcl. Prince.
521 Art of Simpling.
William Cole (Coles). The art of simpling: or, an introduction to the knowledge and gathering of plants. London, 1656. 12^o. Watt. Wood.
522 wiggl^s poems.
Michael Wigglesworth. (No general collection of the poems by the author of “The Day of Doom” is known to have been published.)
523 Confess, of faith.
[Probably] A confession of faith owned and consented unto by the elders and messengers of the churches assembled at Boston, May 12, 1680. Boston, 1680. 16^o. Evans, hcl.
524 Apollons works.
William Apollon (Apollonius). [Probably] Disputationes de lege Dei. Middelbourg, 1655. 12^o. bu. Cat. 1723.
525 Ind̄. Bible.
John Eliot. Mamusse wunneetupanatamwe up-Biblum God naneeswe Nukkone Testament kah wonk Wusku Testament. Boston, 1663. sm. 4^o. Evans, hcl. The New (Wusku) Testament was first printed in 1661, but the whole Bible appeared in 1663 as above.
526 Amis, in Petrū.
William Ames. Utriusque Epistolse divi Petri Apostoli explicatio analytica. Amsterdam, 1625. 12^o. Allibone. hcl. has an edition of 1635.
527 Gr. Test.
528 Brightman in Canticū.
Thomas Brightman. Scholia in Canticum Canticorum. Basel, 1614. 8^o. Allibone, dnb.
529 Moody of Com: w^th God.
Joshua Moodey. A practical discourse concerning the choice benefit of communion with God in His house, witnessed unto by the experience of saints as the best improvement of time. Boston, 1685. 12^o. Evans, hcl. has an edition of 1746.
530 Marc. Tull. officia.
Cicero. De officiis libri tres. Leyden, 1557. 8^o. Cat. 1723. The entry in the catalogue reads “De officio.”
531 Guid to Grandjurymen.
See under 200.
532 Amesii Consc:
See under 82.
533 Spirit of man Sanctified.
Charles Morton. The spirit of man. Boston, 1693. 8^o. hcl. Prince. Running title: “The spirit of man sanctified and preserved.”
534 Am. Medulla.
See under 76.
535 principle of ₽test. Releḡ.
James Allen, Joshua Moodey, Samuel Willard, Cotton Mather. The principles of the Protestant religion maintained, and churches of New-England, in the profession and exercise thereof defended, against all the calumnies of one George Keith, a Quaker, in a book lately published in Pensilvania, to undermine them both. Boston, 1690. 8^o. Evans, hcl.
536 mitchels life & Death.
Cotton Mather. Ecclesiastes. The life of the reverend & excellent Jonathan Mitchel; a pastor of the church, and a glory of the colledge, in Cambridge, New-England. Boston, 1697. 8^o. Evans. hcl.
537 Burg. log.
Franco-Petri Burgersdijck. Institutionum logicarum libri duo. Ex Aristotelis præceptis editi. Cambridge, 1634. 8^o. bm. hcl. has 1647 and later editions.
538 Riveti com: in psalmos.
André Rivet. Commentarius in Psalmorum propheticorum de mysterijs Euangelicis decadem selectam. Leyden, 1626. 4^o. bm.
539 Discovery of Err^rs of y^e Times.
William Lyford. The plain mans senses exercised to discern both good and evil; or, a discovery of the errors, heresies, and blasphemies of these times. London, 1655. 4^o. Sta. Reg. Watt.
540 Prideaux fascicula Controv.
John Prideaux. Fasciculus controversiarum theologicarum ad juniorum aut occupatorum captum sic colligatus ut in præcipuis fidei apicibus compendiose informentur. Oxford, 1649. 4^o. Allibone. bm.
541 2^d Spira.
[Richard Sault.] The second Spira: being a fearful example of an atheist (F. N.) who apostatized from the Christian religion, and died in despair at Westminster, Decemb. 8. 1692. With an account of his sickness, convictions, discourses with friends and ministers: and of his dreadful expression and blasphemies when he left the world. London, 1693. 12^o. dnb. mca.
542 Trenchf^ds Hyll Improvd.
543 30 Imptant Cases resolved.
Cotton Mather. Thirty important cases, resolved with evidence of Scripture and reason. By several pastors of adjacent churches, meeting in Cambridge, New England. Boston, 1699. 8^o. Evans, hcl.
544 ps. Book.
John Eliot, Richard Mather, Thomas Weld. The whole Booke of Psalmes faithfully translated into English metre. Cambridge (Mass.), 1640. 18^o. Evans, hcl.
545 Cobbet of prayer.
Thomas Cobbet. A practical discourse of prayer. London, 1654. 8^o. hcl. mca.

4^łł 15–0

In Camƀ

546 Math. Expectanda.
Cotton Mather. Expectanda: or things to be looked for. Discourses on the glorious characters, with conjectures on the speedy approaches of that state which is reserved for the church of God in the latter dayes. Cambridge (Mass.), 1691. 12^o. Evans. Artillery Election Sermon, 1691.
547 Math, of Conversion.
Increase Mather. Some important truths about conversion delivered in sundry sermons. London, 1674. 8^o. dnb. Boston, 1684. 8^o. Evans.
548 Alstedij volū 2.
Johann Heinrich Alsted. Encyclopaedia. Frankfort-on-Main, 1649. 7 vols, in 2. f^o. aas. Cf. 343.
549 Horn, odissa.
Homer. Odyssey. Weld’s may have been a Greek text. If it was an English translation, there was extant Chapman’s. London, 1614. f^o. stc.
550 ꝑtice of piety.
See under 109. Cf. 346.
551 Math. myst. of X^t.
See under 460.
552 Buchleij Thes. poet.
Johann Büchler. Thesaurus poeticus. Antwerp, 1618. 8^o. Cat. 1723.
553 Schib. logica.
Christoph Scheibler. Introductio logicæ. Giessen, 1613. adb. Combined with other works under the title “Opus logicum.” Giessen, 1620. adb.
554 Whites Cabinet.
John White. A rich cabinet with variety of inventions; unlock’d and opened, for the recreation of ingenious spirits at their vacant hours. London, 1651. 8^o. bm.
555 Sick mans Jewell.
556 Jenesins N. Castles Call.
Robert Jenison. Newcastles call to her neighbor and sister townes and cities throughout the land, to take warning by her sins and sorrowes lest this overflowing scourge of pestilence reach even to them also. London, 1637. 12^o. bm. dnb. stc.
557 Stobej Sententia.
Joannes Stobæus. Collectiones sententiarum, græce. Parts 3 and 4 of “Florilegium.” Venice, 1535. 4^o. bm. The above, together with his “Eclogæ,” was published at Lyons in 1608 with the title “Sententiæ ex thesauris Græcorum delectæ.”
558 Mather of providence.
Increase Mather. The doctrine of divine providence opened and applied. Boston, 1684. 8^o. Evans, hcl.
559 Calamys Ark.
Edmund Calamy. The godly mans ark or city of refuge in the day of his distresse. London, 1657. 12^o. dnb.
560 Gutb logica.
561 Baxters Call.
Richard Baxter. A call to the unconverted to turn and live and accept of mercy, while mercy may be had. London, 1657. dnb.
562 Rami phys.
Petrus Ramus. Scholarum physicarum libri octo, in totidem acroamaticos libros Aristotelis. Frankfort-on-Main, 1606. 8^o. bm. hcl.
563 Hils Secret. Guid.
John Hill. The young secretary’s guide, or, a speedy help to learning. London, 1687. 12^o. Arber. bm. hcl. has American editions of 1727 and later.
564 phrases poeticæ.
Thomas Farnaby. Phrases oratoriæ et poeticæ. London, 1631. 4^o. stc.
565 Magiri phys. peripet.
See under 351.

	1	15	0
Totall	6^łł	10.

Apprized by

23. Nov. 1702

1 Another signature is partly discernible. It reads: “Elnath: Ch[ ].”

2 This page is not numbered. The first numbered page, “4,” is really page 5. The last numbered page is “64.” In referring to the manuscript I follow Chauncy’s numbering and continue it throughout the volume (263 pages in all, plus the unnumbered page).

3 Throughout this article, brackets indicate letters or words lost by wear and tear of the paper or by fading of the ink.

4 This same page also exhibits the signature “Israel Chaun[c]y” in a large sprawling hand. I do not think this is the signature of Elnathan’s brother and classmate Israel. Probably it was written by the later Israel (A.B. Harvard 1724), into whose hands the volume doubtless fell. To this Israel I ascribe also the grotesque pen-drawing of a man’s face which adorns the centre of the page.

5 Spare Minutes: or Resolved Meditations (4th ed., 1635).

6 ms., p. 237.

7 ms., p. 118.

8 ms., p. 129.

9 The back of the unnumbered page that contains Elnathan Chauncy’s signatures, etc., as just described.

10 Page torn away at top and part of left-hand margin.

11 By a slip of the pen w, instead of n, is included between the vertical lines. In the fifth line the reading all this is uncertain.

12 The verso of the second leaf. This leaf is also mutilated.

13 The page is torn away irregularly at the upper left-hand corner.

14 The word quite is written above the line to replace honour is (which is cancelled).

15 I. e. hence.

16 ms., p. 22.

17 Further confirmation is afforded by the change of honour is to quite in the elegy on Dunster (see above, p. 4, note 3).

18 There are extracts from the following (the non-Spenserian Sidney poems I italicize): The Shepheards Calender, Mother Hubberds Tale, Colin Clouts Come Home Againe, Astrophel, The Dolefull Lay of Clȯrinda, A Pastorall Æglogue (by Lodowick Brysket), An Elegie (by Matthew Roydon), An Epitaph, Another of the Same, Prothalamion, Amoretti, Epithalamion, Daphnaïda, The Ruines of Time, The Teares of the Muses, Virgil’s Gnat, The Ruines of Rome. The Dolefull Lay is claimed for Spenser by some scholars of repute: see F. I. Carpenter, A Reference Guide to Edmund Spenser (1923), p. 131. A few brief passages from The Faerie Queene are included in Chauncy’s extracts from Robert Allot’s anthology, England’s Parnassus (ms., pp. 60–62).

19 The Mourning Muse of Thestylis, supposed to be by Lodowick Brysket.

20 Between Epithalamion and Daphnaïda.

21 Error for your.

22 The Shepheards Calender, April, vv. 37–45.

23 Read heydeguyes.

24 The Shepheards Calender, June, vv. 25–32.

25 Prothalamion, vv. 1–4, 20–21, 173–174.

26 See W. C. Ford, Broadsides, Ballads &c. Printed in Massachusetts, 1639–1800 (M. H. S. Collections, lxxv); John W. Draper, A Century of Broadside Elegies.

27 Error for this.

28 The Shepheards Calender, December, vv. 140, 143–144.

29 Colin Clouts Come Home Againe, vv. 23–28.

30 Cleveland, pp. 51–53.

31 ms., p. 62.

32 Major John Wright.

33 Godfrey of Boulogne: or The Reeouerie of Ierusalem (2d ed., 1624).

34 Some of the extracts, however, are from “A Letter directed to the Author” prefixed to Bulwer’s treatise and signed “R. Mason.”

35 Quarles, Argalus and Parthenia (1st ed.), p. 17.

36 Id. pp. 39–40.

37 Niccols, Englands Eliza, in the 1610 edition of A Mirrour for Magistrates, p. 806.

38 George Wither, A Collection of Emblemes (1635), p. 235.

39 Fairfax, Godfrey of Bulloigne (2d ed., 1624), p. 71.

40 Cleveland, p. 28.

41 Cleveland, p. 40 (“Periwigg’d the Phrase”).

42 Beaumont, Psyche (1648), p. 21 (“its way”).

43 [Stephen Jerome,] The Arraignement of the Whole Creature (1631), p. 7.

44 Charles Herle, Wisdomes Tripos (1655), p. 13.

45 John Stephens, Satyrical Essayes Characters and Others (1615), pp. 163, 236, 275, 305, 374.

46 Sig. ***3, If. 2 r^o.

47 Sibley, ii. 81.

48 Not to be confused with Eirenæus Philalethes, i.e. George Stirk (or Starkey), A.B. Harvard 1646. See our Publications, xxi. 123–125, 132–146.

49 This word is omitted in the ms.

50 Of the Magnetick Cure of Wounds, § 11 (A Ternary of Paradoxes, p. 8).

51 Anthroposophia Theomagica (1650), p. 30.

52 Id., p. 45.

53 Magia Adamica: or The Antiquitie of Magic and The Descent thereof from Adam downwards, proved. Whereunto is added a perfect, and full Discoverie of the true Cœlum Terrae (1650), sig. B4, lf. 2 v^o-lf. 3 r^o. Wrongly ascribed in the ms. to “eugenius philalethes his man mouse.”

54 Id., p. 86.

55 The Man-Mouse, sig. A2.

56 Id., p. 2.

57 Id., p. 4.

58 Id., p. 18.

59 Id., p. 52.

60 Workes, 1636 (1633–36), 4 volumes. Vols, ii and iii in the Harvard College Library have the autograph of Mather Byles on the title page.

61 See A. C. Potter, Catalogue of John Harvard’s Library (in our Publications, xxi. 190–230), Nos. 17, 34, 156, 240, 243.

62 Catalogus, pp. 15, 70, 64.

63 ms., p. 118.

64 ms., pp. 126–128. The Flower of Fidelity (1650), by John Reynolds, merchant of Exeter.

65 ms., p. 129.

66 “For I was alive without the law once: but when the commandment came, sin revived, and I died.”

67 Sibley, ii. 141.

68 ms., pp. 221, 220, being pp. 43–44 from the end of the volume. A contemporary outline of a sermon “By m^r Elnath: Chauncy. — 12. day of feb. 1670” is preserved in a manuscript in the Harvard College Library (MS. Am. 566). It is not in his handwriting, though the script resembles his in many ways.

69 It occupies pp. 231–225 and the first half of p. 224 (or pp. 33–39 and the first half of p. 40, if we count from the end of the book), and is a part of the matter written in after reversing the volume.

70 “De candidatis bonarū artium in hisce comitiis.”

71 Samuel Willard (A.B. 1659) received a Master’s degree at some time. If the ordinary term of three years only had elapsed, his A.M. would have been granted in 1662. In the Triennial of 1674 Willard’s name occurs without the A.M.; so also in that of 1682; but in the Triennial of 1698 he appears as “Samuel Willard Mr Socius.” It is clear, then, that Willard received his A. M. out of course, in some year after 1674 but before or in 1698. Thus the year 1662 remains Masterless. Mr. Albert Matthews has helped me here by excluding Willard from 1662.

72 The Rev. Richard Blinman writes from England to Increase Mather on August 14, 1677: “M^r Elnathan Chancey is like to return to N. E., who hath had advantages from his 2 broth^rs here for the practice of physick. I believe he is truly Godly, & hath gained a good estimation here, with the better sort, that know him.” Mather Papers, 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 330.

73 Note ardentibus miscopied for ardenter, habent for habeant, crepedine for crepidine,ὀμως for ὄμως, perigrinam for peregrinum, removeretur for remuneretur, and in particular ὁπον for ὅπου, τήχνη for τέχνη, and the vox nihiliκτιθος (for κτῆσις or κέρδος), — the last three errors all occurring in one brief quotation.

74 Note especially “Quod ad primi gradus candidates spectat, sex vobis obtulimus, ad numerū Hydriarum aquâ repletarū in nuptiis canæ Galitææ;, de quibus spei non nihil affulsit, fore ut virtute Christi mirificâ, vinum optimum et exhilarans aliquando exhauriendum esse” [error for sit].

75 The programme of Quaestiones for 1655 notes an Oratio Demegorica by John Angeir, who graduated in 1653; that for 1663 notes an Oratio Gratvlatoria by Nathaniel Collins, who graduated in 1660; that for 1664 notes an Oratio Gratulatoria by Israel Chauncy, Elnathan’s brother, who graduated in 1661 (Sibley, i, 323; ii, 53, 72). “S^r Clark (Senior Bachelour),” the Records inform us, “made” the oration when the Corporation dined Governor Burnet in 1728 (our Publications, xvi, 565). This was William Clark, A.B. 1726. For other orators, see “Orations” in index, id., p. 959.

76 Cicero, De Legibus, iii, 3, 3, 8: “Regio imperio duo sunto, iique praeeundo, iudicando, consulendo, praetores, iudices, consules appellamino: militiae summum ius habento:. . . . ollis salus populi suprema lex esto.”

77 For primatum the ms. abbreviates to primaȝ.

78 Cf. Lactantius, iv, 12, 6: “[Iesus] Latine dicitur salutaris sive salvator.” Philippians, iv: 21: “Salute every saint in Christ Jesus.”

79 i Corinthians, iv: 1: “Let a man so account of us, as of the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God.”

80 Daniel, ix: 23: “Thou art greatly beloved” (Vulgate: “vir desideriorum es,” a literal translation of the Hebrew idiom). So also in x: 11, 19.

81 Acts, xvii: 11: “These were more noble [εὐγενέστεροι] than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the scriptures daily, whether these things were so.”

82 Matthew, xi: 30: “For my yoke is easy [iugum enim meum suave est], and my burden is light.”

83 Virgil, Aeneid, iii, 83: “Iungimus hospitio dextras.”

84 Tacitus, Annales, xii, 47: “in amplexus eius effusus.”

85 Cicero, ad Atticum, v, 15, 1: “Nihil exoptatius adventu meo, nihil carius.”

86 Pausanias, viii, 41, 5: [Ἀπόλλων] ἐπωνυμίαν ἔλαβεν Ἀλεξίκακος, ἀποτρέψας καὶ τούτοις τὴν υόσον. Cf. ii, 11, 2 (ἀποτρόπαιοι θεοί) Plato, Legg., 845 B (θεῶν ἀποτροπαίων ἱερά); Xenophon, Hellenica, iii, 3, 4 (θύοντες καὶ τοῖς ἀποτροπαίοις καὶ τοῖς σωτῆρσι).

87 ii Chronicles, xi: 14, 16.

88 ms.,vester.

89 Cicero, pro Murena, xxviii, 58: “firmamentum ac robur.” So also in his oration for the Manilian Law, iv, 10.

90 Miscopied removeretur in ms.

91 Ruth, ii: 12: “The Lord recompense thy work, and a full reward be given thee of the Lord God of Israel, under whose wings thou art come to trust.”

92 Psalms, xxxiv: 2, 3: “My soul shall make her boast in the Lord: the humble shall hear thereof, and be glad. O magnify the Lord with me, and let us exalt his name together.”

93 Revelation, xii: 6: “And the woman fled into the wilderness (εἰς τὴν ἔρημον).” Cf. xii: 14.

94 Revelation, xii.

95 Cf. Cicero, Ad Familiares, xiii, 50, 2: “ut M.’ Curium sartum et tectum, ut aiunt, detrimento . . . conserves.”

96 Revelation, xii: 15: ἵνα αὐτὴν ποταμοφόρητον ποιήσῃ.

97 Id., xii: 14: “And to the woman were given two wings of a great eagle, that she might fly into the wilderness.”

98 Lucina is called “dea auxiliaris” in Ovid, Metamorphoses, ix, 699.

99 Virgil, Eclogues, i, 6: “Deus nobis haec otia fecit.”

100 Isaiah, xxvi: 1: “Salvation will God appoint for walls and bulwarks.”

101 Ephesians, iii: 17, 18: “That ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend with all saints,” etc.

102 So in MS. Miscopied for τὸ περισσὸν μέτρον or τὸ ὑπερπερισσὸν μέτρον or τὸ ὑπερπερισσεῦον μέτρον. Cf. Romans, v: 20 (ὑπερπερίσσευσεν ἡ χάρις).

103 ii Chronicles, xx: 26: “They assembled themselves in the valley of Berachah; for there they blessed the Lord: therefore the name of the same place was called, The valley of Berachah, unto this day.”

104 Martial, v, 60, 1: “usque . . . et usque.”

105 Cf. Livy, iii, 38; xxvi, 7; xxxi, 22.

106 Miscopied ardentibus. The ms. also has desideremus for desideramus.

107 Virgil, Aeneid, ii, 583: “memorabile nomen.”

108 Pliny, vii, 32, 119: “Rursus mortales oraculorum societatem dedere Chiloni Lacedaemonio tria praecepta eius Delphis consecrando aureis litteris.”

109 See Genesis, ix: 9–12.

110 Shaddai, “sufficient,” “mighty.”

111 These are the Greek words used by the Septuagint (“70 Interpretes”) to translate the Hebrew term. The second is miswritten παντακράτωρ in the ms. here, but is given correctly just below. The ms. has ἴκανος for ἱκανός.

112 Hebrews, vi: 18, 19: “That by two immutable things, in which it was impossible for God to lie, we might have a strong consolation, who have fled for refuge to lay hold upon the hope set before us: which hope we have as an anchor of the soul, both sure and steadfast, and which entereth into that within the veil.”

113 “In portu navigare” is a proverbial phrase for “to be safe” (Terence, Andria, iii, 1, 22).

114 Plato, Phaedo, 77 E: Ἄλλ' ἴσως ἔνι τις καὶ ἐν ἡμῖν παῖς, ὅστις τὰ τοιαῦτα φοβεῖται. τοῦτον οὖν πειρώμεθα πείθειν μὴ δεδιέναι τὸν θάνατον ὤσπερ τὰ μοπμολυκεῖα.

115 ms.,habent.

116 Cicero, ad Familiares, ii, 12, 3: “Satis gloriose triumpharam.”

117 Horace, Satires, ii, 6, 25–26: “Bruma nivalem Interiore diem gyro trahit.” Our ms. has die for diem and perhaps Nivali for nivalem.

118 Virgil, Georgics, iii, 442–443: “Horrida cano Bruma gelu.”

119 Cicero, De Senectute, xi, 38: “sensim sine sensu.”

120 Virgil, Georgics, i, 78: “Lethaeo perfusa papavera somno.”

121 For redivivam the ms. has redivivū.

122 Matthew, xix: 28; Titus, iii: 5. The ms. omits iota subscript.

123 Virgil, Aeneid, ii, 169–170: “Ex illo fluere ac retro sublapsa referri Spes Danaum.”

124 Ovid, Metamorphoses, i, 10: “Nullus adhuc mundo praebebat lumina Titan.”

125 ms.,παραλλογὴν.

126 James, i: 17: “Ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τῶν φώτων, παρ’ ᾧ ούκ ἔνι παραλλαγὴ ἤ τροπῆς ἀποσκίασμα.”

127 Hebrews, xiii: 8: “Jesus Christ the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever.”

128 Ezekiel, xxvii: 25: “Cadent in corde maris.”

129 ms., crepe[d]ine.

130 Cf. ii Corinthians, iv: 4: “Τὸ μὴ αὐυάσαι τὸυ φωτισμὸν τοῦ εὐακκελίου τῆς δόξης τοῦ Χριστοῦ.”

131 Cf. Odyssey, xi, 14–19.

132 Livy, xxxix, 26, 9: a remark of Philip V of Macedon’s — “Nondum omnium dierum solem occidisse” (E. K. Rand). Cf. Isaiah, lx: 20: “Non occidet ultra sol tuus et luna tua non minuetur, quod Dominus erit tibi in lucem sempiternam.”

133 Virgil, Aeneid, i, 207: “Durate et vosmet rebus servate secundis.”

134 Anthologia Palatina, ix, 75. The usual text reads:

Κἤν με φάγῃς ἐπὶ ῥίξαν, ὅμως ἔτι καρποφορήσω

ὅσσον ἐπισπεῖσαι σοὶ, τράγε, θυομένῳ.

The Latin version that follows (“Rode . . . erit”) is that of Bothe (see Dübner’s edition, ii. 15). The ms. has hin for hinc.

135 Plutarch, Caesar, 38. Florus, iv, 2, 37: “Quid times? Caesarem vehis.”

136 Matthew, viii: 27: “What manner of man is this, that even the winds and the sea obey him!”

137 Psalms, cxxi: 4: “Behold, he that keepeth Israel shall neither slumber nor sleep.”

138 Matthew, xiv: 24: “The ship was now in the midst of the sea, tossed with waves.”

139 Cf. Matthew, xiv: 27: “Be of good cheer; it is I; be not afraid.”

140 Job, xxvi: 7: “He stretcheth out the north over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing.” The orator translates the Hebrew belīmah by non aliquid; the Vulgate has “appendit terram super nihilum” (G. F. Moore).

141 ms.,fracta.

142 Genesis, iii: 14–15: “And the Lord God said unto the serpent, . . . I will put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed; it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel (tu insidiaberis calcaneo eius).”

143 Cicero, de Finibus, iii, 22, 74: “Sed iam sentio me esse longius provectum quam proposita ratio postularet.”

144 In the ms. there is an asterisk (shaped like an x) before quia and another after faciam. Perhaps the scribe meant that the sentence should be rearranged as follows: “de re nostra pauca dicturus sum. Nolite, quaeso, res magnas aut novas in novo orbe exspectare, sive de rebus publicis sive de Academia nostra verba faciam, quia dixit nobis Dominus, ‘Ne quaeratis vobis grandia; ecce inducam malum,’ &c. Dicam de utraque libere.”

145 Jeremiah, xlv: 5: “Et tu quaeris tibi grandia? Noli quaerere, quia ecce ego adducam malum super omnem carnem, ait Dominus.”

146 Cf. Martial, iv, 27: “Ecce iterum nigros corrodit lividus ungues.”

147 See the anecdote in Cicero, ad Atticum, ii, 19, 3: “Ludis Apollinaribus Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum Pompeium petulanter invectus est: ‘Nostra miseria tu es magnus’ miliens coactus est dicere.” Cowley makes an interesting use of the same anecdote in his Discourse by way of Vision concerning the Government of Oliver Cromwell (Essays, p. 67, Works, 7th ed., 1681): “We must begin the consideration of his greatness from the unlucky Æra of our own misfortunes; which puts me in mind of what was said less truly of Pompey the Great, Nostra Miseria Magnus es.” The passage printed in capitals and that printed in capitals and small capitals seem to be distinguished in the ms. by somewhat larger script.

