A Modell For the Maintaining of Students & Fellows of Choise Abilities at the Colledge in Cambridge

By Jonathan Mitchell

c. 1663

Mitchell’s Modell

Introduction

THIS document, closely written on ten leaves, is among the Hutchinson papers in the Massachusetts Archives,417 endorsed “Perused.” Although the name of the author does not appear in the manuscript, there is no doubt that it is by Jonathan Mitchell, successor to Thomas Shepard in the ministry at Cambridge. “Blessed Master Mitchell,” as Increase Mather called him,418 graduated from Harvard with the Class of 1647, and served as tutor from that date until about the time of his ordination on August 21, 1650.419 He was named Fellow of the Corporation in the charter of May 31, 1650, and was Senior Fellow from 1653 until his death, at the age of forty-three, on July 9, 1668.420 The document is in his handwriting, the same as that of The Lawes Liberties & orders of Harvard Colledge, in College Book I.421 Cotton Mather, who used the manuscript in preparing his biography of Mitchell,422 refers there to it thus:423

. . . and indeed the Colledge was nearer unto his Heart, than it was to his House, though next adjoyning to it. He was himself an Accomplished Scholar, and he loved a Scholar dearly; but his Heart was fervently set upon having the Land all over illuminated with the Fruits of a Learned Education. To this End, he became a Father to the Colledge, which had been his Mother, and sought the Prosperity of that Society, with a very singular Sollicitude; but among other Contrivances which he had for the Prosperity of the Colledge, One was, A Model for the Education of Hopeful Students at the Colledge in Cambridge. His Proposals were, for Septennial Subscriptions by the more Worthy and Wealthy Persons, in this poor Wilderness; to be Disposed of by Trustees (namely, the Magistrates and Ministers of the six next Towns, for the time being, with seven other Gentlemen by them Chosen out of the said Towns, of which any Seven to be a Quorum, if three Ministers were among them,) who should single out Scholars eminently pregnant and pious, and out of this Bounty support them in such Studies, as they should by these Trustees be directed unto, until they had either performed such profitable Services, as were Imposed on them in the Colledge it self, or prepared themselves for other Services abroad in the World.

This was at least the fourth “drive” to obtain funds for Harvard College after its foundation. The first, in 1641, was the English mission of Hugh Peter and Thomas Weld, for which New Englands First Fruits, published two years later, was written, and through which the Lady Mowlson (Anne Radcliffe) scholarship fund was obtained. From 1644 on, President Dunster made repeated applications to the New England Confederation, which inaugurated a system of voluntary contributions in kind, the “Colledge Corne,” out of which the fellows’ stipends and certain scholarships were paid in the years 1646–1653. A Proposal for the Enlargement of University Learning in New England was issued in 1659–1660 by certain English friends of the college, but too near the Restoration to accomplish much.424

It is possible to date Mitchell’s Modell within a few years, probably in 1663. Matthew Poole’s Model for the Maintaining of Students (at the University of Cambridge), which inspired Mitchell, and to which he directly refers on page six as having been “published some years since in England,” was printed at London in 1658. Mitchell died in 1668. One of the conditions which he wished to remedy, that “Divers schollers after their first degree, are through necessity forced to remove or discontinue, or occasioned to enter into the ministry raw & unfurnished,”425 came to a head in 1662. Not a single candidate for the master’s degree appeared at Commencement that year, although nine of the ten graduates of 1659 were eligible for it—a fact commented on by the Commencement orator.426 Since the New England churches ordinarily required a master’s degree of candidates for ministerial office, this was a very noticeable falling-away from earlier standards of excellence. And of the sixteen who entered with the Class of 1662, only six took the A.B. and only two the A.M.427 From 1665 until Mitchell’s death, there was a slight improvement in this respect. The other situation of which he complains, the youth and short terms of tutors, was also at its worst around 1663. Eight young men, very recent graduates, were appointed tutors between 1657 and 1664, and their average term of office was about three years.428

The natural person to present to the General Court a scheme of the sort outlined in the Modell was the president of the college. President Chauncy had, in fact, presented an “humble petition” for relief of himself and his family in 1663, which was rejected in curt and almost disrespectful terms by the General Court on June 13.429 It seems probable that, in consequence of this reception, the Corporation thought that Chauncy’s name should be kept out of this scheme. On October 20, 1663, Treasurer Danforth petitioned the Court to afford him some aid in the matter of college finances. The magistrates indorsed on this petition that they had also perused “sundry other petitions referring to the College.”430 Probably one of these petitions was Chauncy’s, and another, the Mitchell Modell.

A committee of the Court, to which were added Mitchell and Zechariah Symmes, was appointed on October 21 to consider the “addresse of Mr. Thomas Danforth.” It returned, on May 27, 1664, a report which has been lost; but the action taken on it by the General Court suggests that the Mitchell Modell had made no impression on the Court, even if it had on the committee.431 As Cotton Mather explained it:432

But if New-England then had not many Persons in it, of the same Inclination with Pope Paul 2. who pronounced them, Hereticks, that should mention the Name of an Academy, and exhorted People, that they would not put their Children to Learning, inasmuch, as it was enough if they could but Read and Write: yet, through the Discouragements of Poverty and Selfishness, the Proposals came to nothing. . . .

No Harvard Fund was raised, outside the Portsmouth, New Hampshire, donation in 1669, and the college had to get along as best it could on an income of about £250 a year. Yet the Modell is full of significance for the history of the college and of the times. It emphasizes what we already know, that the college was in a declining state during the sixteen-sixties, when New England as a whole was enjoying unexampled prosperity. The arguments addressed to ignorance and prejudice permit the inference that opposition to a well-educated ministry, which has cropped up in every century of Christian history, had lingered on in New England after the banishment of Anne Hutchinson. And while Mitchell’s emphasis is on “training up” a learned ministry—the aspect of the college nearest to his heart, and the one most likely to appeal to the persons he addressed—he also shows that President Dunster’s ambition to make the college a seminary for learned schoolmasters, trained physicians, and magistrates skilled in the law, had not been forgotten. His suggestion of founding readerships or chairs of ancient languages, history, law, and divinity, although taken from the English Model, was prophetic, as indeed was his closing hope that “God may raise up more Harvards whose Dying Bequeathments of their estates to this work . . . may give life to it.” Two centuries and more have but confirmed the truth of most that Mitchell said about the value of education to the Commonwealth; and it was expressly to remedy one condition that he deplored—the want of material encouragement to learning, leading “most men, even the Richer sort . . . to put their children to more advantageous Imployments”—that a new Society of Fellows was established at Harvard University in the year 1933.