148 ms.,minutilus.

149 Luke, vii: 22: “To the poor the gospel is preached.”

150 Juvenal, x, 22: “Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator.”

151 This seems to be an allusion to Bishop Hall’s satirical romance (Mundus Alter et Idem Siue Terra Australis antehac semper incognita longis itineribus peregrini Academici nuperrime lustrata, Authore Mercurio Britannico, 1605). The orator remarks that “we have many names of cities and towns of Old England, but merely the names; and not a few names of vices — would they were names only! But I fear that what has been common talk (quod quorundam sermone jactatum est) may be regarded by you as ascertained fact, so that you will say of the new world that it is mundus alter el idem.” Place names derived from vices are a feature of Hall’s romance. Thus one of the districts in his Terra Australis is Pamphagonia (Glutton-land, from παμφάγος, “all-devouring”); another is Yvronia (Drunkard-land, from ivrogne); still another is Lavernia (from Laverna, the Roman goddess of rogues and thieves).

152 M8., perigrinam.

153 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, i, 2, 4: “Honos alit artes omnesque incenduntur ad studia gloria.”

154 The Greek stands thus in the ms.,κτι coming at the end of a line. What the orator wrote can only be conjectured. The sense seems to require, “Where there is no profit, there is no art.” Obviously ὁπον is miscopied for ὅπου and τήχνη for τέχνη. For κτιθος (a vox nihili) one might conjecture κτῆσις or κέρδος.

155 Juvenal, iii, 164, 165: “Haut facile emergunt quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi.”

156 Martial, via, 56: “Sunt Maecenates, non deerunt, Flacce, Marones Vergiliumque tibi vel tua rura dabunt.”

157 Persius, Prologue, 10–11: “Magister artis ingenique Venter.”

158 Acts, xvii: 21: “For all the Athenians and strangers which were there spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell, or hear some new thing.”

159 See Joshua, ix: 3–6, 9, 12, 13.

160 Ezekiel, xviii: 31: “Make you a new heart and a new spirit.”

161 Plutarch, De Liberis Educandis, 7, ii, p. 4 F: “εὔωνον ἀμαθίαν διώκοντες” The ms. reads poro and vocet.

162 John, ii: 1–10.

163 Livy, xxvii, 28: “Prima spes . . . affulsit.”

164 So ms. for sit. The grammar is wrong, but the sense is clear.

165 Cicero, Ad Atticum, xiii, 21, 7: “propenso animo.”

166 Cf. Quintilian, i, 6, 32: “Rogat boni consulas, id est, bonum iudices.”

167 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, lxxi. 248–250.

168 For biographical treatments of Josselyn, see the account by Edward Tuckerman prefixed to his edition of New England’s Rarities (Boston, 1865); the article by Gordon Goodwin in the Dictionary of National Biography; an article by the present writer in the Dictionary of American Biography; and the account by Moses C. Tyler in his History of American Literature during the Colonial Period, i. 180–185.

169 Much biographical information concerning Henry Josselyn can be derived from such works as: Documentary History of the State of Maine — The Trelawny Papers, in, and the Farnham Papers, vii; J. P. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay (1885); C. W. Tuttle and J. W. Dean, Capt. John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire (1887); Province and Court Records of Maine, i, ii.

170 Josselyn, New-England’s Rarities (Boston, 1865), 32. All subsequent refernces are to this edition.

171 Id., 35.

172 Josselyn, Two Voyages to New-England (Boston, 1865), 164. All subsequent references are to this edition.

173 Arber, Term Catalogues, i. 112. The title-page of the work reads: New-England’s Rarities Discovered: In Birds, Beasts, Fishes, Serpents, and Plants of that Country. Together with The Physical and Chyrurgical Remedies wherewith the Natives constantly use to Cure their Distempers, Wounds, and Sores. Also A perfect Description of an Indian Squa, in all her Bravery; with a Poem not improperly conferr’d upon her. Lastly A Chronological Table of the most remarkable Passages in that Country amongst the English. . . . By John Josselyn, Gent.

174 Samuel Fortrey (1622–1681), a clerk of the deliveries of the ordnance in the Tower of London, was the author of an essay published at Cambridge, England, 1663, with the title, England’s Interest and Improvement. Consisting in the increase of the store, and trade of this Kingdom. (Reprinted and edited by J. H. Hollander, Baltimore, 1907.) Josselyn was his half-uncle by marriage, Fortrey having married Theodora, daughter of Torrell Josselyn, son of Sir Thomas Josselyn by his first wife. There is a notice of Fortrey by Edwin Cannan in the Dictionary of National Biography.

175 New-England’s Rarities, 39.

176 Philosophical Transactions, 1670, p. 1151.

177 See J. A. Gillespie, The Influence of Oversea Expansion on England to 1700. Columbia University Studies in History, etc., xci; also C. S. Duncan, The New Science and English Literature in the Classical Period (1913).

178 In a note prefixed to the second edition of the Two Voyages the publisher makes this comment: “You are desired by the Author to correct some literal faults, which by reason of the raggedness of the Copy have been committed. G. Widdows.” Does this “raggedness” imply haste in composition?

179 The collection of such passages from the Two Voyages includes these: pp. 11, 13, 27, 115, 132–133, 137, 158, 161, 162.

180 Id., 49.

181 Id., 159.

182 Id., 150–153.

183 Analysis of the structure of Josselyn’s Two Voyages to New England.

The first voyage, 1638–39, pp. 5–29.

Josselyn crosses the Atlantic. 5–13.
Notes on the cost of articles to provision intending settlers. 20–24.
In Maine. 20–24.
Prepares to depart from New England. 24–27.
Returns to England. 27–29.

The second voyage, 1663–1671, pp. 30–164.

Apologia to the incredulous. 30–31.
Crosses the Atlantic and arrives in New England. 31–36.
The metes and bounds of New England; its natural products, stars, seasons, and a description of the country. 36–49.
The plants, trees, shrubs, and vegetables of New England. 49–66.
The animals, their species and habits. 66–75.
The birds. 75–81.
The fish. 81–90.
The snakes, reptiles, and insects. 90–96.
The Indians: their customs, number, government, etc. 96–115.
A second apologia.
The English settlers in New England. 115–117.
The discovery of New England. 117–118.
A description of the southern country of New England (i. e., modern New York). 118–120.
Note on New Haven colony. 120.
Note on Connecticut colony. 120–121.
Note on Rhode Island colony. 121.
Plymouth plantation. 122.
Description of Massachusetts Bay colony: form of government, social customs. 122–140.
Diseases to which the English in America are subject. 141–144.
A further note on the trees and plants of New England. 141–146.
Note on the cattle and poultry of the country. 146–149.
Takes ship for Maine. 149.
Note on New Hampshire province and its rightful proprietor. 150.
The land, the people and the rightful lord of Maine. 151–156.
Note on Sagadahoc, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. 156–158.
Social customs of the Maine coast. 158–162.
Josselyn leaves for England by way of Boston.

184 A typewritten note inserted in the copy at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

185 Entry-card of the Library of Congress.

186 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxviii. 260–261.

187 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1669–1674, no. 150.

188 Id., no. 439.

189 Id., no. 512.

190 Id., no. 512.

191 Id., no. 512.

192 Id., no. 651.

193 Id., no. 687.

194 Id., no. 1247.

195 Id., no. 1279.

196 Id., no. 1397.

197 Id., no. 1420.

198 Calendar, 1669–1674, no. 150, 150-ii, no. 439, no. 184, no. 753, no. 512.

199 J. P. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, ii. 210–213.

200 R. N. Toppan, Edward Randolph, ii. 196–197.

201 Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists of the American Revolution, ii. 129–135; L. R. Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 150–156; V. L. Oliver, History of the Island of Antigua, 3 vols, (cited here as “V. L. Oliver”; see next note); J. H. Stark, The Loyalists of Massachusetts, pp. 183–188; article by Gordon Goodwin in D. N. B., chiefly drawn from Paige and Appleton, incomplete and unsatisfactory; The Royal Commission on the Losses and Services of the American Loyalists, 1783 to 1785, being the Notes of Mr. Daniel Parker Coke, M.P., one of the Commissioners during that Period (H. E. Egerton, ed.), pp. 227–228 (cited here as “Coke, ed. Egerton”); C. H. Van Tyne, The Loyalists of the American Revolution, pp. 36–38 (largely from Sabine); E. Alfred Jones, The Loyalists of Massachusetts, their Memorials, Petitions, and Claims, pp. 225–226 (cited here as “Jones”).

202 V. L. Oliver (see last note) is by far the fullest authority for the trees of the Oliver (and Freeman) families, for their wills and legal transactions, and for many contemporary notices. The sequel will show my debts to this rare and splendidly produced work. The material on Thomas Oliver’s pedigree is in n. 318 ff., 346 ff.

203 Facsimile in V. L. Oliver, ii. 318; whence the details about Richard and Robert, including those about arms and crest. Mr. Robert D. Weston, of Cambridge, has been good enough to inform me that Burke, in his General Armoury, assigns this shield and crest to Oliver of Exeter, County Devon; the shield, but a different crest, to Oliver of Musbury, County Devon, Bristol, and Wollescote Hall, Stourbridge, County Worcester; a variant of the shield to Oliver of Croomhill, Kent; and the shield, exactly, to Ollivier of Alderney. “It looks,” adds Mr. Weston, “as if your family of Olivers came originally from the Channel Islands.” The actual kinship of our Thomas Oliver with any of these families still remains to be proved. In any case, there is everything to show that he had none with the clan of Peter, C. J., (and Andrew), who perhaps owned and, at any rate, used quite a different coat of arms. See other evidence in my text.

204 See V. L. Oliver in Gloucestershire Notes and Queries, v. 158–160; and H. S. Grazebrook in id., pp. 322–325. See too W. Ensign Lincoln, Some Descendants of Stephen Lincoln, Edward Larkin, Thomas Oliver of Bristol, Esq., etc. (1930). This Thomas Oliver died in 1557. Mr. Lincoln has been good enough, in answer to inquiries, to confirm the view that no kinship with the Olivers of Antigua is yet established.

At this point the author would express his best thanks to all the ladies and gentlemen mentioned in these notes; and also, for much aid and encouragement, to Mr. Walter B. Briggs of the Harvard College Library, to Mr. Frank W. C. Hersey, and to Professor James H. Ropes.

205 Anne Oliver’s second husband was to be Isaac Royall, of the well-known clan; and their daughter Penelope, who married Col. Henry Vassall, was thus aunt by marriage of Elizabeth Vassall, first wife of Thomas Oliver. For Oliver’s befriending of Penelope after the Revolution, see p. 63 below.

206 See Stark, p. 183; also S. A. Drake, Our Colonial Homes, who describes the house at length. It was razed in 1900, but a bronze tablet, in what is now Edward Everett Square, marks the site.

207 Annual Report, Boston Cemetery Department, 1904, pp. 68, 85, 160. Legend states that his slaves were so ignorant of the uses of the wheelbarrow that they bore them upon their heads to carry the soil.

208 V. L. Oliver, ii. 346.

209 Not as Sabine states (p. 129), at Dorchester. The Dorchester town records specify Antigua (V. L. Oliver, ii. 351).

210 The ms. Faculty Records, in the Harvard College Library, and the indexes now in preparation, I have seen through the kindness of Mr. Tufts and Mrs. Shipton. Oliver is listed as coming from Dorchester; his birthdate is given as “Jan. 5 1733/4”; his age at admission as “15½.” A marginal note states that he was among the “pupils of Mr. Hancock,” a tutor present at that meeting. According to the Harvard Quinquennial Catalogue (1930, p. 167), the names of students were listed during the freshman year according to the precedence of their parents; the exact basis for determining this order is not known.

211 Faculty Records, i. 297–298. For details in regard to the cost and distribution of Judah Monis’ Hebrew Grammar, see the Publications of this Society, xvi. 625–632, 640.

212 Faculty Records, i. 312–313.

213 Publications of this Society, xvi. 817. Oliver was “intitled” to this “exhibition” because he came from the town of Dorchester. That Thomas received an exhibition is singular because it seems to indicate that his father was, though perhaps only temporarily, in financial difficulties. Quite apart from that, however, the fact that it was granted so soon after the imposition of the fine indicates that his offense could not have been regarded as serious.

214 The pedigree (attested by affidavit) of the painting was furnished to the Art Museum by Mr. F. W. Bayley, of Boston, who has obliged me with some further information. The owners are traced down from Mrs. Penelope Royall: — Elizabeth Vassall, who became Mrs. Charles Russell; her daughter Elizabeth Russell; two Charles Russell Degans, father and son; and Miss Elizabeth Degan. From her Mr. Bayley had the picture. He sold it to the Museum in 1929, and it is in the Archibald Cary Coolidge Collection, purchased from the fund bequeathed by the late Professor Coolidge of Harvard. It is here reproduced by the courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts.

In 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, xi. 4, there is a letter from the Rev. John L. Anderton, of Chislehurst, England, stating that he owned a miniature of Thomas Oliver (his grandfather), which was possibly by Copley; but I have found no further reference to it.

215 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227.

216 By the courtesy of the Rev. C. Leslie Glenn, Rector of Christ Church, I have been allowed to reproduce Oliver’s signature, to verify birthdates from the church Register, and to extract the details in the text from the ms. volume: Copies of letters and other papers relating to the Episcopal Church at Cambridge in New England, mdcclx. The church’s archives break off with the Revolution, and do not begin again until 1795. There is another signature, on a receipt of 1775(?), in the Boston Public Library, for the discovery of which I am indebted to Miss Swift, of the Treasure Room.

217 See, for an elaborate analysis, Justin Winsor, in Library of Bibliographical Contributions, i no. 4. The lines in question are attributed in six copies to Stephen Sewall (H. C. 1761); but in Sewall’s own copy, and in two more, to Thomas Oliver.

218 Vital Records of Cambridge, n. 292. For the birthdates of the daughters, see id., i 526, and Christ Church Register. For the date of the wedding, see E. Harris, The Vassalls of New England, p. 62. It took place in Trinity Church, Boston: see Boston Records, xxx. 397. Elizabeth Vassall was “born at Cambridge, Sept. 12, 1739; married Thomas Oliver of Dorchester, June 11, 1760. She died in England previous to 1808.” Thomas Oliver, remarks Harris, was “ever distinguished for his amiable and gentlemanly graces” — doubtless a family tradition.

219 See a well-known passage in the Letters and Journals of Mrs. General Riedesel (1867), pp. 139 ff. In 1778, she was in Cambridge among the captured European troops, and was quartered “in one of the most beautiful houses of the place, which had formerly been built by the wealth of the royalists.” She pictures, from recent hearsay, the “seven” allied families, who had once had “farms, gardens, & magnificent houses,” and who visited one another “for music and the dance”; but they had gone, leaving “all their houses desolate except two,” when “alas! this ruinous war severed them.”

220 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227; he is here speaking of the period of his official appointment, 1774.

221 Jones, p. 225, names as a son of our Thomas Oliver one Peter Oliver, physician and surgeon at Salem. But “Thomas” is here an erratum for “Andrew”; see Stark, p. 190.

222 S. F. Batchelder, Bits of Cambridge History, p. 147n. (This immense sum is hard to credit; but the reference is from Antigua Records for 1763, communicated by V. L. Oliver.) The article on Colonel Henry Vassall (pp. 114–233) is a vivid and fully documented account of these tory clans and their way of life. See too Mrs. Mary I. Gozzaldi, “Elmwood and its Owners,” in Cambridge Historical Society Proceedings for 1920 and 1921, pp. 41–45. “They had their chariots and horses, their negro slaves . . . they spent their days like the landed gentry of England of that time, or like the West Indian planters among whom many of them were born.” See too 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, x. 41, paper by E. L. Pierce on the Diary of John Rowe, of Boston: “Rowe records festivities at several of them — at Col. Thomas Oliver’s (Dec. 9, 1766; Feb. 22, 1768; Aug. 17, 1769), where were the Brattles, Temples, Vassalls, Byards, Phippses, Van Homes, Edward Winslow, and Richard Lechmere.”

223 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 228, gives the estimates of Richard Vassall and of Richard Lechmere as to the value of Elmwood in the market in the year 1774, before the troubles; they think it would then have sold for £2500. They assess the household property which Oliver was then forced to leave behind at £250 or £300 (he brought away much linen and plate); and make guesses at the worth of his carriages and horses, also confiscated. These Cambridge loyalists all testify on oath to the Commission about themselves and one another. In his Memorial of 1783 (Jones, p. 225), Oliver states that the stone of Elmwood came from Connecticut, and the glass from England (some of this glass is still shown).

224 Paige, p. 407.

225 Boston Gazette, May 3, 1773.

226 Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, i 173.

227 Jones, p. 225. The wording of Jones’s summary suggests a verbatim extract from the original.

228 Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227.

229 A copy of his commission is in the Book of Commissions, Archives Department, State House, Boston. The text is quoted in the Publications of this Society, ii. 307–308. The gentlemen “took the oaths necessary to qualify themselves for a seat on the Council, being appointed by a mandamus from His Majesty.” I find no evidence for the rumor (quoted by Stark, p. 184, and mentioned in D. N. B.) that Thomas was appointed by the lung by mistake (“the King thought he was appointing Peter Oliver, a much more active man in the politics of the time”). Hutchinson’s remark, quoted above, at once disproves and explains the “rumor.”

230 Details about pay from Oliver’s personal sworn evidence, Coke, ed. Egerton, p. 227.

231 Text of Massachusetts Government Act in S. E. Morison, Sources and Documents Illustrating the American Revolution, pp. 100–101; and note: “unlike the other Colonies, where the Council or Upper House was appointed by the royal Governor, the Council of Massachusetts-Bay was annually elected by the whole legislature (General Court). Consequently it reflected the opinions of the whig majority.”

232 See, for details, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxviii 61–62; figures from Boston Gazette of Sept. 12, 1774.

233 No. 3702, p. 2. The Narrative is quoted by Sabine (ii. 130–133), but with many mistakes, and without the prefatory note; and (apparently from Sabine) both by Stark (pp. 185 ff.) and by V. L. Oliver (ii. 349–350).

234 This paper is given as in the Boston Gazette, Sept. 5, 1774. It is quoted in the Massachusetts Gazette (see last note); by Sabine (pp. 133–134); by Paige (pp. 155–156); and by V. L. Oliver (ii. 350). A copy, in an eighteenth-century hand, is in the Treasure Room of the Boston Public Library, and Mrs. E. C. Jeffrey was good enough to put me on the track of it. It is not in Oliver’s hand; and, besides, it is in holograph, whereas Oliver signed, with his own addendum, a paper presented to him. (I have found no trace of the original document.) The scene was staged as one of the pageants of Elmwood on June 14, 1930, under the auspices of the Cambridge Y. M. C. A.: and this copy was reproduced in the programme. The Lieut. Governor and “Mistress Oliver” were played by Mr. and Mrs. Truman D. Hayes; there were servants, and a delegation of five patriots.

235 Quoted at length by Paige, pp. 151 ff.

236 Justin Winsor, in Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 115, states that “Joseph Warren, in Boston, heard of the tumult and hastened to the spot. His influence prevailed, and the sun went down without the shedding of blood.” See also R. Frothingham, Life and Times of Joseph Warren, pp. 352–353, on the “Powder Alarm.” The patriot Warren was called to Cambridge to “prevent an immediate outbreak”; he found himself there at 8 a.m. on September 2, “in the midst of the excited multitude”; used “his influence efficiently to prevent a collision with the troops”; watched the “patience, temperance, and fortitude” (italics mine) of the “freemen” as they forced “obnoxious officials” to resign; and judged that if the troops had come from Boston, “not a man would have returned.” The “temperance” displayed against Oliver speaks for itself; there were 4000 against one. Neither Oliver nor the Gazette, however, refers to Warren’s presence.

237 Diary, i. 321.

238 In some modern works Oliver is described as having remained during this interval (Sept., 1774 to March, 1776), “civil governor” of Massachusetts. Sabine and Stark call him “Governor Oliver.” But Mr. Allen French, of Concord, has kindly given me a mass of cumulative evidence which he thinks is conclusive that Oliver remained Lieutenant Governor. This evidence includes, inter alia, (1) the description of him as Lieutenant Governor in General Howe’s List of Persons leaving Boston with the troops in March, 1776; and also in the List of American Sufferers according to their several Ranks (in the Shelburne Papers now in the W. L. Clements Library at Ann Arbor); (2) the title given to him in the Gay transcripts (see next note); (3) a letter of Lord George Germain to Gage, April 18, 1776, saying that he was superseded by Howe and adding, “It is not his Majesty’s intention to make any alteration, for the present, in regard to the Government of the Province of Massachusetts.” I may add that Oliver is always called “Lieutenant Governor” by Hutchinson and by the Commissioners of 1783–4.

The error seems to have arisen from an entry in Paige, p. 619 n.: “When Governor Gage returned to England, Pemberton says in his ms. Chronology (in the M. H. S. Library) under date of Oct. 10, 1775, ‘Sir William Howe succeeds to the military department, and is now Governor of Boston only’”; the inference being that Oliver was “civil governor.” But, as Mr. French points out, Pemberton may only have meant “that on Gage’s recall Howe was given command in his absence.” It is probable, however, that between Gage’s departure on October 10, 1775, and Oliver’s on March 17, 1776, the latter was acting Governor, although officially entitled “Lieutenant Governor.” In his commission there is a provision that if the Governor should die or be absent, Oliver should act in his place with full authority. This, then, he would have exercised for about five months.

239 Publications of this Society, iii. 387. In C. M. Andrews’ Guide to Materials for American History in the Public Record Office (i. 128), among the petitions and memorials to the Secretary of State, is an entry: “from Lieut.-Gov. Thomas Oliver and president of council of Massachusetts, regarding sufferings in Boston. July 18, 1776.” This was apparently submitted after Oliver reached England.

240 Coke, ed. Egerton, pp. 227–228. The introduction by the Editor, the late Professor H. E. Egerton, of Oxford, is of absorbing interest. He makes clear the nature of the Commission, their qualifications, their difficulties, and their principles in reporting and recommending. The investigation into “loyalty” was “the cornerstone, the groundwork of the whole” (p. xxx). There is a lifelike account of the characters, ranks, and disasters of the claimants (pp. xlii ff.).

241 Mr. French has kindly furnished me with abstracts of two Oliver manuscripts in the Public Record Office pertaining to the events of this period. One (C. O. 5: 769, pp. 297 ff.) is a letter to an unknown recipient under date of March 10, 1776, in which he declares that he is under embarrassment whether to proceed with the army or to embark for England. He has decided, however, that since room on an available ship for England is limited, he will go to Halifax and thence to England. The other (C. O. 5: 769, pp. 302 ff.) is a letter to Lord George Germain, dated at Halifax, April 21, 1776. In it he tells of his difficulties in providing quarters for the refugees. He has received his Lordship’s instructions, which he is unable to carry out; and as there is nothing for him to do in Halifax, he is going to England.

242 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proa, xviii. 266.

243 For the following references by Hutchinson, see Diary ii. 17, 21, 61, 66, 67, 83.

244 A. Kingsley Porter, Elmwood (privately printed, 1930), pp. 1–2. The author, the present holder, was good enough to permit quotation (hence also the details about the later occupants, and the passage from J. R. Lowell).

245 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xv. 132.

246 Sabine, EC. 134–135; he does not give, nor do I know, his source. In 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xix. 216–217, there are allusions, quoted from the Diary of Samuel Quincy, formerly Solicitor-General of the Massachusetts Province, to certain affairs in Ireland. On Dec. 28, “Lieutenant-Governor Oliver called on, and presented me with a commission from the Court of Chancery in Ireland to examine witnesses in his cause with Lucas and others.” On Dec. 30, Oliver calls again to tell Quincy “the nature of the evidence.” On Jan. 15, 1777, various Commissioners, including Peter Oliver, C. J., go with Quincy to Sir William Pepperell to take the deposition of Isaac Royall; and there is a dinner at T. Oliver’s. This business is not further explained, except by a reference in Hutchinson’s Diary, (letter from Peter Oliver, Jr., to Elisha Hutchinson, n. 410, July 27, 1784): “Lieu’ Gov. Oliver and his family are going to live in Ireland. His eldest daughter Mary is to be married ere long.” The plan to migrate seems to have gone no further; it does not appear at what date the Olivers settled in Bristol.

247 Stark, pp. 137, 142.

248 Entry from V. L. Oliver, i. 260 ff.; and abridged pedigree (many details also given of Freeman wills and estates).

249 Trees abridged from V. L. Oliver.

250 Sabine, i. 135.

251 Jones, Loyalists, p. 224 (entries from Audit Office and elsewhere).

252 This affair is told, in detail, by S. F. Batchelder, Bits of Cambridge History, pp. 197–198.

253 V. L. Oliver, ii. 346ff., gives: the text of the two inscriptions (the first of which was kindly copied for me by my friend, the late Mr. J. H. Fowler, of Clifton, who also verified the coat of arms on the stone); the note from the Gentleman’s Magazine; and the text of the will (quoted as “P. C. C. Wynne”), of which a summary is given by Jones, p. 226.

254 Speeches of Josiah Quincy, pp. 367–368.

255 Gooch and Laski, English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century, p. 227.

256 See Heinrich Lammasch in the American Journal of International Law, x. 689 ff., and Quincy Wright in id., xviii. 764 and note 46; also A. Vanderpol, La Doctrine Scolastique du Droit de Guerre. For reference to this last work I am indebted to Professor J. S. Reeves of the University of Michigan.

257 Winthrop’s Journal (Hosmer ed.) ii. 39; Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 85.

258 For a more exhaustive examination of Williams’ views on war, see James E. Ernst, The Political Thought of Roger Williams, pp. 100 ff.; H. L. Osgood in Political Science Quarterly, vi. 211.

259 Ernst, p. 100; 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 264, 284.

260 Plymouth Colony Records, x. 439.

261 I have examined over thirty Puritan sermons, for the most part Artillery Election sermons, in the John Carter Brown Library, the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the library of Harvard College. Thanks are due to those in charge of these collections for permission to use these rare and valuable works. Special mention should be made of a single volume at the Massachusetts Historical Society which contains the Artillery Election sermons for 1728, and 1732 to 1740 inclusive. In citing individual sermons, I have indicated the library where they are to be found, jcb standing for John Carter Brown Library, mhs for the Massachusetts Historical Society, and hcl for the library of Harvard College.

262 Military Duties, Recommended to an Artillery Company (jcb).

263 War is Lawful, pp. 8–9 (mhs). There is an interesting account of Samuel Mather and his writings by Albert Matthews in our Publications, xviii. 206–229.

264 The Expediency and Utility of War . . . considered (1759), p. 15 (mhs).

265 The Necessity of a Well Experienced Souldiery (preached 1675), p. 8. The reference is to an 1839 reprint in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

266 Expectanda (1691), pp. 12 ff. (jcb).

267 Id. pp. 19–20.

268 Ib., p. 22.

269 The Right Method of Safety (1704), p. 10 (hcl).

270 Expectanda, p. 16.

271 The Knowledge of God Securing from Flattery (1705), p. 39 (hcl).

272 Soldiers Counselled and Encouraged (1741), p. 17 (mhs).

273 Alice M. Baldwin, The New England Clergy and the American Revolution, p. 15.

274 The Necessity of a Well Experienced Souldiery, p. 8.

275 Expectanda, p. 75.

276 The Scriptural passages, respectively, are: Luke 3:14; 7: 1–10; Acts 10.

277 The Glories of the Lord of Hosts, and the Fortitude of the Religious Hero (1740), p. 28 (mhs). In a note on pp. 6–7 of this sermon there is a useful list of previous Artillery Election sermons.

278 Abraham in Arms; or the first Religious General with his Army engaging in a War (1678), pp. 3–4 (jcb). For the sources of Grotius, see Lammasch in the American Journal of International Law, x. 692 and Vanderpol, as above, pp. 51, 297.

279 The Lord a Man of War (1735), p. 24 (MHS).

280 Martial Wisdom Recommended (1737), p. 16 (MHS).

281 The Origin of War examin’d and applied (1733), p. 21 (MHS).

282 Id., p. 15.

283 The Art of War Lawful and Necessary for a Christian People, pp. 6 ff. (JCB). I have examined only a few of the sermons of this period. Doubtless many such passages could be found. For the importance of the clergy in the revolutionary movement, see Alice M. Baldwin, New England Clergy.

284 Plymouth Colony Records IX. 3 ff.

285 A. Vanderpol, pp. 51 ff.; Grotius, De Jure Belli ac Pacts (Classics of International Law), ii. 171 ff., and Introduction, xxxvi.

286 Vanderpol, pp. 130 ff.

287 The Origin of War examin’d and applied, p. 22.

288 Souldiers Counselled and Comforted (1689), p. 29 (jcb). This is not an Artillery Election sermon.

289 The Soveraign Efficacy of Divine Providence (printed for Samuel Sewall, 1682), p. 27 (jcb).

290 Oliver Peabody, An Essay to revive and encourage Military Exercises (1732), p. 25 (mhs).

291 William Williams, Martial Wisdom Recommended (1737), p. 27 (mhs).

292 For references to this controversy, see Charles P. Keith, Chronicles of Pennsylvania, II. 897 ff.; The Writings of Benjamin Franklin (Smyth ed.), I. 361 ff., and n. 336 ff.; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, v. 158 ff.

293 Tennent, The late Association, pp. 17–18. I have used a copy printed at Philadelphia in 1748 by William Bradford, and now in the John Carter Brown library. In the same collection is a treatise by William Currie entitled, A Treatise on the Lawfulness of Defensive War. It is a reply to a Quaker answer to Tennent.

294 Plymouth Colony Records, IX. 3 ff.

295 Id., x. 26, 428.

296 Id., p. 56.

297 Id., p. 76.

298 New Haven Colonial Records, 1653–1665, p. 8.

299 Plymouth Colony Records, x. 79, 88.

300 Hutchinson Papers (Prince Society), I. 129 ff.

301 Id., pp. 136 ff.

302 Winthrop’s Journal (Hosmer ed.), i. 196.

303 On the Cotton code, see F. C. Gray, “Remarks on the Early Laws of Massachusetts Bay,” in 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Col., VIII. 191–237; W. H. Whitmore, A Bibliographical Sketch of the Laws of the Massachusetts Colony from 1630 to 1686; W. C. Ford, “Cotton’s ‘Moses his Judicials,’” in 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., XVI. 274–284.

304 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 137.

305 Winthrop, i. 151; Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 147.

306 Id., pp. 174–175.

307 Winthrop, I. 196.

308 Notice the statement in the preface to the Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts, reprinted from the copy of the 1648 edition in the Henry E. Huntington Library (1929): “. . . about nine years since wee used the help of some of the Elders of our Churches to compose a modell of the Iudiciall lawes of Moses with such other cases as might be referred to them, with intent to make use of them in composing our lawes, but not to have them published as the lawes of this Jurisdiction: nor were they voted in Court.”

309 Massachusetts Colony Records, I 222; Winthrop, I 262.

310 J. J. Currier, History of Newbury, Mass., p. 56.

311 Boston Records, III. iv.

312 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 262.

313 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 208.

314 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 279; Winthrop, I. 323–324.

315 Thomas Lechford, Note-Book (1885), pp. 237–238.

316 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., III 88–90.

317 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi 26–27.

318 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 292–293.

319 Id., p. 320.

320 Id., p. 340.

321 Id., p. 346; Winthrop, ii. 48–49.

322 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 344.

323 C. F. Adams, Antinomianism, p. 225.

324 On the authorship of this pamphlet, printed in Cambridge, Mass., in 1663, see my note in the American Historical Review, xxxvii. 267–269.

325 New Haven Colonial Records, i 12.

326 Id., ii. 518 (“Newhavens Case Stated”).

327 Winthrop, ii. 161.

328 See my “John Cotton and the New Haven Colony,” in the New England Quarterly, iii. 82–94.

329 The First Book of Records of the Town of Southampton, pp. 18–22.

330 For this suggestion I am indebted to Mr. Albert Matthews.

331 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 187–192.

332 Id., pp. 171–187.

333 Winthrop (Savage ed., 1825), I 322.

334 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VIII. 191–237.

335 Lechford, Note-Book, p. 237.

336 See Albert Matthews, “The Name ‘New England’ as Applied to Massachusetts,” in the Publications of this Society, xxv. 382–390.

337 J. T. Adams, Founding of New England, p. 211.

338 The manuscript of this letter is at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

339 David Loggan, Oxonia Illustrata (Oxford, 1675).

340 Mather refers to this custom in the Magnalia (edition, 1853), ii. 21.

341 The splendor of the entertainments on such occasions is illustrated by the following: “I have sent you here inclosed warrants for four brace of Bucks and a Stag; the last Sir Arthur Manwaring procured of the king for you, towards keeping of your Act, i have sent you a Warrant also for a brace of Bucks out of Waddon Chace; besides, you shall receive by this Carrier a great Wicker Hamper, with two jowls of Sturgeon, six barrels of pickled Oysters, three barrels of Bologna Olives, with some other Spanish commodities.” Christopher Wordsworth, Social Life at the English Universities in the Eighteenth Century, p. 285.

342 This was the Encaenia, the survival of the literary and musical performance with which the Sheldonian Theatre was opened in 1669. Repeated annually on the Friday before the Act, there soon developed a tendency to confuse the two. J. Wells, The Oxford Degree Ceremony, pp. 31–32.

343 The Terrae filius of this year must have lived up to tradition if the sub-title of his printed essays is an indication of their contents — More Burning Work for the Oxford Convocation. Wordsworth, p. 298.

344 The following is an eighteenth-century account of Terrae filius.

It has, till of late, been a custom, from time immemorial, for one . . . to mount the Rostrum, at Oxford at certain seasons, and divert an innumerable crowd of spectators . . . with a merry oration in the Fescennine manner, interspers’d with secret history, raillery, and sarcasm, as the occasions of the times supply’d him with matter.

If a venerable head of a college was caught snug a-bed with his neighbour’s wife; or shaking his elbows on a Sunday morning; or flattering a prime minister for a bishoprick . . . the hoary old sinner might expect to hear of it from our lay-pulpit the next act. Or if a celebrated toast and a young student were seen together at midnight under a shady myrtle-tree, billing like two pretty turtledoves, to him it belong’d, being a poet as well as an orator, to tell the tender story in a melancholy ditty, adapted to pastoral musick . . . .

Notwithstanding what some wise heads have thought to the contrary, I cannot see the great unreasonableness of such publick licenses as these at particular seasons: For why should a poor undergraduate be call’d an idle rascal, and a good for nothing blockhead, for being perhaps but twice at chapel in one day, or for coming into college at ten or eleven a clock at night, or for a thousand other greater trifles than these; whilst the grey-headed doctors may indulge themselves in what debaucheries and corruptions they please, with impunity, and without censure? Methinks it could not do any great hurt to the universities, if the old fellows were to be jobbed at least once in four or five years for their irregularities, as the young ones are every day, if they offend.

Indeed, some of my predecessors have us’d the old gentlemen too roughly, and run their christian patience quite out of breath. One of these academical pickle-herrings scurrilously affronted the learned president of St. John’s college (in defiance of the statue de contumeliis compescendis) by shaking a box and dice in this manner, Facta est alea, doctor, Seven’s the main, in allusion to a scandalous report handed about by the doctor’s enemies, that he was guilty of that infamous practice, and had lost great sums of other people’s money at dice. . . .

Several such indignities as these having been offer’d to the grave fathers of the university, (the reverend the heads and governors of colleges and halls) they winc’d like so many gall’d horses, and said to one another, Gentlemen, these are no jests; if we suffer this, we shall become the sport of freshmen and servitors; let us expel him, for an example to others not to take such freedoms with their superiors.

And Terrae-Filius was accordingly expell’d almost every act. Yet for all that, some body was still found upon these occasions, endow’d with christian courage enough to rebuke wickedness in high places, at the expense of infamy and nakedness; the usual consequences of incurring ecclesiastical displeasure! Nicholas Amhurst, Terrae-Filius: or, the Secret History of the University of Oxford (London, 1726), pp. 1–4.

345 The manuscript of this letter is in the archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London.

346 An account of the last services in the wooden meeting-house of the Old South Church, erected in 1669, was printed in the New England Weekly Journal of March 3, 1729. It is not a little curious to find the pastor of the church referring to it as the “fourth Church,” when it was the Third Church. It is possible that he regarded the First Baptist Church, founded in 1665, as the “third” Church, which indeed it was, historically considered.

347 Michael Spaher, An Exact Survey of the Microcosmus, or Little World; being an Anatomy of the bodies of Man and Woman. . . . London, 1670. The title, somewhat modified appears in the Term Catalogues for 1675 and 1702.

348 Edward Wells (c 1665–1727), A New Set of Maps, both of Ancient and Present Geography . . . Together with a Geographical Treatise . . . particularly adapted to the Use and Design of the said Maps. 2nd impression. In Term Catalogues, 1708.

349 Probably an advance copy of his circular letter, dated April 10, 1729, asking for facts. W. C. Ford, Massachusetts Broadsides, p. 77.

350 The Reverend Samuel Newman (d 1663), of Rehoboth, author of the so-called Cambridge Concordance.

351 The Reverend Noah Newman (d 1676).

352 Capt. Joseph Prince (d 1747): cf. our Publications, xix. 332, note 2.

353 John Senex (d 1740).

354 Jonathan Belcher (H. C. 1728).

355 See Benjamin Rand, Berkeley’s American Sojourn (1932).

356 Dr. Alexander Hamilton, a visitor at Cambridge, August 15, 1744, refers in his Itinerarium to “some curious editions of the classics, presented to the college by Dean Barklay.” Hart edition (1907), p. 174. They were undoubtedly destroyed in the fire of 1764.

357 President Thomas Clap, valuing Berkeley’s benefaction at £400, wrote of these volumes as being “the finest Collection of Books that ever came together at one Time into America.” The Annals or History of Yale College (1766), p. 38.

358 Stratford.

359 Clap says (p. 37) that the “Descriptions and Conditions” in the first deed were not “perfectly adapted to the State of the College.”

360 Apparently the only measure taken by the Trustees was to vote that the Rector “at the Cost of this College order suitable Boxes to be made for the Reception of the Rev^d Dean Berkeley’s Collection of Books.” Franklin B. Dexter, Ed., Documentary History of Yale University, p. 305.

361 Jared Eliot (d 1763), Yale 1706, clergyman and physician, F.R.S.

362 For further information about Jenner see New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvii. 437—444; 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 474; vii. 10; 3 Coll., iii. 99; iv. 144; 4 Coll., vii. 10, 104, 334, 340 f., 344, 350, 355 ff., 359; facsimile of signature and seal, 4 Coll., vii. plate 7.

363 Fordyce, History of the Bishoprick of Durham, p. 761.

364 Venner’s Insurrection; see New Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg. XXXVI. 407.

365 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV. 128.

366 Id., p. 144.

367 The Hutchinson Papers (Prince Society), i. 257–258.

368 Palfrey had evidently seen this copy. Cf. History of New England, I. 584 n¹.

369 Transcription, with notes, of MS. Rawlinson C 934, folios 32 to 38 verso, from a photostat furnished by the Bodleian Library. The first line if each entry reproduces the original. Then follow the fuller titles so far as found, with notes.

370 This entry was substituted for another crossed out.

371 The name of the author has been crossed out in the original ms.

372 The manuscript contains no number 177.

373 The manuscript shows signs of emendation; the number may originally have been “6,” changed to “4,” because of the number of the gospels, by some one who did not know the full nature of the book.

374 Figures which may represent the price have been crossed out.

375 As Weld did not number his books, numbers beginning with 201 have been assigned to them.

376 “& Proverbs” crossed out.

377 Crossed out.

378 Following this, crossed out, is “Withers on 1 Psal.”

379 The title “Swan Song” was a great favorite in subtitles for works written not long before the author’s death.

380 Although this space is left blank in the ms., it seems clear that Dod was meant as the author.

381 The list ends on folio 38 verso of the manuscript

382 Transcription, with notes, of a paper preserved in the archives of Middlesex County, from a photostat furnished by the Register of Probate, Cambridge. The list is in two columns, unnumbered. For convenience, numbers beginning with 396 have been assigned the entries.

383 The reading may be “Heads.”

384 Other miscellaneous items included in this inventory are:

An Old Bedstead
an old chest
a Brass hetchell	lb	s	dd
5 old chairs	02	00	00
A Cupboard for Books
a Table
A Cupboards Head,
Silver clasps for a Bible	00	02	06
Twenty Acres of Land Lying at the Neck, valued att	200	00	00

385 This section of the inventory, constituting the second page of the ms., is written in another hand.

386 See New England Quarterly, v. (January, 1932), 35–54.

387 John G. Palfrey, History of New England, ii. 41.

388 Records of the Church in Brattle Square, Boston, p. 5.

389 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 373.

390 Id., p. 560.

391 5 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 285; Cotton Mather also notes this meeting in his Diary. Editions of A New Version of the Psalms of David, Fitted to the Tunes Used in Churches, by N. Brady and N. Tate, were printed in New York in 1710 and 1725, and in Boston in 1713 and 1720.

392 For example see:

Thomas Symmes, The Reasonableness of Regular Singing or Singing by Note. In an Essay to Revive the True and Ancient Mode of Singing Psalm-Tunes. Boston, 1720.

Thomas Walter, The Grounds and Rules of Musick Explained or an Introduction to the Art of Singing by Note. Boston, 1721. Of this Evans says that in it appears the first music printed in bars in the United States. It was advertised by the Boston News-Letter for February 13, 1720/21, as “Now in the Press.”

Thomas Walter, The Sweet Psalmist of Israel, “a sermon preach’d at the Lecture held in Boston, by the Society for promoting regular & good singing,” etc. Boston, 1722.

John Tufts, A Very Plain and Easy Introduction to the Art of Singing Psalm-Tunes. Boston, 1721.

Peter Thacher, John Danforth, and Samuel Danforth, Cases of Conscience about Singing Psalms, Briefly Considered and Resolved. Boston, 1723.

Cotton Mather, A Pacificatory Letter. Boston, 1723.

Josiah Dwight, An Essay to Silence the Outcry that has been Made in Some Places against Regular Singing. Boston, 1725.

393 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii, 693. See also Mather’s letter to Thomas Bradbury, July 1, 1724. Id., p. 797.

394 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 606, 608, and 624.

395 The following census of copies is given through the courtesy of Mr. Thomas J. Holmes, Librarian of the William Gwinn Mather Library, Cleveland:

1. American Antiquarian Society.
2. John Carter Brown Library.
3. Harvard College Library.
4. Matt B. Jones, Boston, Mass.
5. Massachusetts Historical Society.
6 and 7. New York Historical Society (2 copies).
8. New York Public Library.
9. Lemuel A. Welles, Esq., New York City.
10. Yale University Library.

396 J. A. Stoughton, Windsor Farmes, p. 77.

397 E. C. Smyth, “Jonathan Edwards,” Andover Review, xiii. 5 n; see also S. E. Dwight, Life of President Edwards (1829), p. 17.

398 See note on Lily’s Latin grammar, Publications of this Society, xxvii. 24.

399 Dwight, Edwards, p. 18.

400 J. S. Clark, Historical Sketch of the Congregational Churches in Massachusetts, p. 181.

401 These figures are based on a comparative analysis of works of American writers as they are set forth in Evans’ American Bibliography.

402 Andover Review, xiii. 4.

403 Id., p. 5.

404 Edwards Collection, Yale University, No. 26. Cited as Ed. mss., Yale.

405 T. D. Woolsey in Memorial Volume of the Edwards Family Meeting at Stockbridge, Mass. (1871), p. 31. But see also S. E. Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, p. 207.

406 Woolsey, p. 31.

407 Dwight, Edwards, p. 30.

408 F. B. Dexter, A Sketch of the History of Yale University, p. 14.

409 Dwight, Edwards, p. 32.

410 This is the Port Royal Logic, written by Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole and first published, in French, in 1662. This book is one of the products of the Port Royalists, remarkable as teachers and text-book writers, that survived the attacks levied against them by the Jesuits.

411 In 1714, the Trustees received at Saybrook at one time over 700 volumes to add to the very slender library, the result of Jeremiah Dummer’s assiduous solicitations among his English friends. In 1718, the library contained some 1300 volumes, but in their transfer to New Haven at least a fifth were lost or destroyed. As Edwards was at Wethersfield until 1719, he could not have had easy access to them. See Dexter, Sketch, pp. 14, 19, 100; Papers of the New Haven Historical Society, iii. 240; E. Oviatt, Beginnings of Yale, p. 367.

412 Woolsey, p. 32; Oviatt, Beginnings, pp. 422–424.

413 Dwight, Edwards, p. 100.

414 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 5; Dwight, Edwards, p. 703. The reference is to modesty in writing.

415 Dwight, Edwards, pp. 702–703.

416 Deciphered by Upham, 2 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, xv. 515.

417 “Jonathan Edwards’ Last Will,” Bibliotheca Sacra,xxxiii. 438 ff.

418 J. R. Trumbull, History of Northampton, ii. 65–66.

419 New England Quarterly, i. 234.

420 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 11.

421 Colman Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.

422 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 26.

423 Dwight, Edwards, p. 251.

424 New England Quarterly, i. 232.

425 Joseph Pynchon (H. C. 1726), preacher and doctor.

426 Papers of the Connecticut Valley Historical Society, ii. 2.

427 Waterston Autographs, i. m.h.s.

428 Ed. Mss., Yale, No. 24.

429 Dwight, Edwards, p. 94.

430 For convenience, I designate the reverse side of the envelope, on which the first entries were made, page A; the obverse, page B; the beginning of the bound pages, 1, 2, etc., as Edwards himself numbered them.

431 Ephraim Chambers, Cyclopædia (1738).

432 Error for 1735.

433 This refers, I think, to the library of the Hampshire Ministers’ Association, housed probably by one of the Springfield ministers.

434 The dates, and the pages on which they were entered, might roughly be stated thus: 1720?–1726, pp. A and B; 1726–1736, pp. 1–4; 1736–1746, pp. 5–15; 1746–1757, pp. 15–43. The last date, on page 42, is January 13, 1757.

435 The items are tabulated together with the volume and page in Edwards’ Works (1829) where they appear. The key is as follows:

Affec. Religious Affections, Vol. v.
Bible. Notes on the Bible, Vol. ix.
Crea. End in Creation, Vol. iii.
Faith. Justification by Faith Alone, Vol. v.
Messiah. Types of the Messiah, Vol. ix.
Mind. The Mind, Vol. I.
Misrep. Misrepresentations Corrected, Vol. iv.
Observ. Miscellaneous Observations, Vol. vii.
Qual. Qualifications for Full Communion, Vol. iv.
Prayer. Union in Prayer. Vol. iii.
Redemp. History of Redemption, Vol. iii.
Remarks. Miscellaneous Remarks, Vol. vii.
Sin. Original Sin, Vol. ii.
Trinity. Observations on the Trinity (Smyth, ed., 1880).
Will. Freedom of the Will, Vol. ii.

436 Clark, Congregational Churches in Mass., pp. 181–182.

437 An Unpublished Essay of Edwards on the Trinity (1903), pp. 39 ff.

438 Dwight, Edwards, p. 550.

439 S. Hopkins, Life and Character of Jonathan Edwards, pp. 43–14.

440 F. H. Foster, A Genetic History of New England Theology, p. 48.

441 Andover Theological Library, Edwards Mss.

442 Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686–1743), Scottish author of the treatise, noted in its day, Philosophical Principles of Natural and Revealed Religion (1747), a book which combats Berkeley and Malebranche as tending to Pantheism. See A. V. G. Allen, Jonathan Edwards, p. 347.

443 Thomas Chubb (1679–1746) is not referred to by name, but a good part of Freedom of the Will is directed against his deistic writings.

444 Considering that Edwards’ later writings were directed against deism, I think that he must have known something about other deists: Charles Blount, Charles Leslie, John Toland, Anthony Collins, William Woolston — for he often asked Erskine to give him more information about books that were appearing on the subject, and he probably scanned the magazines for such works particularly.

445 Mentioned in the Catalogue, but not crossed off. But Law was a very important figure in a field that could not escape Edwards’ attention.

446 “Notes on the Bible,” Works (1830), ix. 176.

447 Catalogue, p. 26.

448 Id., p. 34. Though it was a palpable imitation of Fénelon’s Télémaque, I suspect that Edwards thought of it as a story of travel.

449 Id., p. 36.

450 This is crossed off (page 2). The volume went into an eleventh edition in 1726. See Evans, i.

451 In 1714, Steele proposed a Life which he never carried out. See G. A. Aitken, Life of Richard Steele, ii. 29.

452 The Ladies’ Library was “written by a lady” [Mary Wray, granddaughter of Jeremy Taylor and wife of Sir Cecil Wray?] and published by Sir Richard Steele in three volumes, 1714. The set was not in Yale at that time. Possibly one of Edwards’ sisters who had been “sent . . . to Boston to finish their education” (Dwight, Edwards, p. 17) brought it home.

453 From which he quotes in the Catalogue, p. 35.

454 Edwards, p. 601 and note.

455 For a full discussion of the matter, see my article “Jonathan Edwards and the ‘Young Folks’ Bible,’” New England Quarterly, v. 37–54.

456 Dwight, Edwards, p. 185.

457 F. B. Dexter, “Early Private Libraries in New England,” in Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, n.s., xviii. 145, quotes Mellen Chamberlain as saying that “before 1700 there was not in Massachusetts, so far as is known, a copy of Shakespeare’s or of Milton’s poems.” See, however, Albert Matthews’ views on this subject in the Nation (N. Y.) lxxxvii. 624–625, 650. He points out that Paradise Lost was quoted three times by Cotton Mather in the Magnalia in or before 1700.

458 Letters from New England (Prince Society), pp. 68, 78.

459 W. C. Ford, The Boston Book Market, p. 44. For invoices of books sent to booksellers in Boston, 1682–1685, see T. G. Wright, Literary Culture in Early New England, pp. 218–237. He also lists (pp. 115–117) nearly twenty-five booksellers in Boston between 1672 and 1700, so there were plenty of channels to buy books.

460 Elizabeth C. Cook, Literary Influences in Colonial Newspapers, pp. 13–14.

461 7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 368. This was an amazingly large library. See also J. H. Tuttle, “The Library of the Mathers,” Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, n. s. xx. Wright says (p. 126) that it was the best.

462 Revolutionary New England, p. 35.

463 J. T. Adams, Revolutionary New England, p. 31.

464 This is peculiarly interesting in view of the fact that “in Connecticut in 1698, [lawyers] were legislated against in company with drunkards, keepers of disorderly houses and other people of ill fame.” Adams, Revolutionary New England, p. 39.

465 H. B. Parkes, “New England in the Seventeen Thirties,” New England Quarterly, iii. 401. He quotes from the News-Letter of March 30, 1739.

466 Id., p. 401.

467 The Boston Gazette appeared in 1719. James Franklin maintained in his Courant office a library for the use of writers. How great the circulation was is not recorded. Wright, Literary Culture, p. 187.