S. E. Morison

title-page

A Modell For y^e Maintaining of students & fellows of choise Abilities at y^e Colledge in Cambridge

Tending to advance Learning among us, & to supply the publike with fit Instruments, principally for the work of y^e Ministry

Drawne out of a like Model printed in England some years since, & accommodated to y^e use of this Country.

with an Hortatory preface & Answers to Objections.

PROV. 3. 9.

Honour the Lord with thy substance & with the first-fruits of all thine Increase.

Si quid Scholasticis confers Deo ipsi contulisti

Luther in Genes, fol. 399. [2]

the Preface

THE Light of nature [er]go433 Hath taught all Civill nations (as, the Egyptians, Babylonians, Persians, Grecians & Romans) to erect & Incourage schooles of Learning: And what is it but Learning y^t hath put y^t vast difference between y^m & salvage Barbarians. Moses & Daniel are famous in y^e scripture for y^r Learning. Act. 7. 22. Dan. 1. 17. we read of sundry Schools or colledges in Israel wherein scholars (or sons of y^e prophets)434 were trained up, some of w^ch Elijah (as their visitor) did visit, before He went to Heavn. 2 King. 2. 1–5. See also 1 Sam. 19. 20. 2 King. 22. 14. the Jews marvelled at Christ’s Learning, having never gone to School to Learn w^ch was (it seems) y^e ordinary way of attaining such Knowledge [J]oh. 7. 15. Christ sent not out his Apostles to preach till they had been trained up as Disciples or Scholars under Him (laying aside [3] all other occasions) for a good space of time; And then what was wanting He furnished them with by miracle in the gifts of Tongues Acts 2 & opening of their understandings to understand the Scriptures Luk. 24. 45. which Gifts we now obtain from God by y^e Breathing and working of His spirit in y^e use of ordinary means.

when the Lord would destroy Antichrist & spread the light of the Gospel in these latter dayes, the Angel is seen come downe with a Book open, & men become Heluones Librorum435 Revel. 10. vid Brightman, Pareus in vers. 9.436 the Benefits that we in these Latter ages have had by Learning & Learned men are unspeakeable As the Translation of y^e Holy scriptures out of y^e originall languages: the Cleering up & vindicating of y^e Truth beyond gainsaying by y^e Lord’s worthies; the Discovery & Dissipation of Antichristian errours and Heresies. What can be more absurd then to Call learning an Antichristian thing; when as the Decay of Learning ushered in, the greatest want of learning was in y^e greatest prevalency of, & the Reviving of Learning was y^e Means to disperse Antichristian darknes as the meanest Reader knows. In the time of y^e Rising of Antichrist It is observed437 that unlearned men crowded into the ministry. Pope Paul the 2^d pronounced them Hereticks that should mention the name of an Academie, and exhorted peopl not to put their Children to Learning, saying it was enough if they could but Read and write.438 when Learning was revived by Erasmus (being the morning-starre that ushered in the rising sun of Gospel-light by Luther) the popish Crew were filled with rage and Indignation against it. Before that, to have skill in Greek was counted suspitious, but in Hebrew almost Hereticall. These & many other Instances y^t might be given tell us w[hat] spirit it is that doth neglect or contemn Learning [4]

Luther, a while after y^t God by His ministry had begun to set up y^e light of y^e Gospel & to cast down the corruptions of y^e Papacy, found need solemnly to stirre up the princes & peopl of Germany, in a Treatise by Him published,439 to erect and Incourage schooles & Learning, & not to spare either Care or Cost to that end. “When satan was beat out of his former Trade of monasteries and abuse in popish Learning, now (saith Luther) He turnes Him to y^e tother side & contends that there must be no Learning at All.” It is no new thing for a Reforming peopl to need excitation to y^e maintenance of Learning, without w^ch all their Endeavours after Reformation will soon Come to nothing. For (as Luther in y^t treatise speakes) “If ever there be any Considerable Blow given to y^e Devils Kingdome, It must be by youth excellently educated. And therefore (saith He) Res Seria est, Ingens est &c. It is a serious thing, a great thing & which hath in it much of y^e Interest of X^t & of all Xtianity, that youth be well trained up & want no Helps to that end, that schools and schoolemasters and poore scholars be maintained &c. Where we spend one crowne against y^e Turk, we should spend an Hundred for this—the Devil was Liberall to monkes & Friars but is a niggard Here because He perceives this makes not for his market—It is the flourishing of a Commonwealth to be well-furnishd with Learned worthy & able Men for all purposes—And God will not give us such men by miracle, seeing He hath vouchsafed us other wayes & means to obtain y^m—Learning is an unwelcome Ghuest to the Devil & therefore He would starve it out—But we shall never long retain the Gospel without the Help of Learning & of y^e toungues. It[em] not long after y^e Apostles times upon the Decay of Learning followd the Decay & corruption of Religion—Many of y^e Fathers though Holy men wanting skill in y^e Toungues often missed it much in Interpretation of scripture—Bee it [5] that some may without much Learning speak good things; yet they will unavoidably often wander from y^e true sense of scripture; they are unarmed for y^e defence of y^e faith & confutation of errours; their work will goe on poorly, & becom nauseous to y^ir Hearers as Crambe bis recocta &c—But if we should have no regard to Religion, even the outward prosperity of a people in this world would necessarily require schools & Learned men—this one thing I observe to be awanting, in that none are Carryed with alacrity & seriousnes to take Care for y^e education of youth & to Help the world with eminent & able men. &c &c.” thus Luther many more of whose sayings in y^t excellent Treatise of His we should transcribe were we not confined unto Brevity.