468 Cook, Literary Influences, p. 13.

469 Wright, Literary Culture, pp. 82–95. See the early volumes of Evans for chronological lists of early Americana.

470 Travels in New England and New York, iv. 323.

471 Adams, Revolutionary New England, p. 32. Public libraries did not appear for a century. The Redwood Library was established in Newport in 1747 and the New York Society Library in 1754. But these of course were in the nature of literary society libraries, as was the Philadelphia library founded by Franklin and others in 1731. There were parochial libraries formed between 1698 and 1730 through the efforts particularly of the Reverend Thomas Bray, of London, founder of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Thirty of these were established in Maryland, and others in New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. But these were intended for ministers and not for the layman. See “Public Libraries in the U. S. A.,” Report of the Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Pt. I. (1876), 32 n. For the Boston “Town Library” (1653), see Wright, Literary Culture, p. 43; and Publications of this Society, xii. 116–135.

472 The library of the Reverend John Williams, of Deerfield, is the only one mentioned by Sheldon (History of Deerfield, I. 465) as existing in the town, and it was inventoried in 1729 at the time of Williams’ death. Its contents of 190 volumes often parallel the items of Edwards’ Catalogue.

The library of Edwards’ grandfather Stoddard (see Trumbull, Northampton, ii. 65–66), inventoried in 1728, has been already mentioned. Col. John Stoddard, Anthony’s younger brother and a man of wealth, wide influence, and fine intelligence, died in 1748, and, although his estate was valued at more than £35,000 Trumbull (Northampton, II. 177), makes no mention of any books among the items of interest in the inventory.

473 See F. B. Dexter, in Proceedings, American Antiquarian Society, n. s., xviii. 135–147. Some of the libraries discussed are, however, of the seventeenth century.

474 The inventory of the estate of Michael Perry, Boston bookseller (1700) is given in the appendix of Dunton’s Letters and similarly in W. C. Ford’s Boston Book Market.

475 Catalogue, p. A. I assume that this refers to Addison’s drama, although it might refer to Cato’s Letters, which appeared in the London and later in the British Journal by Thomas Gordon and John Trenchard, reprinted in four volumes in 1724.

476 One fifth were from him; the rest were contributed by Steele, Newton, Kennett, Andros, Nicholson, Blackmore, Woodwood, Bentley, Whiston, Halley, and Yale. See Wright, Literary Culture, p. 184, whose information is taken from President Clap’s MS Catalogue of early accessions to the Yale library.

477 Wright, Literary Culture, p. 184.

478 Over a thousand volumes.

479 Four hundred volumes.

480 Wright, Literary Culture, pp. 186–187. But six English authors of note had been republished from the American press before 1730 (although there were, between 1639 and 1729, 132 printers located in 22 places throughout the colonies, of whom 69 were in Boston): one work each from Wither, Bacon, Steele, Swift, and Defoe; four from Bunyan. Evans, i.

481 F. I. Carpenter, “The Radicalism of Jonathan Edwards,” New England Quarterly, iv. 629 ff.

482 “The Royal Society of London and Its Influence upon Scientific Thought in the American Colonies,” Scientific Monthly, xxiii. 336–355, 448–469.

483 Italics mine.

484 See page 100, above.

485 The text given here is from a copy in one of Newman’s letter-books in the archives of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London.

486 See C. H. McIlwain’s introduction to Wraxall’s Abridgment of the Indian Affairs.

487 E. Salone, La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, p. 256.

488 Order of May 21, 1696: Archives des Colonies (hereafter abbreviated AC.), B19:118^vo. (All archives cited in footnotes are in Paris.)

489 Letters Patent of May 12, 1678. Pierre Margry, Editor, Découvertes et Établissements des Français, i. 337. (Hereafter referred to as “Margry.”)

490 King to La Barre, August 5, 1683, Margry, ii. 310.

491 La Salle’s memoirs, in Margry, ii. 359; iii. 17.

492 Minister of Marine to De Cussy, March 4, 1684, Margry, ii. 377; La Salle’s commission, April 14, 1684, Margry, ii. 382; orders to La Barre, same date, AC., B11:40.

493 See Henri Lorin, Le Comte de Frontenac, p. 303; Margry, v. 14; Denonville to Minister of Marine, August 25, 1687, AC., C11A:9:61; Denonville’s memoir of 1688, AC., C11A:10:100.

494 See note 2 on page 227.

495 Frontenac and Champigny to Minister of Marine, October 26, 1696, AC., C11A:14:119; royal memoir to Frontenac and Champigny, April 27, 1697, AC., B19:234^vo.

496 Letters of king and of minister, May, 1697, quoted in Margry, iv, introduction, p. iv.

497 Minister of Marine to Frontenac and Champigny, April 27, 1697, AC., B19:234^vo.

498 Louise P. Kellogg, The French Régime in Wisconsin and the Northwest, pp. 251–252; Margry, vi. 55–58.

499 Le Sueur’s memoir, 1697(?), is in Margry, vi. 59–61.

500 See note 1, above. See also abstract of a second memoir by Le Sueur, of which the original is not in the archives, AC., C11A:120: no page number.

501 Letter of Argoud to Minister of Marine, December 10, 1697, Margry, iv. 19–21, and accompanying memoir, id., pp. 21–43.

502 Minister of Marine to Argoud, December 14, 1697, Archives de la Marine (hereafter abbreviated AM.) B2; 122:430.

503 Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670–1732, pp. 48–60.

504 AC., C11A; 125: piece no. 78 (printed in Margry, vi. 66).

505 Memoir to Frontenac and Champigny, AC., B20:71^vo.

506 Minister of Marine to Iberville, June 4, 1698, Margry, iv. 49. The last sentence indicates that the selection had been made in May.

507 Mémoire pour servir d’instruction au Sieur d’Iberville, July 23, 1698, AC., B20:111^vo (printed in Margry, iv. 72).

508 The documents are for the most part printed in Margry, iv.

509 Mémoire de la Coste de la Floride et d’une partie du Mexique, AC., C13A:1: 155 (printed in Margry, iv. 308); Iberville to Minister of Marine, June 29, 1699, Margry, iv. 116; Iberville to Minister of Marine, August 11, 1699, AC., C13A: 1:101 (printed in Margry, iv. 328).

510 Orders to Iberville for second voyage, September 22, 1699, AC., B20:259^vo (printed in Margry, iv. 348).

511 Minister of Marine to Iberville, August 12, 1699, AM., B2:137:78.

512 Journal of Iberville’s second voyage, Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Français, Nouvelles Acquisitions 9296:7 (printed in Margry, iv. 395–431).

513 Relation of Sagean, Archives du Service Hydrographique (hereafter abbreviated ASH.), 672: cahier 3 (printed in Margry, vi. 95–162); Minister of Marine to Desclouzeaux, April 7, 1700, AM., B2:147:8^vo; and ASH., 672: cahier 4 (printed in Margry, vi. 162–166).

514 Memoir of Iberville, undated, ASH., 67²: cahier 4, piece 2.

515 Juchereau de Saint-Denys, Mémoire pour l’établissement d’une Colonie au Mississippy, AC., C13B: 1: no page number; concession to Juchereau, June 4, 1701, AC., B22:264^vo (printed in Margry, v. 351); Minister of Marine to Iberville, July 20, 1701, AM., B2:155:105 (printed in part in Margry, iv. 487).

516 Memoir of Iberville, ASH., 672: cahier 4, piece 2.

517 Salone, Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France, pp. 174–176; Minister of Marine to Bégon, July 20, 1701, AM., B2:155:105.

518 Documents on negotiations to secure the cession of Pensacola by Spain are in Margry, iv. 541–574; discussion in William E. Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry in the Gulf Region, 1678–1702, pp. 205–215. Selection of the Mobile River site was indicated in instructions to Iberville, August 27, 1701, AM., B2:152:156.

519 Memoir of Iberville, undated, abstracted in AC., C13C:2:54.

520 Memoir of Iberville, June 20, 1702, AC., C13C:2:43 (printed in Margry, iv.593).

521 Minister of Marine to Duguay, April 30, 1704, AM., B2:175:277.

522 Minister of Marine to Iberville, January 30, 1704, AM., B2:174:254^vo.

523 Minister of Marine to Bienville and La Salle, February 13, 1704, AC., B25:10^vo; and to Iberville, same date, AM., B2:174:374.

524 No detailed history of the infancy of the colony has been published. Peter J. Hamilton’s Colonial Mobile, Pierre Heinrich’s La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indes, 1717–1731, and N. M. Surrey’s The Commerce of Louisiana during the French Régime, 1699–1763, all contain material on the early years. An unpublished doctoral thesis by the writer of this paper, entitled The French in Louisiana, 1699–1712, covers in considerable detail the period indicated.

525 Projet sur la Caroline, 1702 or early 1703, AC., C11A:20:224; plan of March 17, 1703, AM., B4:25:362; projet, undated, AC, C13A:1:445; Iberville to Minister of Marine, June 26, 1704, AM., B4:26:482; memoir of 1705, AM., B4:29:213.

526 Conditions sous lesquelles le Roy a accordé à, M. D’Yberville ses vaisseaux, August 29, 1705, AM., B4:29:217; instructions to Iberville, November 3, 1705, AM., B4:29:219. The accounts of Iberville’s raid on the island of Nevis are in AM., B4:31.

527 Order appointing De Muy governor, May 1, 1707, Bibliothèque Nationale, MSS. Clairambault, 951:119.

528 Instructions to De Muy, June 30, 1707, AC., B29:248^vo; Minister of Marine to De Muy, id., 258^vo.

529 Correspondence of Minister of Marine with Bégon, May and June, 1707, AM., B2:197:756, 1010, 1424; with Rémonville, June, 1707, id., 1113, 1272, 1541.

530 See note 1, on page 234.

531 Artaguiette to Minister of Marine, May 25 and August 18, 1708, AC., C13A: 2:317 and 327; letters of N. LaSalle to Minister of Marine, September 12, 1708, id., 193; May 12, 1709, id., 395; June 20, 1710, id., 519, etc.

532 Census of August 12, 1708, AC., C13A:2:225.

533 Artaguiette to Minister of Marine, August 18, 1708, AC., C13A:2:327.

534 Artaguiette’s letter cited in note 6, p. 235; letter to Minister of Marine, August 6, 1709, AC., C13A:2:53, and June 20, 1710, id., 541; also letter of January 10, 1711, id., 633.

535 Minister of Marine to Bégon, October 17, 1708, AC., B30:49; to Lempereur, October 24, 1708, id., 51; and to Duché, November 9, 1708, id., 61.

536 Minister of Marine to Bégon, September 4, 1709, AC., B30: 199; and February 19, 1710, AM., B2:220:614.

537 Correspondence of Minister of Marine with Bégon, May and June, 1710, AM., B2:221:663, 896, 1023, 1233, 1332.

538 Marginal comments on abstracts of letters from N. La Salle, May 12, 1709, AC., C13A:2:439; and from Bienville, August 20 and September 1, 1709, id., 415.

539 Memoir of Artaguiette, May 12, 1712, AC., C13A:2:803; Tivas de Gourville to Minister of Marine, June, 1712, AC., C13A:2:737. These two documents are printed in translation in Mississippi Provincial Archives, ii. 60 and 67.

540 Minister of Marine to Crozat, June 5, 1712, AC., B34:C122^vo; Cadillac to Minister of Marine, June 29, 1712, AC., C13A:2:675.

541 Id.; and Cadillac to Minister of Marine, August 14, 1712, AC., C13A:2:687.

542 Letters Patent of September 14, 1712, AC, A22:1 (printed, among other places, in Publications of Louisiana Historical Society, iv. 13–20).

543 See note 1 above.

544 Memoir of king to Cadillac, December 18, 1712, AC., F3:68:65.

545 Memoir of January 2, 1712, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Mérnoires et Documents, Amérique, 24:13.

546 Our Publications, xvii. 70–71, 221.

547 The Bunch of Grapes Tavern, kept by Rebecca, widow of Francis Holmes.

548 The Independent Corps of Cadets, or, as it has been more popularly known, the First Corps of Cadets, dates back to 1741, when Governor Shirley commissioned Benjamin Pollard to be “Captain of a Company of 64 young Gentlemen,” to be enlisted by him in the Province. Samuel K. Lothrop, Monstrat Viam (1841), pp. 10–11.

The New-England Weekly Journal, however, twice makes mention of these earlier cadets referred to by Walker, once on this same occasion of Governor Burnet’s inauguration. In the issue of July 22, 1728, it says: “the Company of Young Gentlemen Cadets in their Order and Gaiety” escorted the Governor to Dr. Cooke’s, and after firing three volleys “exercis’d their Arms with their wonted beauty and exactness before they were dismiss’d.” Again, in the issue of October 14, 1728, in describing the celebration of the anniversary of George II’s coronation it says: “the Company of Cadets being in Arms waited on His Excellency, our Governour, attended by several of the Gentlemen of the Council, &c. and conducted them to the House of Mrs. Holme’s . . . .”

Neither of these quotations makes clear the exact nature of this military organization. Possibly it, like the group of similar name in the Shirley administration, was intended primarily to serve as a military escort or bodyguard to the governor. In this connection it is an interesting fact that the Pollard who is named later on in this diary as the captain of these Cadets is the same person who was commissioned by Shirley in 1741 to organize the company. Furthermore, Walker states, on a later occasion when the Cadets appeared, that the picture of Governor Burnet was painted on their ensign. I find, however, no further reference to the Cadets by that name in the newspapers before Shirley’s time.

549 Having the governor stay temporarily at Cooke’s — on the west side of Cooke’s Court, now Chapman Place — was regarded by some impartial observers as a politically unwise arrangement. Dr. William Douglass, the Boston physician, wrote on April 22, 1728, to Cadwallader Colden, of New York: “The committee appointed to provide lodgings for the governor in the interim, until the Province House be refitted, have ordered Dr. Cook’s house for that end. Dr. Cook is my good friend; but pardon me if I express to you as my very good friend, the opinion of the gentlemen here who are of no party. I wrote you formerly that the two noted parties here are the Dudleys and Dr. Cook’s, and so inveterate the one against the other, that the being with either may give a jealousy of bad consequence; but if used with the same respect, or kept at the same distance, will make everything easy, and they will bid upon one another for the governor’s interest and advantage. It is my opinion, (pardon my forwardness of duty to his Excellency) that if Mr. Burnet did write to the lieutenant governor to have a few rooms in the Province House fitted up for his reception (the family perhaps not coming so soon) would answer the end of giving umbrage to no party.” 4 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 183–184. Cooke was paid £60 from the Province treasury for the use of his house. Acts and Resolves, xi. 370.

550 This entry is an echo of the feuds long current in King’s Chapel, which are related at length in H. W. Foote, Annals of King’s Chapel, i. The Reverend Henry Harris had since 1709 been the assistant to the rector, the Reverend Samuel Myles. As the leader of the anti-Checkley faction in denunciation of High-Church and Jacobite principles, he had by his aggressiveness gained the hostility of a large portion of the parish, as well as of the rector. Appointed, however, by the Bishop of London and drawing his salary as “lecturer” from a royal bounty established by William III, he had in a sense occupied an independent position. As soon as Myles’s death became imminent early in 1728, Harris began pulling wires to get the prospective vacancy for himself. In a letter which he wrote to the Bishop of London, who, though not claiming the right of presentation, did claim the right to license the incumbent, Harris described his supporters as “the most considerable Gentlemen” and “persons of the greatest wealth and honor in our church.” Historical Collections Relating to the American Church, iii. 246, 248. (There is irony in Walker’s comment on the Harris faction since he himself was a member of the Checkley group, and was one of the Checkley majority elected to the Vestry in March, 1728.) At the same time the High-Church party in the chapel, “being but a few though very noisy,” unwilling to await Burnet’s arrival before acting — “having a prejudice to the name Bishop Burnet” — had taken steps to secure a curate, who should succeed to the prospective vacancy. At a subsequent meeting of the congregation on March 13, 1727/28, after Myles’s death, they put through a vote that General Nicholson and Thomas Sandford, a London merchant, be empowered to present a clergyman for institution. They also took control of the church stock, to be used, so the opposition stated, “to defray all charges in compassing their designs.” Harris and his group, besides proposing to send remonstrances to England, suggested an immediate appeal to Burnet, but this was abandoned for the moment on the ground that he would refuse to meddle in any local affairs until he had officially assumed the governorship. Apparently they wasted no time in presenting their grievances to him once he had taken office.

The following entries from Walker’s diary dealing with the disputes in King’s Chapel, supplement, and at the same time are in the main verified by, the official records published by Dr. Foote:

“[Feb. 6, 1727/8] In y^e afternoon at y^e Kings Chappell y^e Reuerend M^r Sam^l Myles, y^e minister (he being very much Indispos’d w^th a Cancerous humor In his breast its Thought by y^e phisicians he Can’t Subsist here long in y^er opinion) desir’d y^e Congregation to meet, to send for a Curate y^e Clerk by his desire mention’d it, on Sunday last, y^e Congregation met & as some say y^e most In Number y^tt Euer appear’d at a Church meetting (m^r Henry Harris thare, y^e warning was read, m^r Autchmuty paraphars’d on it much Talk on’t & division about itt, y^e meetin divided m^r Harris’ party was for adjourning it y^e major [party] was not for, so those for, Harris Church Warden Thomas Phillips went away out off y^e church. [Marginal note: After Harris Church Warden Philips, y^e churchwarden, w[h]o took Book, & most off Harris’ party went out of y^e church abrubtly from assembly] The major part staying ware much supris’d & sundry off y^e went out] Those y^tt Remain’d being a great majority staid & proceded to act Choosing a moderator m^r In^o Jekill, m^r Gibbins Clerke, and Voted to send for a Curate, according to m^r Myles desire (Voted to send to his Excellency Gener^l Nickolson & m^r Thomas Sandford merch^tt In London or in y^e absence of one to y^e oth^r To seek out or gett a man well affected to the present Establishment In State & Church of a good life & Conversation, & voted 100¹ year sterlin for his Salery, & 20£ Sterlin for his passage, & In Case of m^r Myles decese, they likeing him he might Succeed him Choose a Comitte to write to y^e all Gentlemen to get one Mess^r Jekill, Craddock, Eastwick, Chickley Barns . . .

“Monday [March] 11a Vestry & very dirty at noon m^r Harris & m^r Jekyll had high words In y^e Kings Chappel Harris Toucht Jekyl^s nose & Told him he did not Take him by y^e nose, (If he shou’d strike him it was 20^l fine & his Ears Cutt Harris wanted the Parochal Library d[elivere]d to him y^tt was at m^rs Myles) I hear In^o Checkley said it want a Vestry & had protest against it (Philips, Church warden & sundry others went out . . .

“Wednesda 13 The Congregation of y^e Kings Chappel mett here at 3 Clock In y^e afternoon A great assembly or number Thare. m^r Harris Thare he read his licence In Latin, & mentioned his being an assistant to Carry on y^e Servis w^th m^r Myles, Harris urg’d he was y^e minister now m^r Myles was deceas’d & m^r Gifford as register of y^e Church affairs, Write & read to y^e Congre^tn Wether m^r Harris y^e minister of y^e Kings Chappel here shou’d not vote with y^e Congrega^tn to go on busines, it was not allowed a proper & fair proposall by a great majority. When m^r Harris Cou’d not obtain y^tt he Went out of y^e Church with many others (y^e Congrega Ware of y^e Opinion he was but assistant & not y^e minister & Expects he’d continu so & Officiate still y^e Servis of that Congregation (mr Autchmuty made a long discourse for m^r Harris, saying y^tt if any man Shou’d Come into y^e Church & Cut down a pillar or other mischeif in y^e Church none man but m^r Harris Cou’d prosecute him butt m^r Harris, according to y^e law, so he wou’d insinuate by y^tt saying he was y^e only minister, however y^tt had no Effect, yⁿ was Wrote & rote & read to y^e Congregatⁿ y^e Reuer m^r H. Harris y^e minister of Kings Chapel, here might with y^e Congrega: vote, y^tt was rejected, then m^r Harris & many others went out of y^e Church after y^tt Philips Church Warden propos’d y^t We stay till Gouer^r Burnet Came y^tt was rejected or weth^r y^e Congregatⁿ wou’d refer it to y^e Bishop of London y^tt refus’d too, yⁿ we proceeded to go on & read 10, paragraph & Voted 9 of them Viz. 1 was to send to” [entry not completed]

551 The Reverend Timothy Cutler, rector of Christ Church, Boston, and from the first a strong opponent of Harris.

552 The older brother of William Dummer, the Lieutenant Governor, and of Jeremiah, the agent.

553 The renewal of the controversy between governor and legislature over the matter of the governor’s salary continued throughout Burnet’s administration. Burnet communicated the text of this instruction to the House of Representatives on July 24. Its terms aroused stubborn opposition, but Burnet consistently refused the repeated requests from the House that it be allowed to adjourn without complying. He informed them on September 4, 1728: “I can only again assure you, that unless His Majesties Pleasure has its due Weight with you, your Desires have very little with Me.” Journals of the House of Representatives, viii. 311.

554 John Gibbs, son of the John Gibbs, painter and stainer, who died in 1725.

555 To get the General Court away from the prejudice of Boston, where a mass meeting had adopted and ordered published a “unanimous declaration” against fixing a salary upon the governor, Burnet, on October 24, adjourned the Court to Salem “where,” as he said, “prejudice had not taken root.” Hutchinson (ii. 316–317) relates that Burnet jokingly remarked that the name of a place might work a charm, and that for that reason “he was at a loss whether to carry them there [Salem] or to Concord.”

556 In celebration of George II’s birthday.

557 The Royal Exchange Tavern, kept by Luke Vardy.

558 This is in all probability the flag of some local infantry company or regiment. Howard M. Chapin, Esq., the authority on such matters, informs me that it is the only description of a colonial infantry flag in use in the first half of the eighteenth century that has come to his notice.

559 Walker originally wrote “feuer & flux” instead of “coma.”

560 Cf. our Publications, xiv. 221, for another account of Burnet’s funeral in which there is a slight difference in detail. The cost of the funeral, which was borne by the Province, amounted to £1097 11s 3d. Acts and Resolves iii. 431.

561 George Burnet, the Governor’s steward.

562 Suffolk Probate Records, Book 27 (1728–1730), pp. 337–348.

563 The spelling “gouff” follows an old Scottish form, perhaps indicating the pronunciation at the time. The word is said to be derived from the Dutch “kolf,” a club, another sidelight upon the probable origin of the game in Holland.

564 The Expedition of Humphry Clinker (Edition of 1836), pp. 267–268.

565 Mr. M. A. DeW. Howe, in his Boston Common (page 8), has discussed Mr. Canavan’s argument.

566 “In the ‘New English Tutor’ a print is given of ‘The Pope or Man of Sin’ which was originally beyond question a cut used to illustrate the signs of the zodiac in an almanac, for it is exactly like them with the exception of the addition of a tiara to the otherwise naked figure. To utilize the zodiacal lines and letters radiating from the body, [Benjamin] Harris added a key or explanation which replaced Aries, Taurus, Cancer, Scorpion, etc., with Heresy, Disorder, Malice, Murder and Treachery, etc., and which called on the ‘Child’ to ‘behold that Man of Sin, the Pope, worthy thy utmost Hatred.’ This print was reproduced in the Primer of 1737, but no key was added, so that the ‘Child’ must have been not a little puzzled to know what the rays and letters meant.” Paul Leicester Ford, The New-England Primer (1897), p. 50.

567 Ford, The New-England Primer, p. 29.

568 The imprint on one of these is “Boston: Printed for the Booksellers, 1750,” and on the other, “Boston: Printed by John Green, for the booksellers. 1750.”

569 Isaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America (1874), i. 149 (Archæologica Americana, Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vi).

570 See Green and Russell’s Boston Post-Boy & Advertiser for December 10 and 17, 1759, for warnings against spurious editions of Ames’s Almanac.

571 “In those days also saw I the Jews that had married women of Ashdod, of Ammon, and of Moab: and their children spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews’ language, but according to the language of each people. And I contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked off their hair, and made them swear by God, saying, Ye shall not give your daughters unto their sons, nor take their daughters unto your sons, or for yourselves.” Nehemiah, xiii: 23–25.

572 Samuel Webster, A Winter Evening’s Conversation upon the Doctrine of Original Sin (Boston, 1757).

573 Charles L. Nichols, “The Boston Edition of the Baskett Bible,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s., xxxvii. 24–42.

574 I wish to acknowledge assistance and advice received from the Reverend Dr. A. F. Nolte, of Harlingen, from Professor J. A. C. F. Auer, of the Harvard Divinity School, and from Dr. P. C. Molhuysen, of the Royal Library at the Hague.

575 Hastings Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 21–22. As “Master” and “Doctor” were interchangeable terms in medieval universities, the Ph.D. was equivalent to the M.A. in England and usually required no more study and training than the English B.A. Cf. the diploma of Jeremy Dummer (A.B. Harvard 1699) for the Ph.D. at the University of Utrecht, which was copied into the Harvard College Records, and is printed in our Publications, xv. 305–308.

576 Cf. J. Gardner Bartlett’s list in our Publications, xxv. 14–23; and S. E. Morison, English University Men Who Emigrated to New England before 1646 (1932).

577 See Dictionary of National Biography; Foster, Alumni Oxonienses; Henry Martyn Dexter, Congregationalism As Seen in Its Literature.

578 Magnalia (1702 ed.), Book iii. 143.

579 Burtchaell and Sadleir, Alumni Dublinenses, p. 653.

580 Andrew Clark, Register of the University of Oxford, ii (ii) (Oxford Historical Society Publications, xi), p. 330.

581 As Clark explains (p. 329), the matriculation records of the university are wanting for over two years, 1613–1614, and the name of Thomas Parker is found in the Subscription Book, “which does not mention the College from which the Subscribers matriculated.” Subscription followed matriculation, and on the same day.