It is an observation not to be despised concerning the sons of Japhet440 that they Transplanting themselves into places remote from the seat & Center of Religion & Learning (in those first ages of y^e new world after y^e Flood) did in a little time lose both, tho the first planters were pious & Religious. In later times the Kingdome of Nubia once peopled by Xtians, utterly lost all Christianity for want of ministers to Instruct y^m as Historians tell us.441 wee in this Country being farre removed from the more cultivated parts of y^e world, had need to use utmost care & diligence to keep up Learning & all Helps of Education among us, lest degeneracy, Barbarism, Ignorance and irreligion doe by degrees breake in upon us. wee Have great Cause of thankfulnes to God for what He hath done for us already in erecting not only other Schools But a Colledge among us, By y^e pious Gift of mr. John Harvard Founder thereof, together with y^e Beneficence of other worthy Gentlemen & the publik care & contribution of y^e Country; whereby in this Day of our small things that society hath been upheld Hitherto. And it Hath not been Barren but (tho Labouring under many difficulties) Blessed with a plentifull offspring, our Jerusalem cannot say that shee hath none to guide Her of all the sons she had brought up. God hath raised up of our sons for prophets & of our young men for Nazarites. Few churches or townes in the Country without some out of this Seminary in y^m Besides many [6] y^t have been serviceable in other parts of the world, we should [er]go be unthankfull unto God & forgetfull of our selves, if we now let that society languish for want of further needfull Incouragement either as to the edifice or maintenance of scholers there, the papists stick not to be at vast expenses for maintain[in]g their monasteries, seminaries, Libraries, &c. How doe they lavish gold out of y^e bag in building Schooles for satan! And shall Xtians be backward or sparing to uphold schooles & nurseries for promoting y^e Interest of Jesus Christ? Speed Tells us that the valuations of Religious Houses in y^e dayes of K. Henry y^e 8^t founded by Benefactours in times of popery amounted in England & Wales to 1865 12^li 08^s 01^d, besides divers not Reckoned.442 It is no such great things y^t can be expected or attained in this wildernes, when we have done all we can, Learning must be carryed on in this poore Country (as all things else) with difficulty, Hardship & selfe-denyall. But let us not withhold our mite from y^e Lord’s Treasury, or neglect to Help on this good work to the uttermost of our power

Finding therefore that the want of needfull maintenance for fellows & of somewhat to enable other scholars to continue at y^e Colledge till they be well & thoroughly furnishd for publike service (the whole Charge whereof but few parents among us are able or willing to beare of y^ms.) is a cause of y^e languishing of y^t society, & is like to enforce a decay of Learning among us if not timely remedyed. And Having seen a modell published some years since in England for maintaining students of choice Abilities at y^e university443 the designe and contrivance whereof was deservedly approved by judicious men, wee Have reduced & accommodated the same to the state of things with us, & thought meet to propose it unto all whose Hearts God may stirre up to consider & advance a work of so great Importance for the good of present and after generations.

that very much of y^e Interest of X^t, of His church, of the publike weal & of y^e souls of men is wrapt up in this work none will doubt y^t doe impartially consider yreof; And if so, none can want Argum[en]ts to excite y^m to [7] Contribute to it, y^t look into y^e scriptures, w^ch are so Abundant in propounding as to this excellent Trade of turning our Temporalls into Eternalls by giving to y^e Lord i.e. to pious uses for y^e Lord’s sake seeing our estates whatever contentm[en]t their lives Have must all fail. X^t gives us excellent Counsell, Luk. 16. 9 to make our selves Friends with y^e false mammon, y^t then they may receive us into everlasting Habitations, one of these Friends will say (as Lyserus upon y^e place speaks)444 Ego miser Scholasticus &c—I a poor scholar had in my youth been undone & haply been made an Hogsherd or put to other mean Imployments, But this man was my Benefactour & kept mee to my studies, this Gentleman, that worthy matron gave mee support yrein. Lord Jesus reward it unto y^m in life eternall! &c. Remember y^t your works only Rev. 14. 13 (not your estates, pleasures &c) shall (tho not through any merit in y^m yet thro y^e Grace of God so accepting and rewarding y^m) follow you into another world, would you give any thing to X^t Jesus who Hath done so much for you, give it to His peopl & to y^e furtherance of His Kingdom among men & what you doe to one of yese little ones much more to a whole Body & Community of y^m, shall be accounted as done to Him. we have indeed nothing but what is His we are not absolute owners but stewards of what we Have, yet He will take it as our gift if out of our affection to y^e House of our God we set it apart for Him 1 Chron. 29. 3, 9, 14. But it may be you are not so free to give, you Had rather Lend could you meet with one y^t were able & faithfull to let you Have your own again especially with advantage: why, this is y^e proposition the Holy Ghost makes you by y^e pen of Solomon, Prov. 19. 17 Here is a faire Bill of Exchange from Him whose word none ever had cause to return protested. Are you not willing to lend y^e Lord somewhat, trust Him give Him credit for it? He hath given it under His Hand to be your Debtour for the repayment thereof445 we think it a Blessed thing to receive, but X^t saith it is more Blessed to give. Are the times evill? the Scripture saith therefore give Eccles. II. 1, 2. Are we poore & Low? It was y^e Macedonians Commendation y^t y^r deep poverty abounded to y^e Riches of their Liberality. 2 Cor. 8. 1, 2. there is that scattereth & yet increaseth; but the pinching Hold-fast will be y^e poorest man in conversion Prov. II. 24, 25. In the Hardest times & after poorest crops, men will make shift to get seed & spare their Best grain for that. And such is this 2 Cor 9. 6, 10. [8] Galat. 6. 8, 9, 10. Are we Carefull to provide for our Children? this is the best way psal. 37, 36.446 & 112. 2, 3, 5, 9. But for further arguments persuasive to this work we shall referre the Reader to the Epistles of Two Reverend persons in England published with y^e modell above-mentioned, w^ch we have thought meet here to annex. The Lord continue to owne this our day of small things, establish to us y^e light of His Gospel & all y^e Helps yreof; richly reward those y^t shall Contribute to this good work, & carry down y^e Blessing thereof unto many generations.

Two Epistles to y^e modell above-mentioned as it was published in England.

To the Rich y^t love Christ, the Church, the Gospel & themselves.447

leaving out a passage or two

A word to y^e Rich y^t desire to give up their account with Comfort [9]

A Model for the Education & Maintenance of students of choise abilities at ye Colledge in Cambridge to the service of God & His people in publike especially ministeriall work448

Chap 1.

of the Contributors & Contributions

1. that they who through their Affection to Gods Glory & the Good of men in the Advancement of Learning & piety shall be willing to Contribute to this work be Intreated to signify their Desires by way of subscriptions, that so it may be more Certain in it selfe & more visible & exemplary to others.

2. For the Better Carrying on of y^e whole design, and lest through y^e uncertainty or failing of continued supplyes, youths of excellent parts should be left Destitute in the mid-way: It is earnestly desired that what persons shall please to give they would doe it in Annuall way for 7 or eight years, or if it may be for ever: which will be deservedly looked upon as a noble & eminent act of Charity & w^ch present & future Ages may have Cause to Blesse God for. Yet if any shall contribute any thing in any other way It will be Acceptable.

3. that the name of every Contributor be fairly written in a Book appointed for the purpose together with y^e summ w^ch it shall please Him to contribute to this work.

Chap. 2

Of the Trustees & three officers

1. that the money collected be disposed of & the Election of Schollars made by Trustees, viz the Magistrates & Teaching elders Inhabiting within the Townes of Boston, Roxbury, Dorchester, Charlestown, Cambridge & Watertown together with 7 other Gentlemen by them Chosen out of those Townes: of all which any seven shall make a Quorum in ordinary cases, whereof three to be ministers provided [10] alwayes that all the Trustees have notice of the meeting, & of y^e end of it.

2. that the Trustees proceed in all things without partiality, as they shall judge best for the publike Good, and suffer not themselves to be Byassed from it by any favours or Recommendations whatsoever. And particularly y^t in the election of Scholars when there are any vacancies, the Trustees declare themselves that they will according to their Trust proceed therein with all fidelity & Integrity.

3. that when any one of the foresayd 7 Gentlemen-Trustees dyes or removes out of y^e Townes abovementioned, or refuseth to act further in y^e Busines, or by y^e Rest of y^e Trustees is judged to deserve Dismission from his Trust; The Rest of y^e Trustees or Any 7 of them (3 of y^m being ministers & notice of y^e meeting given to all) proceed to chuse Another: And that they chuse one whom for wisdom, candor, activity, publick-spiritednes, Integrity, affection to Religion & Learning & other necessary qualifications they judg fit for y^e work.

4. that the Trustees doe (once in 2 or 3 yeare) chuse from among themselves one Magistrate & one Minister, who shall be desired from time to time to appoint meetings of y^e Trustees, & to be present at all meetings & transactions & to take speciall care to promote y^e work.

5. that the Trustees doe also chuse a person who may perform y^e office of Treasurer449 (being one of unquestionable fidelity) making a new election in y^e month of April every 3 years. And that the Treasurers Discharge shall be sufficient to any y^t shall pay y^e money. And that the Treasurer be accountable to y^e Trustees once a year: & that He shall not dispose of any of y^e moneyes but according to y^e Direction of the Trustees or any 7 of y^m as aforesayd

6.450 that a clerk be chosen to be present at all meetings to draw & enter all orders made by y^e Trustees & keep the Books & write such things as are necessary; & y^t He have such salarie as the Truste[es] shall think fit

6.451 that All y^e charges Incidentall to the work which the trustees shall judge expedient, but with the utmost frugality y^t may be shall be allowed out of y^e stock.

7. that the Alteration or addition of circumstances in this modell be left to y^e wisdom of y^e Trustees—provided alwayes y^t y^e substantialls [remain] untouched. [11]

Chap 3^d

of the Quality of Schollers to be chosen

1. that the Schollars to whom the exhibitions shall be granted, be chosen out of the Colledge, or out of Schools as the Trustees shall find expedient: And that strict enquiry & diligent examination be made & all possible Care used that fit persons be chosen. And that no shollers hereafter shall be chosen but such as have been personally & diligently examined by Two at least either of the Trustees themselves (who are scholars) or of such as shall be chosen & desired by y^e Trustees to examine them, & doe attest their fitnes under their Hands.

2. that the Schollers to be chosen be of Godly Life, or at y^e least Hopefull for Godlines, of eminent parts, of an Ingenuous disposition, & of a modest & Humble spirit; and such as are poor or have not a sufficient maintenance any other way: that not only the pregnancy but the solidity of their parts be observed. And that a speciall regard be had to Godlines.

3. that the exhibitions be given not only to such as Intend the ministry & direct their studies that way, (tho principally to them; it being y^e principall aim of this work to supply y^e churches with choise & able ministers) But also to such as may probably be fit for speciall service in the Commonwealth.

4. And for as much as the want of Able Fellows of competent standing, eminent Learning & good Authority to continue in y^e Colledge is a great Hindrance to y^e Advancement of Learning & Governm[en]t yrein, that such moderate additions to what the Colledg can allow for y^r maintenance be exhibited, as may Incourage deserving Fellows to a meet Continuance in y^e Colledge, provided alwayes that great & exact Care be had in the choise of Fellows; & that the exhibitions be made or continued only to such as doe well approve y^ms: & that no Idle Drones or unworthy & unprofitable persons be hereby maintained.

5. And whereas Divers schollers after their first degree, are through necessity forced to remove or discontinue, or occasioned to enter into the [12] ministry raw & unfurnished; that a speciall regard be had to such of them as during their Continuance have given the Best proof of their parts, Learning & Godlines & they be enabled to continue four years after y^r degree of Batchelour; whereby they may be solemnly prepared & well fitted for the weighty work y^t God may call them to. Also that these or such of y^m as are fittest for it, be imployed & incouraged in y^e work of reading Lectures in y^e Colledge upon y^e severall Arts, for example & Instruction unto younger scholars. [13]

Chapt. 4.

of the education of the Schollars

1. that the exhibitioners shall be obliged to study to be eminent in y^e Latine, Greek, Hebrew & other Oriental Languages, & in the severall Arts & Sciences, so farre as their time & Ability will permit.