582 Album Studiosorum Academiæ Lugduno Batavæ (1875), p. 117.

583 For William Ames, see our Publications, xiii. 64–68; xxv. 70–83; and G.D. J. Schotel, De Academie te Leiden (1875), chapters iv, v.

584 Ed. 1702, Book iii. 144.

585 See our Publications, xxv. 62, 75 n ff; and Abraham Kuyper, Jr., Johannes Maccovius (Leyden, 1899).

586 Fur Prædestinatus (London, 1651), pp. 2–3. Quoted and wrongly attributed to Archbishop William Sancroft in the Dictionary of National Biography, the Cambridge History of English Literature, and J. B. Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, iii. 426 n. It was merely a translation, possibly by Sancroft, of a satirical anti-Calvinist tract in three parts, by Hendrik D. Slatius, entitled Den Ghepredestineesden Dieff (The Hague and Antwerp, 1619–1622). There is an English translation called The Predestinated Thief; or a Dialogue between a Calvinistic Preacher and a Thief condemned to the Gallows, etc. (London, 1814).

587 They were printed as Theses Theologiæ de traduetione hominis peccatoris ad vitam, quas ad disputandum proponit Thomas Parkerus, Anglus. Fran. 1617. I take this title from W. B. S. Boeles, Frieslands Hoogeschool (Leeuwarden, 1878), i. 45. They are also printed in Ames’s Disceptatio de Circulo Pontifico (Amsterdam, 1658), pp. 74–93 (copy in M. H. S.), and in Guilielmi Amesii Opera (Nethenus ed., Amsterdam, 1658), v; and the Synod’s report on the theses is found in Nethenus’ introduction to Volume i. A complete account of the controversy by J. Heringa is printed in Kist and Royaards’ Archief voor Kerkel. Gesch. (Leyden, 1831), iii. 503–664, a reference which I obtained from Hugo Visscher, Guilielmus Amesius (Haarlem, 1894), p. 49. My own account is largely obtained from Abraham Kuyper’s life of Maccovius (Leyden, 1899), pp. 26–30, 54, 86–89, 92, 135–137.

588 Kuyper (Maccovius, pp. 89, 135 n) points out that both Ames and Maccovius were Scholastic in their training and point of view; Ames being a disciple of William Perkins, and Maccovius of Keckermann. Hugo Visscher, on the other hand, asserts that Ames’s defense was purely out of personal friendship. Since Parker’s Theses are printed as Ames’s in Volume v of his works, edited by his disciple Nethenus, it can hardly be doubted that Ames approved them.

589 Kuyper, Maccovius, pp. 92–93.

590 See the titles printed under Parker’s name in the Catalogue of the British Museum.

591 Magnalia (1702 ed.), Book iii. 146.

592 The Visions and Prophecies of Daniel Expounded. . . . By Thomas Parker, sometime of Newbery in Berkshire, and now Pastor to the Church at Newbery in New-England. London, 1646, 156 pp. Copy in Boston Public Library.

593 The Copy of a Letter Written by Mr. Thomas Parker, Pastor of the Church of Newbury in New-England, to His Sister, Mrs Elizabeth Avery, Sometimes of Newbury in the County of Berks, Touching sundry Opinions by her Professed and Maintained (London, 1650), p. 13. Copy in Boston Public Library.

594 2 Proc. Mass, Hist. Soc., XLIX. 361–386; reprinted in Harold Murdock, The Nineteenth of April, 1775, chapter i.

595 The Descent of Comfort Sands (1886), p. 45.

596 The Cambridge University records show, however, that it was not he but his cousin, Roger Kenyon, afterwards Court Physician at St. Germain, who graduated at that University.

597 Fourteenth Report, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Appendix, Part iv. 166.

598 George Morey, born at Norton, Massachusetts, December 18, 1750, was the son of George and Mary (Hodges) Morey. He matriculated at Harvard College, December 18, 1772, and graduated in 1776. He was ordained a Congregational minister at Walpole, November 19, 1783, and died there, July 26, 1829.

599 The earlier part of the diary, January, 1771, to December 18, 1772, refers to the period during which Morey prepared for college.

600 Possibly Benjamin Guild (H.C. 1769; tutor 1776–1780) and Daniel Newcomb, of Norton (H.C. 1768).

601 Jean Jacques Burlamaqui. A commonly used book by him was Principes du Droit Naturel (Geneva, 1748). English editions, in two volumes, with the title The Principles of Natural Law, appeared in 1748–1752 and 1763.

602 William Kneeland (H.C. 1751; tutor 1754–1763) was a physician in Cambridge at this time.

603 Joannes Wollebius. His Abridgment of Christian Divinitie (London, 1650) was long in use by Harvard students.

604 Shirts.

605 During the concentration at Cambridge after April 19, 1775, and throughout the siege of Boston, the colonial troops used the college buildings as headquarters. The students dispersed late in April. In September, 1775, they were notified that instruction would be resumed in Concord. On June 21, 1776, “the students were again assembled within the College walls, after a dispersal of fourteen months.” Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 169.

606 Probably a book by either Adam Ferguson (1723–1816), professor of philosophy at Edinburgh, or James Ferguson (1710–1776), British astronomer.

607 Orthodoxy in Massachusetts (1933), chapters v–vi.

608 Above, pp. 37–66.

609 Above, p. 61.

610 The Journal and Letters of Samuel Curwen of Salem, G. A. Ward, Ed. (1844), p. 59.

611 Id., pp. 195–196.

612 Id., p. 223

613 Id., p. 223.

614 Id., p. 225.

615 Id., p. 225.

616 Id., p. 235.

617 Id., p. 237.

618 Above, p. 61.

619 So he generally spelled his name, although his descendants called it Waldron. The most extended notice of him is in the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, viii. 332–352.

620 John Scales, History of Dover, N. H. (1923), p. 325.

621 New Hampshire Province Deeds, ii. 94b, 95a (“True coppies” of originals brought into court, June 28, 1664), mss., N. H. Historical Society, Concord.

622 The material for this paper has been largely drawn from the original business documents and letters of Elias Hasket Derby in the Essex Institute at Salem. The information regarding the history and politics of the Isle of France has been mainly taken from The History of Mauritius or the Isle of France (London, 1801), by Charles Grant, Viscount de Vaux. David McPherson’s Annals of Commerce (London, 1805) has been used for references to the commercial history of the East Indies in the eighteenth century.

623 Essex Institute Historical Collections, xxxv. 1–79.

624 Material for this article was collected while the writer served as fellow of the Guggenheim Foundation. The manuscripts used in the Public Record Office, London, are the Colonial Office Papers, cited as C.O. Quotations have been modernized. Statements of value are in sterling, unless otherwise noted. The chronology used is that adopted by the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies (cited as Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I.). Three branches of New England’s external trade — with the Wine Islands, with Canada, and with Africa — did not, at this period, affect seriously the problem considered in this paper. The trade of New England and New York with the other mainland colonies of North America is discussed in my article, “The Economic Relations of Boston, Philadelphia, and New York, 1680–1715,” Journal of Economic and Business History, iii. 185–209.

625 G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, i. 15; David MacPherson, Annals of Commerce, iii. 508.

626 A list of exports from England to New England in 1715 included silk, tin, iron, woolens, linen, earthenware, leather, paper, copper, brass, lead, wood, hair, paint, oil, powder, coal, chalk, pots, kettles, spices, drugs, muslins, calicoes, “cum multis aliis.” “The Trade of New England as it Now Stands,” C.O. 5:866, no. 52.

627 Estimates of yearly exports and imports are found in C.O. 390:5. These statistics can be used only to indicate general trends, and must not be taken literally. Commenting on the records of this period, Lipson says: “The statistics of foreign trade are extremely defective. The custom-house ledger, showing the total exports and imports, was not adopted until 1696. Moreover, the returns, even when available, are based on official, not real values, and so do not afford a correct view of the trade in any year at the current market prices. But this defect is an advantage in one respect; it enables comparisons to be made over long periods on the basis of a uniform standard of prices, so that it is possible to measure the rise or fall in the volume of trade without the disturbing factor of changes in the price level.” E. Lipson, The Economic History of England, ii. 189.

628 Report on vessels sailing from England to the colonies, Christmas, 1709, to Christmas, 1714, C.O. 388:18, no. 22.

629 In ten months of the years 1686 and 1688, of 40 vessels sailing from England to Boston, 27 (1,773 tons) were English owned, and 13 (1,063 tons) were owned in Massachusetts. All the vessels (425 tons) exporting from England to Salem in 21 months of the years 1714–1716 belonged to England. Massachusetts Shipping Returns, C.O. 5:848. In two years after June 24, 1715, 20 vessels (1,110 tons) sailing from New York to England were owned in the province, as against 23 vessels (1,665 tons) owned in England. New York Shipping Returns, C.O. 5:1222.

630 W. B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, i. 369–370; memorial of Nicholson, Perry, and Lodwick, entered June 10, 1708, C.O. 5:1121, p. 162.

631 For a list of 41 merchants trading to New England in 1714, see C.O. 5:752, no. 7.

632 For a list of merchants trading to New York, see Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1699, p. 59.

633 Weeden, i. 370. Samuel Sewall’s correspondents in England, 1686–1700, were John Ive and John Love. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 32–33, 34, 44–45, 77, 89, 116, 137, 237. In 1687, Sewall, Eliakim Hutchinson, and Peter Sergeant were buying from John Richardson, a Bristol merchant, on the commission basis. Id., i. 65. John Higginson, of Salem, in 1699 purchased £100 of drapery directly from a London draper. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii. 211.

634 Sewall in 1685 sold a parcel of goods in New England for William Sellen, London merchant. The Boston sale price was £48 3s, from which Sewall deducted a commission of £2 8s — nearly 5 per cent. Sewall was evidently loath to sell on commission for English merchants. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soe, i. 30.

635 Petition of August 28, 1718, C.O. 5:1051, no. 83, signed by C Lodwick, J. Paice, T. Pitt, R. Jeneway, J. Lloyd, J. Bayeux.

636 Dudley to Board of Trade, March 1, 1709, C.O. 5:865, no. 22; G. Lee to Sir Stephen Fox, October 30, 1712, C.O. 5:751, no. 83; Banister’s Essay on the Trade of New England, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 67. John Higginson wrote from New England to his brother Nathaniel, October, 1699: “In the last war time, all East India goods were extremely dear. Muslins of the best sort, plain, striped, and flowered, were sold for £10 per piece, and some more.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, VII 209.

637 Bellomont to Board of Trade, October 17, 1700, C.O. 5:1045, no. 1; James du Pre to Board of Trade, October, 4, 1710, C.O. 5:1050, no. 3. See also C.O. 5:1051, no. 19.

638 In 1687, Randolph stated that whale oil shipped from Massachusetts to England amounted to 200 tons a year. In 1709, Dudley reported the quantity at 800 tons, and the imports England received in the three years, 1721–1723, averaged about that amount. Dudley’s figures make it appear that the Boston price was £6 5s a ton. Weeden i 43; C.O. 5:865, no. 22; list of England’s imports from New England, 1721–1723, C.O. 390:5, no. 50.

639 After 1689, there was generally in force a contract between the Royal Navy and an English merchant for a regular supply of New England masts. The contract of 1689–1696, with Samuel Allen, called for one shipload yearly to the value, in England, of £2,190. Contract of August 9, 1689, C.O. 5:924, no. 1 (ii). Allen sold his rights to Isaac Taylor. In 1700, John Bridger made proposals to save the Navy £11,723 yearly on the contract Taylor held then. Taylor was supplying four shiploads annually. Bellomont to Board of Trade, C.O. 5:931, no. 3. A third contract, 1708–1713, required three shiploads annually, the payment for one year (in England) amounting to £6,060. This contract — with Francis Collins — ran for five years. Godolphin to Bridger, May 31, 1708, C.O. 5:864, no. 230. Between Christmas, 1712, and Christmas, 1717, England imported 145 New England masts, the yearly value of which in England probably did not exceed £6,000. An account of lumber and timber exported from Europe and the colonies to England, C.O. 390:8, H. The sums paid for these masts, however, did not all go to the colonies. English merchants always held the contracts, and employed their own ships in the trade, thereby earning the freights. In 1715, it was estimated that timber worth 50s in the colonies cost between £6 and £7 a ton in England, the freight charges on such a quantity amounting to £4. S. Sheaf to Board of Trade, May 18, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 36. Lumber exports from New England to England, 1712–1717, averaged 171 tons a year. C.O. 390:8, H.

640 Between 1700 and 1704, New England sent only 67 barrels of pitch and tar to England. After the bounty went into effect, the figures were (in barrels):

	Tar	Pitch	Turpentine	Resin
October, 1706	6,191	647	1,145	90
March, 1708	2,190	2,275	1,924	68
March, 1709	120	1,890	1,333	124
November, 1710	1,410	2,111	1,525	338
February, 1712	712	1,194	1,631	none
January, 1713	none	none	None	none

See letters of John Bridger, October 24, 1706, March 13, 1708, March 27, 1709, November 27, 1710, February 2, 1712, January 10, 1713, C.O. 5:864, nos. 76 (ii), 224, C.O. 5:865, nos. 28, 59, C.O. 5:1091, no. 68, C.O. 5:898, no. 27.

641 Randolph, in 1687, noted the decline of the New England fur-trade. Weeden, i. 437. Dudley, in 1709, estimated the value of furs exported from New England at £1,000 yearly. C.O. 5:865, no. 22.

642 Partial statistics indicate the following exports of whale oil from New York: June 8, 1698, to December 23, 1699, 54 barrels; June 25 to September 25, 1700, 18 tons, 228 barrels; June 25, 1715, to June 25, 1716, 344 barrels. Board of Trade to House of Lords, February 5, 1702, C.O. 389:17, p. 327, and C.O. 5:1222. During two years, Christmas, 1720, to Christmas, 1722, whale oil and fins exported from New York to England had an estimated value (at New York) of £1,232. At this time they represented only six per cent of the native products of New York shipped as returns to England. C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

643 Beaver exports from New York were (number):

1687	14,062
1692–1693 (March to March)	6,240
1693–1694	11,180
1694–1695	13,360
1695–1696	9,703
1696–1697	10,830
1697–1698	5,414
1698–1699 (June to June)	14,455
1699–1700	15,352

New York custom-house report, C.O. 5:1048, no. 67 (i). Bellomont stated in 1700 that the beaver trade had “sunk to little or nothing.” The London price of beaver had fallen to 5s a pound, only 3s of which went to the New York merchant, for he had to pay on every skin a provincial export duty of 9d and charges of 12d in England, in addition to 3d for freight. Bellomont to Board of Trade, November 28, 1700, C.O. 5:1045, no. 18. The New York merchants wrote in February, 1705, that the peltry trade was “so diminished as scarce worthy of regarding.” Petition to Cornbury, C.O. 5:1048, no. 105 (i). Captain Samuel Vetch wrote to the same effect in his “Canada Survey’d,” received July 25, 1708, C.O. 323:6, no. 64. For two years, 1721 and 1722, the New York total value of beaver exported to England is given as £8,878 16s; of all other furs and skins, as £4,717 12s, the two items representing £13,697 10s. Since the total value of the native products of New York shipped as returns during these two years was £18,656, the fur-trade accounted for 73 per cent of such returns. Account of exports and imports to and from New York, from Christmas, 1720, to Christmas, 1723, dated July 18, 1724, C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

644 From June 8, 1698, to December 23, 1699, exports of naval stores were: turpentine, 20 barrels; from March 25 to December 23, 1699, 2 hogsheads and 164 barrels of turpentine; from June 25, 1700, to 1704, none. C.O. 389:17, p. 327. Pitch and tar were not exported to England during the years 1700–1704. Board of Trade to House of Lords, November 27, 1707, C.O. 389:19, p. 52. During the year June 24, 1715, to June 24, 1716, the exports were: pitch, 1,253 barrels; tar, 318 barrels; turpentine, 1,505 barrels; tar and pitch not differentiated, 1,623 barrels. C.O. 5:1222. During the five years, Christmas, 1712, to Christmas, 1717, New York’s yearly average exportation of lumber and timber was: pipe and hogshead staves, 204 hundredweight; barrel staves, 55 hundredweight; heads for hogsheads, 7 hundredweight; large masts, 6½ (number); masts, middle, 11. C.O. 390:8, H. During the two years 1721 and 1722, the New York value of lumber and timber exported was only £226 3s in total returns of native products amounting to £18,656. C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

645 In 1709, Dudley estimated the yearly exports of Massachusetts to England as follows: tar and gums, £5,000; whale oil, £5,000; furs, £1,000, total, £11,000. These estimates do not include New Hampshire ship timber, which probably accounted for £5,000 more. The total returns from New England, as given by the English custom-house records, 1709, were valued at £29,559. C.O. 5:865, no. 22. In 1715, Captain Banister estimated the New England exports as follows: naval stores, £6,250, furs, £3,750, whale products £13,125, total £23,125. Apparently these figures likewise do not include New Hampshire timber. The British records evaluate the total returns of New England in 1715 at £66,555. Banister to Board of Trade, July 15, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 53. A complete table of New York’s returns, 1721 and 1722, giving both quantity and value of products, shows that the native products of the province exported during the two years were worth £18,656, the value of all the commodity returns from the province coming to £35,248. Thus native products represented only 53 per cent of the commodities shipped directly from New York to England during those years. C.O. 390:5, no. 51.

646 Each year England sent a naval squadron to Newfoundland, the commanders of which reported on the state of the fishery. Their reports agree as to the products supplied by New England. The reports are as follows: 1691, Captain Hawkins, C.O. 1:68, no.92 (i); 1691, Captain Crawley, id., no. 94 (i); 1694, Captain Hogg, id., no. 101 (i); 1698, Captain Norris, C.O. 194:1, no. 126 (i); 1699, Captain Leake, id., no. 150; 1700, Captain Fairborne, C.O. 195:2, p. 390; 1701, Commodore Graydon, C.O. 195:3, pp. 5–7; 1702, Captain Leake, id., p. 116; 1706, Commodore Underdown, C.O. 194:3, no. 169 (i); 1707, Commodore Underdown, C.O. 194:4, no. 35 (i); 1708, Commodore Mitchell, id., no. 76 (i); 1710, Captain Aldred, id., no. 142 (i); 1711, Commodore Crow, C.O. 194:5, no. 8 (ii); 1712, Sir N. Trevanion, id., no. 16 (i); 1713, Captain Leake, id., no. 59 (i); 1715, Captain Kempthorn, C.O. 194:6, no. 10 (i).

647 Report of Captain Hawkins, 1691, C.O. 1:68, no. 92 (i).

648 C.O. 5:848.

649 Report of Commodore Graydon, March 13, 1701, C.O. 195:3, p. 6.

650 C.O. 5:848.

651 George Larkin to Board of Trade, August 20, 1701, C.O. 195:2, pp. 449–450; Captain Tavener to Board of Trade, March 19, 1714, C.O. 194:5, no. 35.

652 Report of Commodore Graydon, March 13, 1701, C.O. 195:3, pp. 2–3; report of Captain Kempthorn, October 6, 1715, C.O. 194:6, no. 10 (i); Kempthorn to Burchet, 1715, C.O. 194:5, no. 99 (ii).

653 Of fourteen vessels that left Massachusetts for Newfoundland in 1708, nine returned to New England, two went to Barbados, one to Bideford, one to Oporto, and one to Avero—the ship bound for Oporto being owned at that place. C.O. 194:4, no. 76 (iii). Ten vessels (all New England owned) exported from New England to Newfoundland in 1698. Seven returned to New England without cargoes of fish, two carried 1,450 quintals to Jamaica and Barbados, and one carried 500 quintals to Oporto. C.O. 194:1, no. 126 (i).

654 Captain Norris to Board of Trade, November 13, 1698, C.O. 194:1, no. 126 (i). He wrote: “Those of New England never exercise the fishing trade [at Newfoundland] but most commonly dispose their cargo for money and bills which makes 25 per cent to them at New England, but if they cannot get them, they buy refuse fish and go to the West Indies.” See also report of Captain Fairborne, 1700, C.O. 195:2, pp. 391–392; report of Graydon, C. O. 195:3, p. 7; report of Larkin, C.O. 195:2, p. 450; report of Leake, April 25, 1702, C.O. 195:3, p. 116; report of Trevanion, 1712, C.O. 194:5, no. 16 (i).

655 Report of James Jackson; February 2, 1706, C.O. 194:3, no. 116. Jackson said that to debar the New Englanders from their Newfoundland trade would make it impossible for them to pay debts of £100,000 which they owed to England. For a general discussion of this phase of New England’s economic activity, see R. G. Lounsbury, “Yankee Trade at Newfoundland,” New England Quarterly, iii 607–626.

656 C.O. 194:5, no. 99 (ii); report of Leake, C.O. 195:3, p. 120.

657 Bellomont to Board of Trade, November 28, 1700, C.O. 5:1045, no. 18.

658 In the 16 months between May, 1686, and September, 1688, 32 vessels sailed from Boston to southern Europe with cargoes of fish. Twelve of these belonged to New Englanders, the other twenty to English merchants. All but four sailed for Bilbao. C.O. 5:848.

659 C.O. 5:1045, no. 18.

660 Id.

661 C.O. 5:848.

662 Petition for re-establishment of Massachusetts mint, 1686, C.O. 1:60, no. 88 (v); address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of Massachusetts to the Queen, August 28, 1713, C.O. 5:751, no. 85 (i); Dummer to the Queen, 1713, C.O. 5:866, no. 6 (i).

663 Sewall’s transactions with southern Europe indicate that his agents there sold fish for him and remitted the proceeds, usually by bills of exchange, to his correspondent in England. See six items for the period 1687–1700, in 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 64–65, 66, 92–93, 122, 220, 234.

664 C.O. 5:1045, no. 18.

665 C.O. 5:865, no. 22.

666 A treaty between England and Spain, December 14, 1715, provided that goods imported into and exported from Spain by British subjects were not subject to higher duties than Spanish traders were obliged to pay. British Foreign and State Papers, i. 628.

667 Bellomont to Board of Trade, June 22, 1700, C.O. 5:861, no. 45.

668 Petition of William Crouch, Joseph Tatem, Henry Phillips, and other London merchants, 1700, C.O. 5:861, no. 29 (i); Journal of Board of Trade, May 6, 1700, Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1700, pp. 229–230; Partridge to Board of Trade, C.O. 5:862, no. 29.

669 3 & 4 Anne, c. 9.

670 J. Smith to John Usher, November 2, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 74 (i); Board of Trade to Stanhope, August 3, 1715, C.O. 5:752, no. 11.

671 C. O. 5:865, no. 22.

672 Salem in one year, 1715–1716, exported 445 hogsheads and 202 quintals of fish to the British West Indies, and 75 per cent of the vessels sailing thither from Boston in 1715 carried shipments of fish. C.O. 5:848.

673 Most of the lumber sent to the British islands came from northern New England. The chief products were boards, staves, shingles, and hoops. Nearly all the vessels leaving Boston for the British West Indies carried lumber, i. e., 289 of 308 vessels of whose cargoes I have itemized accounts. Id.

674 In six months of 1688, Boston sent 270 horses to the British islands. They appear in 35 per cent of the cargoes from Boston during 1715. In the year after midsummer, 1715, Salem exported 39. Id.

675 Wheat, flour, bread, biscuit, beef, pork, bacon, peas, oats, Indian corn, cheese. These foodstuffs made up only a small part of the cargoes from New England to the British islands, although they seem to have been more important before 1690 than afterward. In six months of 1687, provisions are listed in two thirds of the shipments from Boston to the British Indies, but by 1715 only small quantities were so exported. (Id.) Some notion of the relative importance of the products shipped from New England to the sugar colonies may be derived from Thomas Banister’s estimates of the trade of New England in 1715. The following figures include all exports (except to the Wine Islands), not only those to the sugar colonies: provisions, £18,750; fish, £187,500; lumber, £31,250; horses, £25,000; onions and fruit, £1,250; beer and cider, £4,375; soap and candles, £6,250; wine, £2,500; small articles, £6,250. Banister to Board of Trade, July 15, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

676 During the year after June 24, 1715, New York shipped 1,911 tons of provisions to the British islands in vessels of 2,600 tons, and 450 tons of provisions to the foreign sugar colonies. C.O. 5:1222.

677 New York, in the year 1715–1716, exported 193,000 feet of boards to the British islands; to the foreign sugar colonies, 84,000 feet of lumber. Id.

678 New York’s exports in the year 1715–1716 were to the British islands, 169 horses; to the foreign sugar colonies, 86. Id.

679 Before 1712, the British islands exported, one year with another, about 280,000 gallons of molasses to all the other British colonies. Accounts of exports from the British West Indies to the colonies, C.O. 390:6, pp. 32, 34, 35, 36, 38, 51, 53, 55, 56, 59, 60, 66, 73–74, 87, 89, 104, 117. Massachusetts imports of British molasses fell from 156,000 gallons in six months of 1688 to 72,000 gallons in the year 1716. C.O. 5:848, and A. Cuming to Cockburn, March 2, 1717, C.O. 5:866, no. 111. New York took 36,000 gallons of British molasses in one year, 1715–1716. In 1716, Boston imported 105,000 gallons of foreign molasses; New York, 16,000 gallons. C.O. 5:1222, and C.O. 5:866, no. 111.

680 Before 1712, the British islands exported yearly, on the average, about 325,000 gallons of rum to all the English colonies. Massachusetts in one year, 1716, took 113,000 gallons of British rum, and New York about 72,000 gallons. Imports of foreign rum into New York and Boston in 1715–1716 amounted to about 3,500 gallons for each town a year. C.O. 390:6, passim (see preceding note); C.O. 5:866, no. 111; C.O. 5:1222.