2. that such exhibitioners as are taken from Schools be placed under Good Tutours in the Colledge, who shall be entreated to have a speciall eye upon y^m, as to their Godlines & to presse them to a diligent attendance upon all means publike & private conducing thereunto.

3.452 that none of y^e exhibitioners be absent from y^e Colledge above a month in a yeare unlesse extraordinarily visited by sicknes.

4. that once in a yeare or two the Trustees or some three of y^m (who are scholars) goe to the Colledge & there with the Help of the president & Fellows (who shall all be entreated to take Constant, speciall notice of the exhibitioners) find out their profiting & diligently enquire into their Abilities & Conversations & encourage them accordingly. And that in their presence the exhibitioners or some of y^m doe some short Learned exercises sutable to their standing & proficiency.

5. that such of y^e exhibitioners as shall at any solemn examination be found eminently to excell the Rest in ability & piety shall have such speciall Incouragem[en]ts as the Trustees shall judge fit.

6. that when there shall be satisfying Evidence of the Idlenes or dissolutenes, or any depravednes of any of y^m, the Trustees may after admonition & Tryall either wholy or for so long time as they shall think fit, withdraw the exhibition from them and chuse others in their places.

Chap. 5.

of the selection of some Schollers for speciall uses

1. That (besides supplyes made to the churches for the work of y^e ministry) there be some fit persons Chosen out of the exhibitioners or others by the Trustees [with the] advice of y^e president and fellows of y^e colledge [of sufficient] standing & Convenient [14] Leisure, & employed in that way wherein they are most eminent; one to be the Linguist & principally for Greek & Hebrew & for Jewish and Rabbinicall Learning; Another the Historian & Antiquary especially for Ecclesiasticall Antiquity: Another the Civilian well-studyed in the Law & especially in the Laws of y^e English nation: Another the polemicall Divine, well versed in all theologicall Controversies,453 that so this poore remote Country may not be utterly destitute of eminent Helps in these kinds. And that each of these employ themselves (when occasion shall require & the Trustees reasonably desire) in such works as shall be usefull & necessary for the publike Good; & Have such Allowances as y^e Trustees shall Judge Fit & as the exellency of their parts & the nature of y^e work shall require. Neither need this selection Hinder any of these persons from being afterward Imployed in particular places of service to y^e churches or Country as God shall call them thereunto.

2. Forasmuch as some parts of Virginia & some other places Have sent Hither for Labourers in y^e Ministry;454 & there is also yet much want of such in sundry out-places in y^e Borders of this Country, whereby many souls are destitute of y^e Lord’s appointed Helps for salvation; the Trustees may incourage some of those exhibitioners or others whom God shall qualify for a service, to goe forth yreunto; & those places may be incouraged to send & look out for Labourers in y^t work, when they shall be sure not to fail of good supply.

3. some may be set apart for Choise & Able Schoolmasters in y^e severall townes, & for Teachers of the Mathematicks. some for physitians who may become able eminent & approved in y^t faculty, & be a priviledged society or Colledge in time, some of singular Integrity & Ability may Have y^e eyes of y^e Country upon y^m for y^e magistracy besides others employed in Inferiour Civill offices.

Chapt. 6.

of some speciall Helps for y^e advancem[en]t of Learning among us

1. Forasmuch as a Compleat & well-furnishd Library is altogether necessary unto eminent degrees of Learning in any Faculty. And to Have at least one such in y^e Country is needfull for y^e publike & Common good, as well as for the [p]rofit of particular scholars. It is [er]go a needful & would be a N[oble ?] work to Inlarge the L[ibrary of t]he Colledge at C[ambridge] [torn] [15] And should it please any to contribute either particular summes, or any Annuity to that end It would be a worthy & renouned service to y^e publike. provided Alwayes that the Trustees above-sayd doe with y^e Help of the President & Fellows take a speciall & extraordinary care for the Keeping & well-ordering of y^e Library, & to prevent all Abuses therein; & that (as soon as may be) the Bookes may be chained as they are in other places.455 In y^e mean time y^t the president and senior Fellow456 with some one or two of y^e Trustees, doe every quarter goe into y^e Library & take a strict account of y^e Library-Keeper y^t no Book may be so lent out or disposed as to be in Hazard either of being lost or abused.

3.457 that it be the serious & Constant Endeavour of all sorts of men in their places, to promote & Encourage Grammer-schooles in y^e severall townes of y^e Country, w^ch are the springs of Learning; & without w^ch the streames thereof cannot replenish either Colledge, or Churches, or y^e Country. Let all be stirred up in the fear of God to promote them both by providing comfortable stipends for school-masters & by putting children to School some in order to further progresse, But all to Have so much cultivating as may render them Intelligent & usefull in their Generations; that our Children become not Barbarians & that our present Light be not turned into darknes.

2 seeing the present Edifice of the Colledge is old & Ruinous & will not long suffice to y^e end (tho for a while with reparations it may)458 the Lord stirre up some who may to their eternall Honour become Founders or Builders of another & Better structure w^ch may longer last to bear y^e memory of so noble a work, & be a more Comfortable Habitation for stud[ents] [torn] & Hopes of y^e [cou]ntry who [torn] under a continuall [torn] [16]

An Answer to some objections y^t may be raised against this work.

Obj. 1. what need we so much Book-Learning or a Learned ministry? may we not doe well enough without it?