681 The sugar exported from the British islands to the other English colonies before 1712 may have amounted to about 13,500 hundredweight yearly. C.O. 390:6, passim. Sugar re-exports from the mainland to England, 1703–1716 were: from Massachusetts, a yearly average of 5,988 hundredweight; from New York, yearly average, 1,333 hundredweight. C.O. 390:5, no. 47. Boston’s imports of British sugar in 1716 amounted to 792 hogsheads; of foreign sugar, 364 hogsheads. C.O. 5:866, no. 111.

682 Boston in 1716 imported from the British islands 502 bags of cotton-wool, 6 barrels of indigo, 19 barrels and 14 bags of cocoa; from the foreign colonies, 83 bags of cotton-wool, and 10 barrels of indigo. C.O. 5:866, no. 111. Other returns from the sugar colonies were very slight. C.O. 5:848, and C.O. 5:1222.

683 C.O. 5:848.

684 C.O. 5:1222.

685 Id.

686 C.O. 5:848.

687 Sewall’s sailing orders to Nicholas Bowe, master of the Endeavor, November, 1687, read, “if you cannot near fill up the ketch [at Antigua], you may leave the freight money in the hand of Thomas Marshall, to be sent home upon some good bottom. . . . And then you may proceed for salt to [Tortuga] and there take in lading of good fair small salt free from shells and mother [sic], and bring it home with you.” 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 66–67.

688 The records in the Massachusetts Shipping Returns are as follows: Boston to the British West Indies, May 18 to September 29, 1686, March 25 to September 29, 1687, March 25 to September 29, 1688, January 1, 1715, to January 1, 1716; Salem to the British West Indies, June 24, 1714, to June 24, 1716; Boston to the foreign sugar colonies, January 1, 1715, to January 1, 1716; Salem to Surinam, June 24, 1714, to June 24, 1716. C.O. 5:848.

689 New York to British West Indies, June 24, 1715, to June 24, 1716; New York to the foreign sugar colonies, June 24, 1715, to June 24, 1717. C.O. 5:1222.

690 In the years 1687–1692, Sewall sent five shipments to the West Indies, ordering the ship’s captain to make sale. These vessels were of course New England owned. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 4, 66, 74, 78, 114. Between 1686 and 1692, Sewall also consigned twelve shipments to his agents in the West Indies, giving instructions as to the form in which the proceeds were to be returned. Id., pp., 3, 4, 37, 46, 90, 111, 112, 115, 116, 117, 133–134. To one agent at Antigua, Nathaniel Barns, a “loving friend,” Sewall in 1689 mentioned “many merchants that have made considerable consignments to you.” Id., pp. 109–110. When consigning goods to Joseph Sergeant at Jamaica in 1691, Sewall admonished him: “Keep your N. E. principles.” Id., pp. 115–116. Writing to his agent, Eliakim Mather, at Jamaica, in 1691, Sewall said: “Stay . . . where you are, if can enjoy God’s word on the Sabbath from some good Minister.” Id., p. 117. Other agents of Sewall were: at Barbados — John Pilgrim, Nathaniel Thair, Nathaniel Green, William Adams, Conrad Adams, James Taylor; at Antigua — John Keech. John Higginson wrote at Salem in August, 1700: “For correspondents in Barbados, have had business with Mr. William Adams and his brother Conrad Adams. William served his time in this town with Major Browne; has now married a good fortune in Barbados, and understands business well, and is a faithful man. His brother Conrad lived some time in this town, is now at Barbados, a worthy man. . . . Here is one John Bradstreet, son of Doctor Samuel Bradstreet, about 24 years old, who served his time with Moses Byfield and Mico; who has an estate in Jamaica, and who is going this fall to settle there, whom I would commend to you. . . .” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii., 219. One duty of the agent was to collect debts. Sewall on three occasions directed that this be done for him. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i 74–75, 154, 247.

691 Narrative of William Fulton, March 27, 1700, C.O. 5:861, no. 32 (x); bill of lading and sailing orders for the Society, September, 1699, C.O. 5:860, no. 73 (xxiii); articles of sale, October 27, 1699, C.O. 5:861, no. 32 (ix).

692 Sewall directed his selling agents in 1688 and 1691 to sell for ready money and to remit in part in specie. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 78, 117. In April, 1687, he acknowledged receipt of 300 pieces of eight. Id., pp. 46–47. Higginson wrote in 1700 that pieces of eight, sugar, and logwood were the returns from Jamaica to Massachusetts. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii. 220.

693 C.O. 5:860, no. 32 (ix).

694 An account of the present state of Jamaica, January 1, 1676, says: “It is the interest of this island that the trade of Ireland and other places should be encouraged, on purpose to disappoint those of New England, who never brought us any servants, or would take off any of our goods, but in exchange for their fish, peas, and pork, carried away only our plate and pieces of eight.” C.O. 138:2, pp. 94–95.

695 Deposition of L. Heddings, 1702, C.O. 5:1048, no. 5.

696 Board of Trade to House of Commons, November 27, 1707, C.O. 389:19, pp. 391–392.

697 C.O. 390:5.

698 Five items in Sewall’s Letter-Book (6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 74, 112, 114, 115, 133) for the period 1687–1692, direct his agents in the West Indies to secure bills of exchange. Four of the orders directed that the bills be sent to Edward Hull, London. Sewall wrote to Hull, October, 1692, “Mr. William Adams sends me from Barbados that he has ordered you a bill of fifty pounds.” Id., p. 137. Sewall used these bills for purchases in London.

699 C.O. 5:848; New York exports to England, June 8, 1698, to September 25, 1700, C.O. 390:17, p. 327; C.O. 5:1222.

700 Report of Board of Trade, entered January 19, 1710, C.O. 324:9, pp. 423, 425.

701 Randolph to Board of Trade, August 25, 1698, C.O. 323:2, no. 129.

702 C.O. 5:1222.

703 Report on colonial trade with Curaçao, etc. (1707), sent to Board of Trade by Hunter, January 19, 1710, C.O. 5:1122, p. 153.

704 Report of Mr. Holt on trade of Curaçao, received December 15, 1709, C.O. 388:12, no. 63 (xvi).

705 Quarry to Board of Trade, May 30, 1704, C.O. 323:5, no. 51; Cornbury to Board of Trade, July 1, 1708, C.O. 5:1049, no. 96; address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of New York to the Queen, February 22, 1709, C.O. 5:1049, no. 99 (i).

706 Cranston to Board of Trade, December 5, 1708, C.O. 5:1264, no. 92 (ii).

707 Violet Barbour, “Privateers and Pirates of the West Indies,” American Historical Review, xvi. 542, 555–557.

708 H. L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, i 527.

709 Report came that after the sack of Vera Cruz in 1683, which yielded 960,000 pieces of eight, one of the principal ringleaders headed for Boston with his share of the spoil. (Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. L, 1681–1685, p. 458.) An observer wrote about this time of the arrival of a French privateer. “The Bostoners no sooner heard of her off the coast than they dispatched a messenger and pilot to convoy her into port in defiance of the King’s proclamation. The pirates are likely to leave the greatest part of their plate behind them, having bought up most of the choice goods in Boston.” (Id., p. 678.) At Jamaica, Governor Lynch picked up the rumor that pirates had enriched Boston to the extent of £80,000. (Id. p. 598.) Governor Cranfield of New Hampshire reported (id., pp. 680–681): “Most of the English plate-ships that have come into Boston during the last two years [1682–1684], though they pretended to have recovered their goods from wrecks, have robbed the Spaniards of the greater part of it. . . . It is well that their government is almost at an end, or Boston would have been the receptacle for the pirates in these western parts.” It was found that one of the most notorious of the pirate ships was “fitted and protected by the godly New England independents.” (Id., p. 760.) When an English agent seized the ship, he encountered threats against his person and delays at law. One protector of the pirates “received clandestinely great quantities of their gold, silver, jewels, and cacao.” (Id., pp. 684–685.) In Randolph’s judgment the operating of the Massachusetts mint and the incentive given pirates to bring their silver to Boston were simply two aspects of one iniquity. (Id., 1689–1692, p. 47.) Massachusetts also saw much of the adventurers to the Red Sea. One of the most celebrated — Captain Tew — ended his first voyage in the province. The owners of another vessel, that of Captain Wake, lived in Boston. (Id., 1696–1697, pp. 259–260.) When the pirate Bradish was captured in that town, he had £3,000 or so of money in his possession. (Id., 1699, pp. 132–133, 191.) The inventory of Kidd’s effects disclosed 1,111 ounces of gold and 2,353 ounces of silver. (Id., p. 375.) Bellomont referred to gold and jewels taken from a fourth pirate, Gillam, whose ship had come from Madagascar, where it was reputed to have taken plunder worth £2,000,000 sterling. (Id., p. 553.) A party of pirates returning to Boston in 1704 brought in about £10,000, of which £4,684 in gold and silver was seized by the provincial officials.

710 Randolph wrote in 1696 that Rhode Island had “now become a free port for pirates from all places.” (Randolph to Board of Trade, August 17, 1696, C.O. 323:2, no. 6 (i).) Tew had come from the Red Sea in 1694 with £100,000 in silver and gold: his share of this booty, £12,000, had enriched the people. (Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1696–1697, p. 214.) A bit later, Randolph found conditions unchanged. Eight pirates, lately from Madagascar, had arrived with great stores of money and East India goods. At the approach of an English warship, six of them fled to Boston. Two were captured and about £1,400 in silver and gold taken. (Id., 1697–1698, p. 256.) Another informant wrote at the time that pirates had been on the coasts of New York and Rhode Island, bringing in £200,000 in gold and East India merchandise. (Id., p. 216.) Numerous reports asserted that pirate ships were readily fitted out in Rhode Island. (Brenton to Board of Trade, March 30, 1703, CO. 5:863, no. 14a; Cal. St. Pap., A. & W. I., 1699, pp. 487, 553.) We hear of Captain Hore taking his prizes to the colony, and of a Captain Want leaving his money there. (Id., 1697–1698, p. 456; 1696–1697, p. 260.) Bellomont told of other pirates who were visiting the Rhode Islanders. The men went ashore during the day and spent their gold “very liberally.” The ship Adventure, reported to have had a large sum of money, was sunk by its pirate crew, whereupon the men landed with the spoil and dispersed along the southern New England shore. The governor of Rhode Island managed to get between £2,500 and £3,000 of this money. (Id., 1699, pp. 133, 256.) For a long time one of the standing complaints of English officials against Rhode Island was that the colonists, from the governors down, encouraged and protected pirates, and thereby the colony was improperly enriched. Id., 1697–1698, p. 582; 1699, p. 544.

711 For a time New York was the leading resort of pirates. Governor Fletcher openly patronized them. He issued commissions to many of the most active, and allowed them to come safely into New York with their spoil. His critics said that he received $100 a man in return for the protection and immunity granted. Two members of the Council, William Nichols and Nicholas Bayard, exposed themselves to charges of taking money for acting as intermediaries between Fletcher and the pirates. (Cal. St. Pap., A. & W.I, 1697–1698, pp. 224, 228, 467, 562, 586–587.) Many were the evidences of coin brought in by the outlaws. The ill-fated Tew (so the rumor ran) visited Rhode Island and New York with £100,000. He became a favorite with Fletcher, received a commission from him, and fitted out his ship at New York for another voyage to the Red Sea. (Id., 1696–1697, p. 260; 1697–1698, pp. 326, 456, 587.) A pirate ship, the Jacob, with 65 men on board who had shared $1,800 each, sought Governor Fletcher’s protection. The reports affirmed that Nichols received 1,000 pieces of eight for his influence with the governor, and that Fletcher got 100 pieces of eight from each pirate. After the arrival of the ship, Arabian gold pieces became “pretty common” in the province. (Id., pp. 480, 562, 584–585; 1699, p. 23.) A party of pirates from New York, after taking four ships, “returned thither to share the plunder with the governor’s connivance.” (Id., 1697–1698, p. 365.) A correspondent from Bombay found that the outlaws “carry their unjust gains to New York, where they are permitted egress and regress without control, spending such coin there, in the usual lavish manner of such persons, as might convince the Government that they came not well by it.” (Id., p. 114.) In 1698, pirates who had been to New York were thought to have had £200,000 in gold and East India goods. (Id., p. 216.) At this time one of the councillors, Thomas Willett, dispatched a barrel of money and plate from New York to Long Island for safe-keeping when threatened by Bellomont’s searches. (Id., pp. 493–494.) Next came news that a pirate ship at Cape May was being unloaded of its rich cargo of East India goods and money by sloops from New York. And soon afterward Bellomont wrote: “A great ship has been seen off this coast any time this week; ’tis supposed to be one Maise a pirate, who has brought a vast deal of wealth from the Red Sea.” (Id., 1699, pp. 266, 335.) Likewise, New York’s trade to Madagascar became very profitable. In 1698, when four vessels were ready to leave on the African voyage, Bellomont tried to induce the New York Council to require a bond of £2,000 for each ship as a safeguard against its trading with pirates. But the Council resolutely opposed this, and the ships left without restraint. (Id., 1697–1698, p. 282.) For a time the Madagascar trade engrossed the interest of many New York merchants. In 1700, three vessels were expected back, and others were fitting out for the voyage. Great estates had been made by selling wine, rum, and ammunition to the pirates; the margin of profit seemed incredible. One vessel, owned by Messrs. DeLancey and Hackshaw, returned in 1699 with about 60 passengers who had paid 12,000 pieces of eight and 3,000 lion dollars for their passage. This ship also brought treasure that Bellomont believed worth £50,000. The colony was flushed with gold, and the shipowners had been able to defy the government. Three other ships were on the way: when they arrived the province would abound with ready money. (Id., 1697–1698, pp. 270, 403; 1700, p. 106; 1704–1705, pp. 140–141; 1699, pp. 281, 335, 360–361, 402–403.) Piracy reached to the very heart of local politics. The Council under Fletcher shared his attitude; when the pirate ship Jacob arrived, the councillors advised that the men be permitted to come ashore, since the province was “exhausted in men as well as money” and therefore “nothing could be worse than to drive these men to other ports.” For his exertions against pirates Bellomont brought upon himself the charge of having kept £100,000 out of the province in less than a year. He met much opposition from his first Council, and aroused the wrath of the New York merchants. Among the councillors who profited by the contact with pirates were Bayard, Philips, Willett, DeLancey, Minvielle, Nichols, Smith, and French. The five first named were removed from office early in Bellomont’s campaign against illegal trade. Id., 1697–1698, pp. 211, 480, 487, 512; Nottingham to Board of Trade, July 29, 1702, C.O. 5:1047, nos. 62 and 63 (i-iii).

712 Board of Trade to the King, September 25, 1717, C.O. 137:46, no. 27.

713 C.O. 5:848.

714 C.O. 389:17, p. 327; C.O. 5:1222.

715 Banister to Board of Trade, received July 15, 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

716 C.O. 390:5, no. 47.

717 Id., no. 51.

718 Id., no. 47.

719 Id., no. 51.

720 In 1686–1688, Sewall made four remittances to England, amounting in all to 1,000½ ounces of silver, Mexico, pillar, and Seville, and 7 ounces of gold dust. 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, i. 30, 79, 85–86, 92. In October, 1693, he sent to John Ive 23 Spanish pistoles, 1 small piece of Arabian gold, 10 broad pieces of gold, and £3 in English silver crowns. (Id., i. 137.) Another shipment, in June, 1700, consisted of 4 Arabian gold pieces, 1 double pistole, 2 single pistoles, 1 louis d’or, 5 guineas, and one broad piece of Charles I. Id., i. 237.

721 C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

722 New York merchants to Cornbury, ca. February, 1705, C.O. 5: 1048, no, 105 (i); Nanfan to Board of Trade, June 9, 1701, C.O. 5:1045, no. 20; Quarry to Board of Trade, May 30, 1704, C.O. 323:5, no. 51; address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of New York to the Queen, October, 1708, C.O. 5:1049, no. 99 (i); New York merchants to Board of Trade, ca. 1718, C.O. 1051, no. 67.

723 Martin was Inspector-General of the Customs. See his discourse on the balance of England’s trade, C.O. 390:12, pp. 32–33.

724 John Higginson, writing at Salem to his brother Nathaniel in August, 1700, said: “here is much shipping, freight very low, and it is a query whether you had better not ship upon freight, than either hire or own vessels. The factor here may always have freight when he can provide it.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soe, vii. 218.

725 Bellomont to Board of Trade, October 24, 1699, C.O. 5:860, no. 73; Quarry to Board of Trade, January 10, 1708, C.O. 323:6, no. 62. J. Higginson wrote in August, 1700: “Barbados, Jamaica, Virginia, and other places in the West Indies are very proper to be made use of in making returns for England, of their commodities, the more advantageous than direct from hence [Salem]. For instance, molasses has been this year at 12d a gallon, besides the charge of cask, etc., in Barbados; and much molasses which has been shipped of hence for England, cost here 2s a gallon, besides other charges of commission, cooperage, etc. The freight from Barbados [to England] being much the same as from hence, I judge it more advantageous to have returns of that kind from Barbados, than from New England; sugar and cotton are much the same.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii., 219.

726 C.O. 390:12, pp. 33–34.

727 Bellomont to Board of Trade, November 28, 1700, C.O. 5:1045. no. 18.

728 V. S. Clark, History of Manufacturing in the United States, i 95.

729 Bellomont to Board of Trade, April 23, 1700, C.O. 5:931, no. 2.

730 Dudley to Board of Trade, April 8, 1712, C.O. 5:865, no. 92.

731 C.O. 5:866, no. 53.

732 Clark, i. 95.

733 This subject is treated more fully in my article, “British Payments in the American Colonies,” English Historical Review, xlviii. 229–249.

734 J. Higginson wrote in August, 1700, of trade at Salem: “Our principal commodities are dry merchandise, cod-fish fit for the markets of Spain, Portugal, the Straits, also refuse dry fish, mackerel, lumber, horses and provision for the West Indies; the effects whereof mostly return for England. . . . Considering that money is of late grown so exceeding scarce amongst us, . . . the making of returns for England by the way of Barbados, Leeward Islands, Bilbao, Oporto, Cadiz, and Isle of Wight would be more easy and safe than direct for England; and it’s probable, more advantageous; because, money being so scarce, and returns direct, difficult to be got, debts must be contracted to procure money, which will be hardly got in; whereas, a man may sell more goods, and better get in his debts more speedily and certainly, for barter of goods for those markets, than direct.” 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vii, 218, 220.

735 Estimate of expense of British warships engaged in defense of the colonies, C.O. 390:5, no. 46.

736 Banister’s “Essay on the Trade of New England,” 1715, C.O. 5:866, no. 67; report on French and Spanish trade in North America, sent to the Board of Trade by R. Harris, December 27, 1714, C.O. 388:17, no. 86 (ii); Board of Trade to the King, September 25, 1717, C.O. 137:46, no. 27.

737 Banister’s Essay, C.O. 5:866, no. 67; address of the Governor, Council, and Assembly of Massachusetts to the Queen, August 28, 1713, C.O. 5:751, no. 85 (i).

738 Memorial of October 13, 1713, C.O. 5:866, no. 7.

739 Board of Trade to the Queen, January 15, 1714, C.O. 5:913, pp. 464–7; heads of additional instructions for Mr. Methuen, proposed by Board of Trade, January 17, 1715, C.O. 389:25, pp. 73–74; treaty of 1715, Brit. State Papers, i. 628.

740 Craggs to colonial governors, December 24, 1718, C.O. 324:33, pp. 202–204.

741 Board of Trade to the Queen, February 9, 1714, C.O. 5513, pp. 469–471.

742 Board of Trade to the King, December 19, 1718, C.O. 195:6, pp. 416–464.

743 His diploma bearing that date, the oldest known Harvard diploma, is printed in Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii, 420 (where there is a short sketch of Alcock’s life), and is reproduced in the Harvard Alumni Bulletin, xxxv. 807.

744 Sibley i. 125.

745 Ambroise Paré (the greatest surgeon of the sixteenth century): The Workes of that famous chirurgion A. Parey translated out of Latine and compared with the French by T. Johnson. London, 1634, and later editions.

746 Sir Jonas Moore: Arithmetick. London, 1650, and later editions.

747 Johannes Jonston (Polish physician and traveller): Idea Universæ Medicinæ Practicæ libris VIII. Amsterdam, 1644, and later editions.

748 William Clowes, surgeon of Queen Elizabeth; the title would suggest that this was the first edition (London, 1588) of his principal work, A Prooved Practise for all Young Chirurgians.

749 Either the elder (1538–1605) or the younger (1580–1657) Jean Riolan; if the former, either his Universæ Medicinæ Compendium (Paris, 1598), or his Chirurgia (Leipsig, 1601; English translation, 1657); if the latter (the more eminent), probably his Encheiridium Anatomicum et Pathologium (Paris, 1648, and many later editions).

750 Hendrick Gutberleth: Pathologia, hoc est doctrina de humanis affectibus, physice et ethice tractata. Herborn, 1615.

751 Probably Leonhard Fuchs: Methodus seu Ratio Compendiara preveniendi ad veram medicinam. Paris, 1541, and later editions. Gutberleth is now remembered for his magnificent botanical drawings, but in his time he was a very popular medical writer.

752 Joannes Guinterius, Andernacus (Johann Winther), a famous sixteenth-century editor of Galen; probably his De Medicina Veteri et Nova (Basel, 1571), an attempted reconciliation of the schools of Galen and Paracelsus.

753 Jacques Houllier; his Omnia Opera Practica were published in folio in Paris in 1612, but since the price in the inventory does not indicate this to be a folio, it was probably his popular De Materia Chirurgica (1544, and later editions), or his De Morborum Internorum Curatione (Venice, 1562, and later editions).

754 Cornelius Schrevelius (Schrevel): Lexicon Manuale Græco-Latinum et Latino-Græcum. Leyden, 1654, and many later editions. This book was still being used by Harvard students in the early years of the nineteenth century.

755 Thomas Shelton’s translation, published by Ed. Blount in 1612 and 1620.

756 The traditional “three books of Mesue,” which formed “the common textbook of pharmacology and therapeutics in the Middle Ages”; they were probably Latin compilations of the tenth and eleventh centuries, given, for the sake of prestige, the name of Joannes Mesue Damascenus, the Arab Yuhanna ibn Masawayh (c 777–857). There were several sixteenth-century editions.

757 Jean Fernel (of Amiens, professor of medicine at Paris): Universa Medicina. Frankfort, 1574, and many later editions.

758 Jacob Wecker, physician of Basel and Colmar; probably his Practica Medicinæ Generalis (Basel, 1585).

759 Jan van Heurne, physician and professor of medicine at Leyden, author of Notes and Commentaries on various Hippocratic works; probably either his Praxis Medicina; Nova Ratio (Leyden, 1590), or his Institutiones Medicinæ (Leyden, 1592).

760 Thomas Wilson (1563–1622), Puritan preacher of Canterbury; perhaps his Christian Dictionarie (London, 1612), “one of the earliest attempts made at a concordance of the Bible in English.”

761 Possibly Charles Etienne de la Rivière, physician and printer of Paris (d 1569), but more likely Lazare Rivière (1589–1655), professor at Montpellier, whose complete works in folio went through twelve editions between 1663 and 1738. The work listed here was probably the latter’s Praxis Medica (Paris, 1640, and later editions), or his Institutiones Medicæ (1655, and later editions). Lazare Rivière is said to have plagiarized extensively from Sennert.

762 Daniel Sennert (1572–1637), the most authoritative medical writer of his time. Alcock’s library doubtless included the following: Hypomnemata Physica (Frankfort, 1636); De Chymicorum cum Aristotelicis et Galenicis Consensu ac Dissensu Liber (Wittenberg, 1619); Institutionum Medicinæ: libri V (Wittenberg, 1628); Liber IV Practicæ; Medicinæ: de Mulierum et Infantium Morbis (Wittenberg, 1632); Epitome Institutionum Medicinæ et Libr. de Febribus (Wittenberg, 1634).

763 J. B. van Helmont, the “chemist” extraordinary of the seventeenth century. His Ortus Medicinæ (Amsterdam, 1644) was translated into English in 1662 as Oriatrike or Physick Refined.

764 Probably Johann Schroeder, whose Pharmacopœia Medico-chymica (Ulm, 1641) was translated into English in 1669.

765 Since there was no collected edition of Harvey’s works until the eighteenth century, this was probably the immortal Exereitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in Animalibus (Frankfort, 1628, and many later editions).

766 Probably a mistake for Bartholinus, for whom see note 5, below.

767 Doubtless Chapman’s translation, which bore this plural form of the title.

768 There was a whole family of distinguished Danish physicians by this name, beginning with Caspar Bartholinus the elder (1585–1629), who Latinized his name of Jasper Bertelsen. This book was probably one of the numerous works of Thomas Bartholinus (1616–1680), son of Caspar, and “the most famous of the family”: perhaps his Historiarum Anatomicarum et Medicarum Rariorum Centuria (Amsterdam, 1654), or his De Pulmonum Substantia et Motu Diatribe (Copenhagen, 1663).

769 Justus Lipsius, of Louvain, “un des savants les plus prodigieux du seizième siècle”; from the wording of the title in the inventory, this is perhaps his Epistolæ Selectæ ad Belgas (1605). All his other collections of letters, and there are many such, have the form epislolarum.

770 Giulio Guastavigno (professor of medicine at Pisa): Libri Locorum de Medicina Selectorum. London, 1616, and later editions.

771 Probably the elder Martin Ruland (1532–1602), who published a general treatise, Medicina Practica Recens et Nova, at Strasburg in 1567. The younger Martin Ruland (1569–1611), a physician of Regensburg and Prague, also wrote medical works.