Ans. He that despises Booke Learning forgets that God Hath put our All into a Book or Bible for the understanding & Improving of w^ch Book, all sorts of other usefull books & All Arts & sciences are no more yⁿ necessary, to despise any kind or degree of usefull Learning is to despise the propheticall office of Jes. X^t the scope whereof is to restore Knowledge to y^e sons of men; & inferiour parts of Knowledge as needful & Helpfull to y^e superiour. Neither can we doe well without a Learned ministry, yea such as are eminently learned in y^e Arts & Languages, as He will readily grant who considers, that the scriptures & the Best Helps to understand y^m are written in y^e Learned Languages; that there is y^e use & Result of All Arts in y^e scriptures & all needful to a distinct understanding yreof, that the Oppositions & disputes w^ch Satan Hath at all Times & in yese our dayes especially raised up against ye Truth, require much learning to Resist & Refute y^m.

Let it never be forgotten by us what the policies of Julian y^e Apostate were to root out Christianity (viz 1. By taking away y^e maintenance of ministers 2. By Tolerating all opinions. 3. By Keeping y^e children of Xtians from schools of Learning.) Let us use the Contrary wisdom to promote & establish it. see more to this in y^e preface. [17]

obj. 2. But much Hath been given to the Colledge already what becomes of that, & what needeth more?

Answ. 1. If we Have any charity toward men, we may Rest assured that what Hath ben given, being in y^e Hands of men faithfull & Able is carefully preserved, improved & disposed in y^e Best way y^t may be: the Accounts of this Have been presented to y^e Generall Court, viewed by their Committees, & may be seen in y^e Hands of y^e Treasurer of y^e Colledge by any y^t shall desire it. 2. what Hath been given comes not to so much as many Imagine; But if it were more yⁿ it is, It would fall farre short of what is needfull, as any one y^t considers y^e nature & compasse of such a work will easily see. the whole Annual Revenues y^t any way Come to y^e College (for support of y^e president, fellows, scholars & Edifice) amount but to 250l. And y^e Greatest part of y^t in such wayes as are difficult, Troublesom & Inconvenient, though y^r necessity makes for a shift till Better doe occurre. 3. the principall scope of this Design is not so much to maintaine the society of y^e Colledge as particular persons yrein of choise abilities for y^e service of y^e Country: And this will also make y^e society flourish, w^ch now languisheth for want of students y^t continue.

Obj. 3. the Colledge as it is Breedeth as many or more than can Have imploym[en]t in this small Country in y^e work of y^e ministry.

Answ. 1. How is it then y^t some out-places are destitute & others not fully furnished? 2. the designe of this modell is not only to send forth ministers but choise & eminent ministers, the number will not it may be Hereby be much augmented, but their Abilitys & advantages for greater attainm[en]ts by being Inabled to Continue at y^e Colledge & furnishd with choise Tutours there. 3. It sufficeth not to Have supplyes for y^e ministry, for time will shew y^t unlesse we Have y^e Helps of Learn[in]g & education to accomplish persons for y^e magistracy & other civill offices, things will languish & goe to decay among us. 4. Advantages & preferments by Learning Here are not attractive & considerable, as y^y are in other places. Hence few will be of themselves at y^e charges to Bring up y^r children to Learning, without Help, wee see by experience y^t most men, even y^e Richer sort doe chuse to put y^r children to more advantageous Imployments. [18]

Obj. 4. the Colledge-Diet & Accommodations is uncomfortable & prejudiciall to y^e Health of students yre, also the manners of sundry are Dissolute; these things are a discouragm[en]t both to parents from putting y^r children thither & to Benefactours.

Answ 1. there is and will be care taken that the Accomodation at y^e Colledge be in all respects as good as can be according to the present expenses & allowances, yet it hath been y^e wisdome of all nations & ages to attend frugality & somewhat of severity in such societies. 2. If more & better be desired the charge must needs be greater; & parents will find that Heavy, unlesse some Assistance be lent y^m, the Obtaining whereof is our designe of this proposall 3. were there more meanes to maintain Good & able Fellows in y^e Colledge, Both the manners of students & what else is amisse might by their Help be Rectifyed. 4. In all societies there will be Bad as well as Good; yet if we Remember How many Have ben there bred of y^e better sort, we shall Have no cause to Insist too much on y^e former. But according to this Modell there will be such a Carefull Election of scholars & they kept under such obligations & Inspection as will through y^e Blessing of God, render them a Rejoycing to all pious Benefactours.

Object. 5. the Country is poore & Hath Little to spare for such uses

Answ. 1. Necessary things must be provided for though we make the Hardest shifts; & such a thing is the maintenance of Learning for the work of present & after ages. 2. the proposall is tendered to such as God hath Blessed with estates in some Comfortable measure; 3. It is not great matters that we aim at, but a competent & necessary subsistence for learning according to our day of small things in a wildernes. 4. though it is but Little that each single person can doe, yet many drops united may make a small stream 5. It is Hoped that in a little time God may raise up more Harvards whose Dying Bequeathments of their estates to this work (& Haply to be improved according to this modell) may give life to it. And thus the Contributions of many particular persons may be spared, In the mean time let us creep as we can & be doing something that Learning among us may not fall or Languish, but may stand & flourish to y^e Good of us & our posterity after us.

1 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., v. 60–61. It may be conjectured that the neighbor was one of the Bordman family, which supplied Harvard College with five stewards in the century 1650–1750. See list of College Stewards in our Publications, xv. clxi, and the statutes respecting their duties, id., pp. 32–33, 45–56.

2 See our Publications, xxvii. 399.

3 L. R. Paige, in 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., v. 156, and History of Cambridge, pp. 509–510; 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., iii. 424.

4 S. E. Morison, “Precedence at Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s., xlii. 371–431 (also printed separately). But I must confess to a little garbling myself. On page 422 (page 54 of the separate) I invented a mythical “Thomas Noyce,” the correct reading being “The Noyces” (James and Moses).

5 Our Publications, xv. 34. The “Buttery Book” is mentioned in id., pp. 62, 74, 231.

6 Laws of the University (1825), p. 29; but “term” is used as a synonym for “quarter” in The Laws of Harvard College (1798), p. 59.

7 Some students paid the 8s charge on the June quarter-day, 1654, and all did so by the December quarter-day; the increase in tuition must therefore have been made while Dunster was still president.

8 The other “Goodies”—Betts, Fox, Sill, etc.—mentioned in the accounts, seem to have been Cambridge residents who took in students’ washing.

9 S. E. Morison et al., “A Conjectural Restoration of the Old College,” Old-Time New England, xxiii. 131–158.

10 See the accounts in our Publications, xv. 5–14.

11 See list of studies, incomes, and quarterly rents, id., pp. 14–15.

12 Id., p. 19.

13 Id., pp. civ–cvi.

14 Id., p. cxxii.

15 See also the Laws of 1655, p. 331, below.

16 Including Malbone, Goodyear, and Swinnock, who had taken their degrees, but still owed the college money; and Jonathan Ince, who entered with the Class of 1651, but graduated in 1650.

17 See the lists, taken from this book, printed in my article in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s., XLII. 371–431.

18 The method here chosen for comparing values between these distant periods avoids the uncertainties which would be involved if an attempt were made to convert the 1650 prices into modern equivalents either through the medium of money units or through that of a yet more stable standard of value, the daily wage of unskilled labor. Either of the latter might be more readily understood by those unaccustomed to thinking in terms of statistical ratios, but the results obtained would be less accurate.

19 These price data were all taken from the reports of the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. The particular series selected were:

Wheat—No. 1, northern spring
Rye—No. 2, cash
Corn—Cash, contract grades
Beef—Carcass, good native steers, Chicago
Pork—Fresh, loins, Chicago
Sugar—96% centrifugal

20 Samuel Danforth, A.B. 1643; at this time Senior Fellow—Samuel Mather, who was so named in the Charter of 1650, having gone abroad. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. 88.

21 William Mildmay, of the Class of 1647, who had taken his A.M. in 1650. Sibley, i. 164; for his parentage see our Publications, xv. cxl n. Richard Lyon was the tutor sent over by Sir Henry Mildmay to look after his son, who seems to have been somewhat deficient, since he did not take his first degree with his class, continued to reside for a year after proceeding A.M., and lapsed into complete obscurity when he returned to England.

22 Jonathan Mitchell, Fellow of the Corporation next junior to Danforth, but no longer Tutor after August 21, 1650, when he was ordained minister of the Cambridge church in succession to Thomas Shepard. He retained his fellowship until his death in 1668.

23 A.B. 1647, A.M. 1650; entered here because he still owed money to the college when Chesholme took over the stewardship. See A. G. Matthews, Calamy Revised (1934), pp. 343–344.

24 Samuel Eaton, A.B. 1649, the third Fellow and Senior Tutor. Cf. p. [402]. For the use of “Sir,” see our Publications, xv. cxl.

25 A continuation of the account on p. [9], inserted here out of its original order.

26 An overflow debit account, entered by Chesholme on the credit page. Eaton is now called “Mr.” because he had taken his A.M. at the time these items were entered.

27 Urian Oakes, A.B. 1649, Junior Fellow and Tutor, later president of the college.

28 Nathaniel White, A.B. 1646, A.M. 1649. After taking his second degree he went to Eleuthera in the Bahamas, probably in charge of a shipload of supplies which the people about Boston had contributed to relieve the wants of a colony of exiled Bermudians there, which included his father. White returned in the summer of 1650 with a cargo of Brazil wood, a “pledge of thankfulness . . . to bee disposed of . . . as a stock for your Colledges use,” and which fetched £124. The accounts on these pages show that White then resumed residence in the college, whose generosity to a resident Master of Arts not a Fellow may be explained by his agency in securing the donation. After leaving in November, 1653, he probably returned to England, since his father, dying in Bermuda in 1668, left a legacy to his “son Nathaniell in England.” He was the ejected minister mentioned in Calamy, An Account of the Ministers Who Were Ejected or Silenced after the Restoration, ii. 761. See also our Publications, xiii. 22 n, 43, 53–54; Sir J. H. Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas.

29 Samuel Willis, of Hartford, of the Class of August 9, 1653; placed here and called “Mr.” because a fellow-commoner, outranking, as in English universities, all other undergraduates and resident bachelors of arts.

30 A fellow-commoner, from the “Mr.,” and a member of the Class of 1655, from the date of his entrance. Probably Charles, son of Robert Brooke, Esq., M.A. Oxon., of De la Brooke in Charles County, Maryland. Born in 1636, he was later a Justice of the Quorum, sheriff, and, as member of the Maryland Assembly, one of a committee to consider “founding and Erecting a School or College.” S. E. Morison, in William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, 2 ser., xiii. 4–6.

31 John Whiting, A.B. August 9, 1653. See p. [71].

32 The Goffe house, acquired in 1651, and called “Goffe College.” See our Publications, xv. lxxvii–lxxxii. Cf. below, p. [110], where it is called “Ed goffes.” Many similar entries in later pages prove that there was a general exodus to Goffe in the quarter ending June 11, 1652, when it was probably first ready for occupancy by students.

33 John Rogers, A.B. 1649, A.M. 1652, the future president of the college.

34 Samuel Green, who succeeded the Days as printer. He will also be found in these pages cutting students’ hair, and performing other offices for the college.

35 John Collins, A.B. 1649, A.M. 1652, Fellow and Tutor, 1651–53. On July 1, 1654, “Johannes Collins, magister in Artibus apud Cantabrigienses in Nov. Angliâ,” was incorporated M.A. at the University of Cambridge. Camb. Univ. Registry, MS. Supplicats, 1651–56. He had already been elected Fellow of Pembroke College on April 13, but spent very little time there (MS. Absence Book, College Muniments). Cf. Sibley, i. 186–191; Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 127.

36 The members of this class are all designated “Sir” because they had already graduated A.B. when entered in the book, and in 1651–1652 constituted what was known as the “Middle Bachelor” class.