772 The seven books of Paulus Ægineta, a Byzantine Greek (625–690). There were various Latin and Greek editions in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; from the price quoted here, this may well have been a small octavo edited by Guinterius (see note 5, p. 352, above) in 1589.

773 Perhaps William Firth: A Saint’s Monument, or the Tomb of the Righteous. London, 1662. This is based on a sermon preached at the funeral of the wife of Lord Willoughby of Parham, well known in the early history of the British West Indies.

774 Paul Marquart Slegel (Schlegel), of Hamburg, author of numerous dissertations on particular diseases, of which a collection may have been made.

775 Peter Uffenbach, physician of Frankfort-on-Main, translator, editor, and author of various medical, and especially pharmacological, works; this is perhaps his collection, Dispensatorium Galenochymicum (Hanau, 1631), or his own De Venenis et Mortiferis Medicinis.

776 Franciscus Titelman (Capuchin friar, d 1537): Compendium Dialecticæ ad Libros Logicorum Arist. (Paris, 1542), or De Consideratione Dialectica (1534).

777 Duncan Liddel, a Scottish M.D., professor at the University of Helmstadt in Brunswick. This is probably his Ars Medica (Hamburg, 1608), dedicated to James I.

778 Noah Biggs, who described himself as Helmontii Psittacus, and who published at London in 1651 a book with this extraordinary title: Matæotechnia Medicinæ Praxeωs: the vanity of the craft of physick; or a new dispensatory, wherein is dissected the errors, ignorance, impostures, and supinities of the schools, in their main pillars of purging, bloodletting, etc. With an humble motion for the reformation of the Universities, and the whole landscap of physick, and discovering the terra incognita of chymistrie to the parliament of England.

779 Philip Barrough (Barrow; licensed as a chirurgeon by Cambridge University in 1559): Method of Physicke, containing the causes, signs and cures of inward diseases in man’s body from head to foot. London, 1590. The seventh edition appeared as late as 1652.

780 Jobst or Jodocus was the first name of Willichius Resellianus (1501–1552), whose Commentarius Anatomicus appeared in 1544.

781 See note 1, p. 353, above; this was Fernel’s posthumous De Luis Venereæ Curatione (Antwerp, 1579).

782 Jacob Boehme, the famous German mystic. J. Ellistone produced a translation of this work (London, 1651) under the following title: Signatura Rerum, or the Signature of all Things, shewing the sign and signification of the severall forms and shapes in the creation, and what the beginning, ruin, and cure of everything is.

783 Thomas Home (Master of Eton): Manuductio in Ædem Palladis. London, 1641, and later editions.

784 See note 6, p. 354, above; either his Flores Totius Philosophiæ (Magdeburg, 1599), published by Lipsius during his lifetime, or the posthumous Justi Lipsii Flores ex eius operibus decerpti (Antwerp, 1616).

785 Since no Porselius or Perselius is to be discovered, the query arises, particularly since Don Quixote is on Alcock’s list, whether this may not have been Cervantes’ Travels of Persiles and Sigismunda, of which an English translation was published in 1619.

786 Probably John Flavel, the ejected Presbyterian (1630–1691), four of whose many works had appeared by the time Alcock went to England; perhaps either Husbandry Spiritualized (London, 1669), or Navigation Spiritualized (London, 1682). Otherwise, the Tractatus de Demonstratione Methodicus et Polemicus (Oxford, 1619) of an earlier and most precocious John Flavel (1596–1617).

787 The Bavarian Jesuit, Jeremias Drechsel (Drexel), writer of devotional and Scholastic manuals. The hcl has his Orbis Phaëthon (Cologne, 1631) with signatures of Edward Pelham and Joseph Sewall (A.B. 1707), and his Aurifodina Artium et Scientiarum Omnium (Antwerp, 1638).

788 Jeremiah Chaplin, Life of Henry Dunster, p. 307.

789 Id., p. 305.

790 The substance of this paper provided the basis of a communication to this Society at its meeting in April, 1930. For important contributions to its present expanded form acknowledgments are due to Mr. Samuel Eliot Morison. I gave him a rough draft, with a list of the books then identified, for use in writing his Tercentennial History of Harvard College. He personally verified the list, added many new titles thereto, made more extensive transcripts of the title-pages, and furnished various editorial comments.

A discussion of the seventeenth-century curriculum as a whole, which might be expected in an introduction to this list of books, is rendered unnecessary by the exhaustive treatment of that subject in Mr. Morison’s Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century. His chapters on studies and exercises at Harvard in that century not only give the first detailed account ever written, but they also far surpass corresponding chapters in any of the numerous histories of European universities.

Readers of the following pages will note: (1) that I am more inclined than Mr. Morison to believe that the curriculum was planned primarily (though not exclusively) for the education of the future ministers of the colony; and (2) that i suggest that the plan was derived, directly or indirectly, from St. Augustine’s De Doctrina Christiana. This view he will doubtless characterize as far-fetched, but I propose it as at least a possibility.

791 Now printed as Volumes xv and xvi of our Publications.

792 Reprinted in Old South Leaflets, No. 51. The material on the college is dated 1642, and that date is used here in references to this source. Quotations given here are from the original edition. I have rearranged in tabular form, with some explanatory words, the section on the programme of studies (see p. 362). The course for the A.B. degree in 1642 was three years in length and continued so until 1654, when it was extended to four years. (Our Publications, xxxi. 280–282.) The four-year scheme is embodied in the College Laws of 1655, together with considerably increased entrance requirements in Greek, and a more extended examination for the A.B. degree than in 1642.

793 Printed in 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, xiv. 207–215; reprinted, from another and earlier copy, in our Publications, xxxi. 327–343. Quotations given here are from the latter version.

794 Printed (with some errors) in L. F. Snow, The College Curriculum in the United States (1907), pp. 34–35; and in Colyer Meriwether, Our Colonial Curriculum (1907), pp. 55–56; reproduced in illustration facing p. 365.

795 In 1723, the Overseers were, for various reasons, moved to a critical survey of the instruction then being given at the college. On August 9, 1723, they appointed a committee to bring in a list of questions or “articles of visitation” on which the inquiry was to proceed. Eight questions were formulated by the committee, and these were approved by the Overseers on September 30. The first was: “Wt are the Stated Exercises Enjoyned the Students, and how attended by them.” To this the Tutors (Flynt, Prince, and Welsteed) replied that the stated exercises were “generally the same which they formerly have been.” Thereupon the Overseers voted (October 9): “That the Tutors of the College draw up a particular account of the present Stated Exercises Enjoyned the Students, and lay it before the Overseers at a future meeting.” This vote contains the exact title of College Paper No. 31 in Volume I, which is in the handwriting of Tutor Flynt. Evidently this paper is a preliminary draft of the official reply which was finally signed by Flynt, Prince, and Welsteed, and handed to the Overseers, probably shortly after October 9. This document has not been found, but fortunately it was copied (with the signatures) by President Wadsworth in his diary on March 15, 1725/6, with the comment, “Twas given in some few years before to ye overseers.” “Some few years before” could not have been earlier than 1723, since Nathan Prince, who signed as one of the Tutors, was not appointed until that year. This, as just noted, was the year of the Overseers’ inquiry. These facts fix the date. For the text of Wadsworth’s copy, see our Publications, xxxi. 455–456.

796 Our Publications, xv. 189 (the College Laws of 1642–1646).

797 This requirement was modified in 1655 to require ability “to read extempore the Pentateuch, and the New Testament into Latin out of the Originall Tongues” (Our Publications, xxxi. 334.) It appears in the College Laws as late as 1734. The student’s ability to read the Bible in Latin on his entrance to college was of course assured by his long and varied preparatory course in that language. For the details of this training, see below, and our Publications, xxvii. 21–29.

798 Nonnus (c 400 A.D.), a Greek poet, wrote, besides many poems on classical subjects, a paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel in Greek hexameters. A copy is in the Harvard College Library.

799 James Duport (1606–1679), appointed regius professor of Greek at Cambridge in 1639, paraphrased in Greek verse the Psalms, the Book of Job, the Book of Proverbs, and other books of the Old Testament. He also wrote poems in Greek on many other subjects, hcl has a copy of his version of the Psalms; bpl (Prince), his versions of Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs. In view of the suspicion of pagan authors then existing among Puritans — reflected in the provision of the Laws of 1655 that “in the teaching of all Arts such Authors bee read as doe best agree with the Scripture truths” — we may assume that “practice in poësy” was based on versified selections from the Bible rather than on other subjects treated by Nonnus and Duport. These writers are not mentioned again in the sources for our period, and no copy of their works which I have found contains a Harvard signature of the seventeenth century.

800 “Trestius,” as New Englands First Fruits has it, is a misprint for “Trostius.” Martin Trost (1588–1636), professor in various German universities — finally at Wittenberg — published in 1622 an edition of the Syriac New Testament, and a year later a Syriac Lexicon. Copies of each have been found, but none have been identified as belonging to a Harvard student. The study of Syriac is not mentioned after the programme of 1642.

801 William Dugard (1606–1662; headmaster of the Merchant Taylors School, London), Rhetorices Elementa, published shortly before 1660; Thomas Farnaby (1575–1641), Index Rhetoricus, 4th ed., London, 1646. Farnaby maintained a private school in London and elsewhere.

802 The New Logic was compiled (c 1687) by William Brattle (Tutor 16857–1697) from Anthony Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae secundum principia D. Renat: Descartes (London, 1680); and A. Arnauld and P. Nicole, Logica, Sive Ars Cogitandi (London, 1674 — The Port Royal Logic). Copies of both the Institutio and the Ars Cogitandi are in hcl and bpl (Prince). The remaining titles in this Account are to be found in the list by authors, below.

803 The list of 1726 gives official standing to most of the books mentioned in 1723; but it adds no new titles. It differs from that of 1723 in the following particulars:

1. Study of Latin and Greek grammar, not mentioned in 1723, is prescribed in 1726. Evidently the first year of the college course had descended nearly to a review of preparatory school studies; it was much below the standard of 1642.
2. Isocrates and Homer, mentioned in 1723, are dropped from the official list of 1726; the study of Greek is limited to grammar, the New Testament, and the Catechism.
3. Hebrew, which is listed for both freshmen and sophomores in 1723, does not appear at all in 1726. This is a curious oversight, since Judah Monis was appointed instructor in Hebrew in 1722, and his MS. Hebrew grammar and the Hebrew Psalter were both in use at that time.
4. Arithmetic, not mentioned in 1723, is listed for the senior class in 1726, thus continuing the practice of 1642.
5. There are several minor differences in phrasing, some statements being more exact in the earlier, some in the later list.

804 This assumption turned out later to be nearly correct, in spite of the fact that the actual date is 1723. Dugard’s Rhetorices Elementa and Farnaby’s Index Rhetoricus must be excepted since none of the copies thus far examined contain seventeenth-century student signatures. The importation of these books about 1680 is recorded, however, in the Boston booksellers’ lists, and probably they were in use at Harvard as early as that date.

805 New Englands First Fruits, p. 12.

806 This organization is suggested by St. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine (Book I, ch. 1, 1), which furnishes a striking parallel to the Harvard programme of 1642: “There are two things on which all interpretation of Scripture depends: The mode of ascertaining the proper meaning, and the mode of making known the meaning when it is ascertained.”

The clear-cut medieval division of liberal learning into the seven liberal arts and the three philosophies was either unknown to, or had been abandoned by, many of the writers of this period. The seven liberal arts of medieval tradition included the trivium – grammar, rhetoric, and logic; and the quadrivium – arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. The three philosophies were natural (physics), rational (metaphysics or theology), and moral (ethics), By the seventeenth century the advancement of learning had resulted in the development of new subjects, and more comprehensive classifications of the field as a whole were necessary. The older subjects were retained, but often in new relations. These new classifications appear in several of the volumes in our list. Thus, Alsted (see p. 383, below, Cursus Philosophici Encyclopaedia, 1620) classifies the whole body of liberal learning as “philosophy,” which in turn is treated under four “praecognita” and twenty-three “disciplines.” These last include “Septem Artes Philosophiae Poeticae” – lexica, grarnmatica, rhetorica, logica, oratoria, poetica, and mnemonica, “quas memoriae causa dividimus in Trivium, et Quadrivium.” Alated places the four mathematical branches of the medieval quadrivium with seven other subjects under the head of “Undecim Scientiae Philosophicae Theoreticae.”

William Ames (Technometria, 1646, see p. 385, below) mentions six arts. Three of these are general – logic, grammar, and rhetoric; three are special – mathematics (geometry and arithmetic), physics (cosmography, astronomy, geography, optics, and music), and theology. Philosophy, according to Ames, has seven parts, and some of these are included under the six arts: oratory (including poetry), cosmography, optics, music, architecture, economics, and politics.

Christopher Scheibler (Philosophia Compendiosa, 1623), after rejecting several current definitions of philosophy, concludes: “Est igitur Philosophia scientiarum & artium liberalium comprehensio. . . . Philosophia dividitur in artes liberals seu Logicas, & scientias.

“Artes logicae sunt. . . . Logica. . . . seu Dialectica, Rhetorica, Grammatica, & ut quibusdam placet, Poetica,

“Scientia. . . est speculativa vel practica. . . . [Scientiae speculativae] sunt Metaphysica, Physica & Mathesis. Ad Mathesin autem pertinent, turn scientiae purae, ut sunt Geometria & Arithmetical turn impurae, ut sunt Astronomia, Geographia, Musica & Optica. . . . [Scientiae practicae]sunttres:Ethica, Politica & Oeconomica.”

The notebook of William Partrigg (Partridge), H.C. 1689, gives a different view: all ordinary acquired knowledge is either philology (grammar—Latin, Greek, Hebrew—rhetoric, and poetry) or philosophy (logic and “all Arts and Sciences”). The arts and sciences include practical philosophy (ethics, politics, and economics), speculative philosophy (metaphysics the science of being, and metaphysics the science of quantity, i.e., geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, geography, optics, and music), and physics.

All this is a long way from the medieval conception of the seven arts and the three philosophies, and it suggests caution in accepting any theory of the organization of the early Harvard curriculum. With due reservation, therefore, I suggest that the theory underlying the programme of 1642 was directly or indirectly derived from St. Augustine’s On Christian Doctrine. Without arguing the case at length, I call attention to certain remarkable similarities. The programme as a whole seems clearly to justify the traditional view that it was organized primarily, though not exclusively, for the training of ministers. One phase of this training was mastery of the Bible. Mastery of the Bible, according to St. Augustine, includes (1) ability to interpret the meaning, and (2) ability to make known the meaning when it is ascertained.

Ability to interpret, he says, involves much auxiliary learning; e.g., the knowledge of the original languages in which the Scriptures are written, history, chronology, natural science (“the situation of places, and the nature of animals, trees, herbs, stones, and other bodies”), the mechanical arts, medicine, agriculture, navigation, and astronomy (but not astrology). Logic, according to St. Augustine, “is of very great service in searching into and unravelling all sorts of questions that come up in Scripture”; while the science of number, with its unchanging laws, may lead us to “the unchangeable truth above it.” In short, “whatever has been rightly said by the heathen we may appropriate to our uses.” All this is to be employed in the most careful interpretation of the Scriptures (On Christian Doctrine, Book iii). It is not difficult to find a large part of the programme of 1642 in this outline—the study of the Biblical languages, natural science (physics and “the nature of plants”), history, logic, and mathematics and astronomy. The required private reading of the Bible twice daily; the translations from the Greek and Hebrew texts; the “Theoretical! observations of the Language and Logic and of the Practicall and spirituall truths” which the student was expected to make; and the chief examination for the A.B. degree — a test of the candidate’s ability to “read the Originalls of the Old and New Testament into the Latine tongue and to resolve them Logically” — all indicate the use of these auxiliary studies for the definite purpose of interpretation.

Similarly, ability to expound the Bible involves a knowledge of rhetoric, a study of styles of speech, and an ability to defend one’s interpretation in debate. “It is the duty, then, of the interpreter and teacher of Holy Scripture, the defender of the true faith and the opponent of error, both to teach what is right, and refute what is wrong. . . . The work that I am speaking of ought to be undertaken by one who can argue and speak with wisdom, if not with eloquence, and with profit to his hearers.” St. Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, Book IV, chaps. iv and v,

Under this heading the programme of 1642 presents rhetoric, exercises in “style,” declamations, disputations, repetition of sermons, and “commonplaces.”

807 In reading this summary we must recall that throughout the seventeenth century – and much later – the freshman entered college trained to read, speak, and write Latin with ease, and with an elementary knowledge of Greek. No other subjects were required. The standard entrance requirement in Latin was (1) the translation of Cicero, Virgil, “or such like classical author” at sight, (2) the writing of Latin prose and verse, and (3) oral composition in prose and in verse. Both writing and speaking were to be “suo ut aiunt Marte,” i.e., by the student’s own unaided efforts. This probably means that he was not to use the phrase-books, collections of proverbs, and other helps so plentifully provided for “unballasted wits” in those days.

Thus trained, the freshman could listen understandingly to the lectures, read the text-books, take notes, write declamations, conduct disputations, and converse with his fellow-students in Latin. Latin was the language of practically all the books used in college except those in Greek, Hebrew, “Chaldee,” and Syriac; and by the Laws of 1655 students were not to use English in the college, unless “called thereunto in the public exercise of oratory or the like.”

The entrance requirement in Greek was, in 1642, merely ability to “decline perfectly the paradigmes of Nounes and verbes in y^e Greeke tongue” (our Publications, xv. 24–25). Further training in Greek was carried on throughout the three years of the college course, culminating in declamations in Greek and (in 1655) in translations from the Bible (Old Testament) “out of Hebrew into Greek,” and of the New Testament “out of English into greeke.” In 1655, the entrance requirements were increased. The candidate for admission must be “Competently grounded in the Greeke Language; so as to be able to Construe & Grammatically to resolve ordinary Greeke, as the Greeke Testament, Isocrates, & the minor poets [Hesiod, Tyrtaeus, Bion, Moschus, Theognis, Pythagoras, Solon, and others] or such like. . . .” We may doubt whether this high standard was maintained in succeeding years. In 1723 and 1726, a large part of the freshman year was spent in reviewing the Greek “Classick Authors Learnt at School.” For details of the college preparatory course see Nathaniel Williams’s account of the Boston Latin School in 1712, with Professor Murdock’s notes thereon, in our Publications, xxvn. 21–29. This article throws a flood of light on the Harvard entrance requirements at this time, since the Boston Latin School was in effect a preparatory school for Harvard. In brief, its course of seven years was almost wholly devoted to the study of Latin and Greek, with abundant practice in composition in prose and in verse in both languages.

808 Compare with this the requirements for graduation, and the account of the first Commencement in New Englands First Fruits: “Every Schollar, that on proofe is found able to read the Originalls of the Old and New Testament into the Latine tongue, and to resolve them Logically . . . is fit to be dignified with his first Degree” (p. 16). “The Governour . . . and others . . . were present, and did heare their Exercises; [among which was] Hebrew Analasis, Grammatic all, Logicall, & Rhetoricall of the Psalms. . . .”

809 The exact scope of this subject is not known. Did the students of the 1640’s memorize and recite answers to a series of questions? If so, what catechism? In what language? Did they use the Westminster Catechism after its approval in the Cambridge Platform of 1648? Whose was the “Greek Catechysm” so insistently inquired after by the Overseers in 1723 – Calvin’s? Nowell’s? Harmar’s Greek version of the Westminster Catechism? Was the exercise perhaps an exposit ion on a word or a phrase of some catechism, after the manner of Samuel Willard’s two hundred and fifty sermons on the Westminster Catechism? These questions have yet to be answered.

810 Diary of Samuel Sewall (5 Coli. Mass. Hist, Soc., v. 4): “July 1, 1674. Sir Thacher Common placed, Justification was his head. He had a solid good piece: stood above an hour, and yet brake of[f] before he came to any use [i.e., application].”

811 Professor William James objected strongly to the extraction from these stacks of the books on philosophy and psychology, and their orderly arrangement on separate shelves: “When I hunt there for a book on philosophy I find dozens of other interesting ones on all sorts of subjects, and I shall never see them if our books are classified.” My belief is that many odd associations of ideas in James’s writings may be traced to his hunting in “the Dump,” where Hegel, Hottentots, and Arctic explorations might be shelved side by side.

812 See p. 418, below.

813 Cf. Foster Watson, English Grammar Schools to 1660 (1908), pp. 435–437. See also id., p. 467, on which are listed no less than 118 writers of books of this type.

814 Professor Morison examined also the collection of George A. Plimpton, Esq., the library of the Union Theological Seminary, and the John Winthrop collection in the Society Library in New York, but without result. The Winthrop collection contains several copies of books in this list, with undated signatures of Wait Winthrop (Class of 1662) and John Winthrop (A.B. 1700).

815 Many others, among the several thousand volumes examined, might have been added to the “possibles,” and a much larger number could have been placed in a fourth group as “suspects.” These last contain no Harvard signatures; but all of them were almost certainly imported before 1700, and they are either duplicates of those in the accepted group, or treat the same subjects. Unfortunately I have kept no record of these, but their number certainly exceeds that of the accepted list. Even if these are included, however, the number of survivors thus far known is but a small fraction of the total number which must have been owned by the 465 A.B.’s and the approximately 100 non-graduates of the seventeenth century. A modest estimate of ten to twenty books a student yields a total of 6,000 to 12,000 volumes for this period. Some of these will doubtless appear on further search, but in view of the treatment usually accorded to old text-books we must conclude that the great majority have returned to the dust with the ministers whom they made “literate” for the churches.

816 Supporting evidence later appeared from many sources, including Watson, English Grammar Schools to 1660; Colyer Meriwether, Our Colonial Curriculum; Professor E. T. Campagnac’s scholarly editions of John Brinsley’s Ludus Literarius (1627), and Charles Hoole’s New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching Schoole (1660); the indispensable catalogue of John Harvard’s Library, by our associate Alfred C. Potter (our Publications, xxi. 190–230); the study of Dissenting Academies in England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by Irene Parker (1914); and especially the much more detailed account of these academies by H. McLachlan (English Education under the Test Acts, 1931). There is a suggestive resemblance between some of these academies and Harvard in their programmes of study; and often the text-books used are identical. Charles Morton (1627–1698), B.A. Oxford, 1649, who came to Harvard about 1687 and became vice-president of the college, was the founder and head of an academy at Stoke Newington, 1675–1686.

817 Ninety-seven men have each autographed but one of the surviving volumes; the remaining eighty-one, two or more volumes each. Particular note must be taken of seven men, each represented in six or more of these books: John Barnard, ten; Joseph Browne, ten; Joseph Cooke, ten; John Leverett, eight; Cotton Mather, no less than twenty-six; Increase Mather, six; Nathaniel Mather, fourteen.

The total number of autographs (including duplicates) recorded in the list below is nearly four hundred. But this takes account of only one example of each signature in each book; the actual number is far greater, since many men wrote their names three or four times in a single volume. Cotton Mather favored posterity with no less than twelve autographs in one small book, which also contains several other Mather signatures. Probably 1,000 signatures of our 177 seventeenth-century students can be found in the volumes here listed.

This extraordinary collection of early Massachusetts autographs deserves a study in itself. The inscriptions include much besides the signatures. Like students of other places and times, Harvard students of the seventeenth century often used the fly-leaves and margins of their books for entries of various kinds. Many of these are here reproduced. Warnings against stealing the book, or requests to return it to the owner if it is found or borrowed, appear in varied forms: “Steal this Booke if you dare,” writes Charles Chauncy in his copy of Florus. John Poole puts it more mildly; “Hic libel’ meus est, si quisquis forte requirit Nomen subscriptum perlege quaeso meum.” John Eliot expresses the idea in a slightly different way:

“Si quaerit lector quis possidet istum

Nomen subscriptum perlegat ille meum.”

A more emphatic form which appeared several times in books not included in this list runs thus;

“Hic libel’ est meus

Testis est Deus

Si quis furatur

Per collum pendatur.”

Other inscriptions vary from grave to gay: Joseph Browne identified nearly all of his books by “Lege, Intellege, Vive, J.B.”; John Barnard notes in his copy of Brochmand’s Theologiae Systema: “Lege, Lege, deliberate Lege; praemium munificium ea persolvet.” Nathaniel Clap, having been given a copy of the Hebrew Old Testament by Increase Mather, characterizes that gentleman as “Benevolentissimus, Reverendissimus et Doctissimus.” Someone (perhaps Elisha Cooke) writes in a copy of the Greek New Testament that “Samuel Aspinwall is a knave”; and in an Isocrates owned by the Reverend Samuel Mitchell (A.B. 1681; Fellow and Tutor) some irreverent youth records his opinion that “Samuel Mitchell is a long-legged Catt.” “Every man at his best estate is altogether vanity,” is inscribed in Bartholin’s Enchiridion Physicum, owned by Nathaniel Saltonstall. Joseph Cooke, however, connects Keckermann’s very dry Logic with more cheerful thoughts:

“Call for a Tankard

My Cloths at pollards

Get some Pisado: Clarett

buy a grater. Some Lime-juice.”

818 The reasons cannot be given here for each case; one example must suffice. A copy of Isocrates contains only the undated signature of Joseph Webb (A.B., 1684). But the volume is accepted as a “probable” and Webb ‘s name is included in the index because (1) Isocrates, presumably read in preparation for college, was also presumably reviewed in the freshman year; (2) this presumption is supported by the College Laws of 1655, by the Particular Account of 1723–1726, and by four other copies of Isocrates, each owned by two or more Harvard men of that period; (3) Webb’s signature (again undated) appears in two other books, each of which is definitely dated by one of his contemporaries in college. We may infer that he wrote these signatures during his college years.

819 According to the Quinquennial Catalogue there were no graduates in 1644, 1648, 1672, 1682, 1688.

820 The seven classes not represented in the index of signatures below are those of 1643, 1645, 1646, 1652, 1654, 1658, and 1673. These number only twenty-eight men, all told.

821 AAS. American Antiquarian Society.

BA. Boston Athenaeum.

BPL. Boston Public Library.

HCL. Harvard College Library.

MHS. Massachusetts Historical Society.

Yale. Yale University Library.

822 This bookplate has been removed from the volume, and is now in the aas collection of bookplates.

823 The title-page in several of these Hebrew Bibles reads “Pentateuch,” but they contain the whole Old Testament. There were separate title-pages for the other parts or books.

824 BFBS, no. 5084; Zedner, p. 96. These abbreviations refer to the British and Foreign Bible Society’s Historical Catalogue of Printed Bibles, and to the Catalogue of Hebrew Books in the Library of the British Museum (1867), compiled by J. Zedner.

825 BFBS, no. 5099; Zedner, p. 97.

826 BFBS, no. 5118; Zedner p. 99.

827 BFBS, no. 5117.

828 BFBS, no. 5124.

829 BFBS, no. 5127; Zedner, p. 100.

830 BFBS, no. 4653.

831 BFBS, no. 4692 B, which calls it the “first edition of the LXX printed in England.”

832 BFBS, no. 6192.

833 BFBS, no. 524.

834 One can only guess at the text used in this subject. It is not improbable that it was a rather elementary catechism in Latin, such as Alexander Nowell’s Christianae Pietatis Prima Institutio. His three Latin catechisms—the smaller (1572), the middle and the larger (both 1570) — were the most widely used school manuals for religious instruction in England in the seventeenth century. The one named above is the middle catechism; it was translated into English by Thomas Norton in 1572, and into Greek by William Whitaker in 1573. The Greek version was frequently used as a reader, introductory to or parallel with the Greek New Testament, and it may be the Greek Catechism referred to in the list of 1723. In its Latin form it would have been suitable for the Saturday morning exercise named in the Order of Studies of 1642. One might expect that it would be supplanted by the Westminster Catechism upon the publication of that document in 1647 and its adoption in the Cambridge Platform of 1648. However, no copy of either catechism identified with Harvard in the seventeenth century has been found.

If “divinity catechetical” was of a more advanced type. Buchan’s Institutiones Theologiae (1625) may have been used as a text. It is in the catechetical form. Two copies have been identified, and four others, not autographed, are in HCL.

835 Latin does not appear as a separate subject at Harvard until 1723, and then only as a review of Virgil and Cicero in the freshman year.

836 Lily’s Latin Grammar was the text prescribed by English law for use in grammar (i.e., preparatory) schools of that time.

837 See also Bibles in Latin in the list by authors.

838 There is no evidence that these classics were used as texts in any college classes, although several are dated during the owner’s college residence. The practice of reviewing Cicero in the freshman year may have been begun as early as 1654 when the four-year course for the A.B. was introduced. Hence certain books from the last years of the preparatory school may also have been used in college.

839 The books by Camden are also known as the Westminster Greek Grammar.

840 See also Bibles in Greek in the list by authors.

841 President Dunster, in a letter to Ravis (1648), speaks of using Ravis’s Orthographiae Hebraeae Delineatio, and “yo^r Hebrew sheet Grammar, w^th yo^r Conjugutionall, Hebrew Table.” Ravis’s “Hebrew sheet Grammar” may have been included in his Generall Grammar. Dunster refers also to notes on Udall, sent to him by Ravis. J. Chaplin, Life of Henry Dunster, pp. 271–275.

842 Udall’s Key of the Holy Tongue may well have been the Hebrew grammar earliest in use at Harvard, but Schiekard’s Horologium seems to have been the favorite from about 1660 to 1722. No less than five copies arc in the dated list, and several others are in the libraries examined.

843 No student’s copy of this version has been found. It is one of the four texts suggested, but not explicitly named, in the Order of Studies of 1642.

844 Geography as a study first appears in the list of 1723; but it may well have been introduced before 1701. The elaborate work of Heylyn could scarcely have been used as a text; however. The texts of Patrick Gordon and Morden, of which several unautographed and undated copies are in HCL, were more probably the ones chosen.

845 No seventeenth-century student’s dated copy of any arithmetic has been found. Arithmetic must, however, have had a place in the programme since it is mentioned explicitly in all editions of the College Laws throughout this period in connection with the requirements for the A.M. degree.

846 Phrase-books and models were constantly used in exercises in prose and verse, and in the composition of declamations and disputations.

847 A very full treatment of the technique of disputation is given in Keckermann, Opera Omnia, I. chap. vii. There is an English version of this in Colyer Meriwether, Our Colonial Curriculum, chap. vii.

848 Heereboord’s Meletemata was probably used in this connection, since it is devoted mainly to specimens of disputation in metaphysics. logic, ethics, and physics.

849 Peter Hobart.

850 Stiles’s letter and Hutchinson’s reply are printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxvi. 162–164.

851 Pp. 174 and 176.

852 History of Massachusetts-Bay, iii. 174–176.

853 xvii. 175–176

854 Sydney George Fisher asserted in 1898 that “One number of the Gazette contained Franklin’s famous ‘Speech of Polly Baker’” (True Benjamin Franklin, p. 139); but in 1905 the late Albert H. Smyth, a better authority, wrote: “The mystery surrounding the authorship and first publication of the ‘Speech’ remains an impenetrable mystery. The style is altogether Franklinian, and the story seems unquestionably to have been written by him, but I have searched The Pennsylvania Gazette in vain for it. It is not there.” (Writings of Benjamin Franklin, x. 464 note.) Jefferson reached Paris on August 6, 1784, and Franklin left Passy on July 12, 1785. In a letter dated January 12, 1819, Jefferson related the following story of the Abbe Raynal which, he asserted, “The Doctor told me at Paris:”

“The Doctor & Silas Deane were in conversation one day at Passy on the numerous errors in the Abbe’s Histoire des deux Indes, when he happened to step in. After the usual salutations, Silas Deane said to him ‘The Doctor and myself Abbe, were just speaking of the errors of fact into which you have been led in your history.’ ‘Oh no, Sir,’ said the Abbe, ‘that is impossible. I took the greatest care not to insert a single fact, for which I had not the most unquestionable authority.’ ‘Why,’ says Deane, ‘there is the story of Polly Baker, and the eloquent apology you have put into her mouth, when brought before a court of Massachusetts to suffer punishment under a law, which you cite, for having had a bastard. I know there never was such a law in Massachusetts.’ ‘Be assured,’ said the Abbe, ‘you are mistaken, and that that is a true story. I do not immediately recollect indeed the particular information on which I quote it, but I am certain that I had for it unquestionable authority.’ Doctor Franklin who had been for some time shaking with unrestrained laughter at the Abbe’s confidence in his authority for that tale, said, ‘I will tell you, Abbe, the origin of that story. When I was a printer and editor of a newspaper, we were sometimes slack of news, and to amuse our customers, I used to fill up our vacant columns with anecdotes, and fables, and fancies of my own, and this of Polly Baker is a story of my making, on one of those occasions.’ The Abbe without the least disconcert, exclaimed with a laugh, ‘Oh, very well, Doctor, I had rather relate your stories than other men’s truths.’” Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. P. L. Ford, x.121 note.

855 Gentleman’s Magazine, XVII. 194.

856 This is the earliest reference to the custom of bundling, though not mentioned by that name, that I remember to have seen. Under the name of tarrying the Reverend Andrew Burnaby, who travelled in this country in 1759 and 1760, described the custom in his Travels (1775), pp, 83–84.

857 Gentleman’s Magazine, xvii. 211.

858 Fitz John Winthrop (1639–1707), Governor of Connecticut. “L. Americanus” was astray in his genealogy. Paul Dudley married Lucy, daughter of John (1648–1708) and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright, of Ipswich, and had several children, all of whom died in infancy. Paul Dudley’s sister Ann married John Winthrop (1681–1747; H. C. 1700), F.R.S., who was a son of Fitz John Winthrop’s brother Wait Winthrop (1642–1717).

859 Gentleman’s Magazine, xvii. 295.

860 Gentleman’s Magazine, xviii. 332.

861 The records, preserved in Mass. Archives, LVIII, have been reproduced by Mr. F. Apthorp Foster in the Publications of this Society, XIV. 2–43. My paper is merely a footnote to Mr. Foster’s.

862 Listed by Stephen Hall. See our Publications, xiv. 30.

863 The Delphin editions: a set of Latin classics for the use of the dauphin (“ad usum delphini”), son of Louis XIV.

864 I have been unable to locate an edition which could have been used at the time of the fire.

865 A fourth Book was published at Deventer in 1678.

866 For Monis, see above, p. 457.

867 This was the latest work by Wigglesworth, and one likely to have been read by students of 1763–64. The Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News-Letter, July 28, 1763, announces that it was “This Day Publish’d.”

868 An attempt at a partial solution of Mr. Davis’s “Bibliographical Puzzle” (our Publications, xni. 2–15).

869 William Lee, Daniel Defoe: His Life and Recently Discovered Writings (1869), I. 155.

870 “The Author of this Paper now at Edinburgh” (Review, VI, London No. 70).

871 The letter is reprinted in Earl Stanhope’s History of England (1872 ed.), ii. 292–293.

872 A complete list of the variants is attempted below:

News from the Moon	Review, Vol. VII, No. 14 (Tuesday, May 2, 1710, Edinburgh)	Review, Vol. vii, No. 15 (Saturday, April 29, 1710, London)
P. 1, l.7: for	by	by
P. 2, l. 5: their court	one of their courts	one of their courts
P. 2, ll. 20–21: with several	with the several	with the several
P. 2, l 27: &	and	and
P. 3, ll. 2–3: the Drunkard	a Drunkard	a Drunkard
P. 3, l. 9: Streets	Street	Street
P. 3, ll. 16–17: There are Strict Laws, any Taylor making [sic]	[same]	[same]
P. 3, l 18: &	and	and
P. 3, l. 19: Transgress	transgress	trangress
P. 4, l. 20: panting	Painting	Painting
P. 4, ll. 23–24: One said. that’s at me	One said, d . . . m the Dog, that’s at me	[same as Edin.]
P. 4, l. 28: That’s such	That such	That such
P. 5, l. 1: L—	L—d	L—d
P. 5, ll. 4–5: it was far	far was it	far was it
P. 5, l. 5: the poor Author	the poor Author	tht poor Author
P. 5, l. 12: had bespoke	bespoke	bespoke
P. 5, l. 16: ones Eye-sight	one Eye-sight	one Eye-sight
P. 5, ll. 29–30: along the Streets	about Streets	about Streets
P. 5, l. 30: such Cases	such Gases	such Cases
P. 6, ll. 7–8: Prince Nobility	prime Nobility	prime Nobility
P. 6, l. 9: D—’s	Dog’s	Dog’s
P. 6, l. 11: begins	began	began
P. 6, l. 14: your Neighbour	my Neighbour	my Neighbour
P. 6, ll. 20–21: Lordship, and if	Lordship, you Dog, and if	Lordship, you Dog and if
P. 6, l. 27: in order to sent	in order to send	in order to send
P. 7, l. 1: That — has	That Dog has	That Dog has
P. 7, l. 7: was made for	was for	was for
P. 7, l. 27: &	and	and
P. 7, l. 29: &	and	and
P. 8 [omitted]	C. Did you make it for a Representer, or Character-Coat? T. Yes Sir.	[same as Edin.]
P. 8, l. 31: Their Guilt	Their own Guilt	Their own Guilt
P. 8, l. 35: to the 114 Gentlemen	to 114 Gentlemen	to 114 Gentlemen
P. 8, l. 39: Every one	Every Man	Every Man

873 The conjecture is presumably that of J. Hammond Trumbull.

874 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, lvii. 340.

875 Our Publications, xni. 14.

876 See the reproduction opposite p. 461.

877 The first of these works is in my own possession; the others are in the Harvard College Library.

878 Title-page reproduced in facsimile, showing the ornaments, in Andrew McF. Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, ii. 415.

879 Facsimile reproduction, showing ornaments, in id., i. 367.

880 Mr. Davis’s conjecture, id., ii. 18.

881 Facsimile reproduction of title-page, showing ornaments, in id., ii. 3.

882 Davis (Colonial Currency Reprints, n. 41–42) conjecturally ascribes the authorship to the Reverend Edward Wigglesworth. Facsimile of title-page, showing ornaments, in id., ii. 19.

883 First page, showing ornaments, reproduced in facsimile in id., ii. 97.

884 First page, showing ornaments, reproduced in facsimile in id., ii. 245.

885 See the illustration opposite, where the lines in the original by which the signature has been crossed out are not reproduced.

886 Andrew Craigie, by the way, advertises his own wares in the Boston NewsLetter of May 27, 1756.

887 For his autograph, see Winsor’s Memorial History of Boston, II. 271.

888 Boston News-Letter, February 5, 1756 (p. 3, column 2).

889 John Franklin’s ownership, if this really is his autograph, may — since the autograph appears not on a fly-leaf but on the page which contains the half-title of Vol. VI and the beginning of its preface—date from 1709 or 1710. The Preface ends with the words “Edinburgh. Printed in the Year MDCCIX.” The final number (153) of Vol. VI is dated March 18, 1710, which means not 1710/11, but 1709/10.

890 Dictionary of American Biography; New England Historical and Genealogical Register (XI. 19), gives 1733.

891 Our Publications, xiii. 3.

892 American Bibliography, i. 302.

893 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, lvii. 340.

894 Our Publications, xiii. 3, note I.

895 Id., pp. 12–13.

896 It is reprinted in full in Colonial Currency Reprints, n. 266–270; the number of the Review from which it is taken is reprinted in our Publications, xni. 6–10. I have used a photostat of News from the Moon kindly furnished me by the New York Public Library, the fortunate possessor of the only known copy.

897 April 29 (No. 15) in the London issue; May 2 in the Edinburgh issue.

898 The impeachment of Sacheverell in 1710 was one of the worst blunders on the part of the Whigs and one of the causes of their loss of power in that year. Sacheverell’s famous sermon of November 5, 1709, had taken the extreme High Tory attitude toward the Dissenters, as Defoe had pretended to do in his Shortest Way. But although Sacheverell had been offensive enough in setting forth “the Heinous Malignity, Enormous Guilt, and Folly of this Prodigious Sin of False Brotherhood,” and in his remarks on “such wilely Volpones” had quite clearly aimed at a great Whig minister, to allow him to become a martyr was bad judgment, as the Whigs discovered too late. For accounts of the episode, see Lecky’s England in the Eighteenth Century (American ed.), i. 55ff.; C. J. Abbey and J. H. Overton, The English Church in the Eighteenth Century, ii. 379–381.

899 That is, pretending, as he had done in The Shortest Way with the Dissenters (1702), to be one of the extreme Tories, whose ecclesiastical policies he detested.

900 Nos. 9–12, 14.

901 No. 12.

902 “The Whiggs and all the Party may by this time see the ill Consequences of the Doctrine advanced by them of the Original of Government’s being from the People, and their chief Writers, such as Hoadly, the Review, Kennett &c. ought to be punish’d with the utmost Rigour for maintaining such arguments as give the People a Power of taking up arms, when they shall think fit. If these Gentlemen could have been found out they had without all doubt felt the Effects of their Doctrine. The Mob would have either torn them in Pieces, or made them undergo very great Disgraces.” Hearne’s Collections, Oxford Historical Society, ii. 355.

See also Hearne’s diary for April 10, 1710 (ii. 371), in regard to an alleged slander against Dr. Sacheverell which “the scandalous, abominable, Author of the Paper call’d y^e Review has most maliciously asserted and publish’d in Print.”

The force of the two passages cited above is increased when we remember Hearne’s very low opinion of Sacheverell as a person. His diary for October 11, 1710 (III. 65), shows that he regarded Sacheverell as a “conceited and ignorant and impudent” man, “who, whatever good he may accidentally produce, is certainly a Rascal & Knave himself.”

903 Sacheverell’s famous sermon (The Perils of False Brethren, both in Church and State, delivered November 5, 1709, and published in the same year) was inscribed to the Lord Mayor, who was said, though he denied the fact, to have urged its publication.

904 Review, No. 13 (London issue), April 25, 1710.

905 Id.

906 “Their last . . . Shift has been to tamper with the Publishers and Dispensers of it [the Review]. . . . We have now . . . put it into Hands, that will not be bias’d, terrify’d, or any way prevail’d upon to keep it back; and from henceforward, this Paper will be publish’d by Mr. Baker, as is printed at the Bottom in the usual Place.” (Id.)

907 My colleague Mr. Theodore F. M. Newton, who is engaged upon what bids fair to be the definitive study of Defoe’s Review, has given me valuable help here. He it was who pointed out the significance of the “114” men, a nice little mystery which I could not have solved for myself.

908 According to the work of the same title for 1708, the civil government in that year was composed of the same number of men (pp. 686–688); the same source for 1711 gives the number as only ninety-seven (pp. 360–362). Chamberlayne’s Angliae Notitia: or, the Present State of England for 1707 gives a total of 113 (pp. 644–648).

909 There is a possibility that the allusion to the “114” may have been instantly recognizable, especially with the help of the expression “Common Council,” to Defoe’s readers. Among numbers that were familiar enough to be political rallying cries one recalls the “Forty-Five” that Wilkes made famous. Then there is the toast to “The Massachusetts Ninety-two,” which was drunk (as the thirty-third toast) at a dinner in Philadelphia, in 1769, to commemorate Paoli’s birthday. (Our Publications, xxvi. 191.) And probably other instances could be collected.

910 The Boston Public Library has an almost complete set of the Review, except Vol. in. There are a few selections in George A. Aitken, Later Stuart Tracts, pp. 221–280. A complete facsimile reprint of the work is proposed by the Facsimile Text Society.

911 Our Publications, xiv. 213ff. Those who find the explanation of the “character” too meagre as given here are referred to that earlier article, and especially to pages 232–236. For still further details see: for bibliography, Gwendolen Murphy, A Bibliography of English Character-Books, 1608–1700 (1925); for texts, Henry Morley, Character Writings of the Seventeenth Century (1891); Gwendolen Murphy, A Cabinet of Characters (1925; with a good introductory essay); David Nichol Smith, Characters from the Histories and Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century (1920; with a good introductory essay on the Clarendon type of character); for the classical roots of the character, G. S. Gordon, “Theophrastus and his English Imitators,” in English Literature and the Classics (1912).

912 The catalogue of the British Museum records a “fourth edition, corrected,” in 1679. A “5th edition, corrected” (1699), was entered for publication (Arber, Term Catalogues, iii. 128, 162). The Harvard College Library has the edition of 1665.

913 Reprinted in full in our Publications, xiv. 233.

914 Introduction (p. xli) to A Life of Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, by T. E. S. Clarke and H. C. Foxcroft (1907).

915 Italics mine.

916 The varied manifestations of the character in this period are not well represented in any volume of selections. See, however, Gwendolen Murphy’s Cabinet of Characters, especially pp. 237–334; and the Harleian Miscellany and Somers Tracts, passim (see index). Halifax’s Character of a Trimmer and his other works have been admirably edited by Miss H. C. Foxcroft in two volumes (London, 1898).

917 The device did not originate with Addison. Edward Ward’s London Spy (1698–1700) makes less skilful use of the same method.

918 The technique of John Dunton in his Letters from New England is at times essentially like Addison’s in the Tatler, No. 158. Observe how Dunton (see our Publications, xiv. 237) takes Thomas Fuller’s abstract character of “The Good Merchant” (1642) and changes it to “Mr. Heath”; and how he takes Fuller’s remark that justice to the buyer is a fundamental necessity in all trading, the neglect of which is “worse than open felony” because it is to “rob a man of his purse and never bid him stand,” and makes it read: “and I have heard him say [italics mine] that such a Cozenage is worse than open Felony; because they rob a man of’s Purse, and never bid him stand.”

919 Italics mine.

920 Gwendolen Murphy, Bibliography of Engli sh Character-Books, p. 73.

921 These are, respectively, Nos. 39, 52, and 53 in Enigmaticall Characters (1658).

922 In A Brief History of the Times . . . in a Preface to the Third Volume of Observators (1687). It is fair to say, however, that L’Estrange goes right on in the words quoted on p. 484 of this article.

923 Cf. also Spectator, Nos. 46, 567, and 568.

924 Lives, G. B. Hill, ed., ii. 95

925 A Brief History of the Times.

926 Thomas G. Wright, Literary Culture in Early New England, pp. 184–185.

927 Diary, ii. 227 (7 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii).

928 Id., p. 74.

929 Cotton Mather frequently used the word “character” (in one or more of the meanings pertinent to this investigation) in his Diary: see, for example, ii. 73 (May 16, 1711), where he resolves as he may have occasion to give “the Character” of a certain man who has injured him, still to treat him with goodness. See also id., p. 561 (October 20, 1718), where he proposes to preach a funeral sermon on the Reverend Thomas Bernard, of Andover, “and add his Character in the close of it.” And, especially, see id., p. 562 (October 20, 1718), where, reviewing his own publications to see “how many Persons of Worth, a gracious God has employ’d . . . [his] poor Pen, publickly to exhibit unto the World, with an Advantageous History, or Character of them,” he finds “no less than One hundred and fourteen men (whereof more than Four-score stand in the Church-History,) and above twenty Women; besides many more, who have more transiently and occasionally had an honourable Mention made of them.”

930 Reprinted: Boston, 1692; London, 1694; Boston, 1741 (fifth edition). See J. L. Sibley’s bibliography (No. 29) in Harvard Graduates, iii. 53.

931 The Ladies Calling by the Author of the Whole Duty of Man (1673). For further information about this book, which John Dunton also made use of, see our Publications, xiv. 240, note 4.

932 His Government of New England Churches appeared in 1717.

933 A History of the Congregational Churches in the United States (1907 ed.), p. 211.

934 Letter to Robert Wodrow, September 17, 1715, Diary, ii. 327.

935 Id., 659. For many other entries see index, s.v. Small-pox.

936 Herbert L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, in. 174–175.

937 See Worthington C. Ford, “Franklin’s New England Courant,” Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, lvii. 336–353.

938 Manuductio (1726), pp. 44–46, as quoted by Kenneth B. Murdock, Selections from Cotton Mather, pp. xxxvi–xxxvii.

939 Clyde A. Duniway, The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, pp. 90–94.

940 Id., p. 95.

941 I d., pp. 102–103.

942 Id., p. 92.

943 It is possible that the words, “Letters, Postscripts, News, Dialogues” were chosen with intention and refer more or less definitely to certain publications. That would, of course, make the advertisement more objectionable. Duniway (pp. 90–91) has some interesting remarks on that sort of propaganda in what purport to be advertisements.

944 For the whole passage see Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, ii. 118.

945 Davis Colonial Currency Reprints, p. 133.

946 Id., pp. 130–132.

947 “A very abusive Creature,” wrote Cotton Mather (Diary, ii. 397) on February 2, 1717, “in whom the three parts of the Satanic Image, Pride, Malice, and Falsehood, are very conspicuous, must be pittied and pray’d for. [Ι. Κολμαν].” The brackets are Mather’s.

948 Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, i 407.

949 The whole passage (id., 411–412) is extremely important: it helps to define the conservative type and by implication suggests the commercially unsubstantial and slightly disloyal nature, as the writer saw it, of the liberals.

950 Cotton Mather (Diary, ii. 607) calls him “one who has been and would still have been the greatest Hinderer of good, and Misleader and Enchanter of the People, that there was in the whole House of Representatives” (March 16, 1721).

951 Davis, Colonial Currency Reprints, ii. 16.

952 Id., pp. 97–107.

953 For example, the “Common Council” of London was just near enough to the Governor’s Council in Massachusetts, and the “114” men who composed the City government of London were just near enough to the 119 men who constituted the House of Representatives in Massachusetts in 1721–1722, to be hardly actionable but decidedly spicy.

954 In reading the proof of this memoir I welcome the opportunity to add another word. The Pulitzer Prize for the best book on American history produced in 1932 was awarded, posthumously, to Frederick Jackson Turner for The Significance of Sections in American History — a collection of essays of the same nature as those which made up The Frontier in American History. The award may be regarded as a recognition not only of this particular volume, but also of the distinguished total contribution of its author to American history.

FEBRUARY MEETING, 1931

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR THOMAS OLIVER, 1734–1815

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

VIII

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APRIL MEETING, 1931

THE PURITAN VIEW OF WAR

JOHN COTTON’S “MOSES HIS JUDICIALS”

HARVARD ON TOUR AT OXFORD, 1703

THOMAS PRINCE, SCIENTIST AND HISTORIAN

DEAN BERKELEY, PATRON OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLLEGES

THREE EARLY MASSACHUSETTS LIBRARIES

Mr Thomas Jenners Cattolog of Books as Followeth:369

A Catalogue of the Library yt Mr Eliot Hath Bought of Me Tho: Weld for Thirty & Fowre Pounds, Paid Me by the Corporation for N. Engl. Aug. 18 1651.

Bookes in folio375

Bookes in 4to

Libri in octavo. & 16o

An Inventory of the Estate of mr Thōas Weld, Minister of Dunstable, Deceased, Lying in Dunstable385

In Dunstable

In Camƀ

M^r Thomas Jenners Cattolog of Books as Followeth:369

A Catalogue of the Library y^t M^r Eliot Hath Bought of Me Tho: Weld for Thirty & Fowre Pounds, Paid Me by the Corporation for N. Engl. Aug. 18 1651.

Bookes in 4^to

Libri in octavo. & 16^o

An Inventory of the Estate of m^r Thōas Weld, Minister of Dunstable, Deceased, Lying in Dunstable385