37 William Stoughton, A.B. 1650. His diploma, dated “Coll. Harvard. 2 Aug: 1651,” signed by President Dunster and by Mitchell, Oakes, and Collins, Fellows, certifying (according to the second form printed in our Publications, xv. 23) that he had spent a “quinquennium apud nos” and was Bachelor of Arts, is recorded in Univ. Oxon. Arch., Qa 17. fol. 179. He was incorporated B.A. at Oxford, April 28, 1652 (Warden Sewall’s MS. Registrum Custodum, Sociorum, etc., Collegii Novi, p. 198, New College Muniments). He was elected Fellow of New College on September 14, 1652 (folio record of admissions, New College Muniments), proceeded M.A. June 30, 1653 (Univ. Oxon. Arch., Qa 17. fol. 187), received leave of absence from his college on September 29 “quod privata aliqua negotia præsentiam suam in Scotiâ requirunt” (New College Muniments), and was back in college in 1656 and served as bursar in 1657. Ejected by royal command in 1660, he returned to New England and became magistrate of the colony, lieutenant-governor of the province, and benefactor of the college.

38 Commencement Day.

39 Joshua and Jeremiah Hobart, A.B. 1650, A.M. 1653, survived their other classmates many years, dying in 1717 and 1715, respectively.

40 Edmund Weld, A.B. 1650.

41 Samuel Phillips, A.B. 1650, A.M. 1653.

42 Figures in the original changed to zeros.

43 Leonard Hoar, A.B. 1650, A.M. 1653; incorporated M.A. Cambridge 1654, M.D. Cambridge 1671. He returned to New England the next year, and became president of Harvard College. See Dictionary of American Biography, ix. 88.

44 Scituate, where Charles Chauncy, the second president, was at that time minister.

45 Isaac Allerton, A.B. 1650.

46 Crossed out in the original.

47 Pp. [34–35], containing Allerton’s debits and Malbone’s credits, are missing.

48 Samuel Malbone, son of a magistrate of the New Haven Colony (Sibley, i. 550), did not graduate from Harvard College. His diploma of residence, following the first form printed in our Publications, xv. 23, dated “e col. Harvard: Cantabr: Nov. Angl: Octobris 19° 1650,” and signed by President Dunster and Mather, Mitchell, and Starr, Fellows, is recorded in the Oxford University Archives (Qa 17. fol. 178). On May 29, 1651, he was admitted B.A. from New Inn Hall. For his later career see Matthews, Calamy Revised, pp. 333–334.

49 Michael Wigglesworth, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654, Fellow and Tutor, 1652–54; author of The Day of Doom.

50 Crossed out in the original.

51 Crossed out in the original.

52 Crossed out in the original.

53 Seaborn, or “Marigena,” Cotton, as he appears in the Latin catalogue of graduates, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654.

54 Crossed out in the original.

55 Thomas Dudley, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654, Fellow and Tutor, 1654–55. He was a grandson of Governor Thomas Dudley, whose difference of opinion with Steward Chesholme is recorded in the credits for April 8, 1651.

56 Crossed out in the original.

57 Andrew Goodyear, who did not graduate. As Sibley suggests (i. 551), he was probably a son of Stephen Goodyear, Deputy-Governor of New Haven Colony from 1641 to 1657, his payments being made by Mr. Thomas Lake, of Boston, who married the Deputy’s daughter. The Goodyears of New Haven seem to have been the only family of that name in New England.

58 Mistake for “Debitor.”

59 John Glover, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654, son of John Glover, merchant of Boston, who apparently worked off his “shooes” on the college to pay the young man’s accounts.

60 Habakkuk Glover, the student’s elder brother. Sibley, i. 196.

61 “Moyses” Bordman, eldest child of Steward William Bordman, born about 1640.

62 Added later.

63 A continuation of the account on p. [46], inserted here out of its original order. P. [48], facing the second page of Glover’s credits, is missing, but was probably blank.

64 Pp. [49–50] are missing, but Chesholme’s index refers to them under the name “Swineoke.” Foster’s Alumni Oxonienses mentions a Joseph Swinnocke, Chaplain of New College, 1649, M.A. June 20, 1653, who “spent 7 years in academical study here, and at Cambridge, N.E.” He was rector of St. Martin Orgar, London, in 1661. From Montagu Burrows, Register of the Visitors to the University of Oxford, 1647–1658 (Camden Society, 1881), pp. 169, 535, it appears that Joseph “Swynocke” was chosen Chaplain of New College, January 19, 1648/9. The name “Shinnock” appears in the New College Buttery Book (MS., College Muniments) for the week of July 4, 1659. One Joseph “Swinoke” is mentioned as cousin and beneficiary in the will of Ninion Butcher, of London (d 1658), whose daughter married John Glover, of Dorchester, father of John Glover of the Class of 1651. New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxviii. 416.

65 Henry Butler, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654. P. [51], containing his credits, is missing.

66 John Davis, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654, son of William Davis, of New Haven.

67 See note 1 under Goodyear, above, p. [43].

68 Crossed out in the original.

69 Both Thomas and William Jeggles were active in the maritime life of Salem during this period.

70 The date of this entry appears in the original as “15–1–5 49/52.”

71 Crossed out in the original.

72 Crossed out in the original.

73 Nathaniel Pelham, A.B. 1651, son of Herbert Pelham, the first college treasurer. His study is mentioned below, p. [128]. With his classmates Davis and Ince, he was drowned on a voyage to England in 1657. Sibley, i. 300.

74 Isaac and Ichabod Chauncy, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654, sons of Charles Chauncy, then of Scituate, later president of Harvard College. See Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 112.

75 Crossed out in the original.

76 Jonathan Ince, who skipped a class and graduated A.B. 1650, A.M. 1653.

77 Some of these “wryttings,” referring to the Eleuthera Donation, will be found in President Dunster’s MS. notebook at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

78 Jonathan Burr, A.B. 1651, A.M. 1654.

79 Both Burr and Nelson were wards of Richard Dummer, of Newbury.

80 For an explanation of the two Commencements in 1653, see the introduction to President Dunster’s Quadriennium Memoir. This class was the first that was required to reside four years for the first degree; as a concession, they were allowed to take their second degree in 1655 instead of 1656. Samuel Willis, the head of the class, is entered above, p. [15], as he was a fellow-commoner. Joseph Rowlandson, the sole member of the Class of 1652, is not found in the Steward’s Book. Sibley (i. 311–314) conjectures that he was expelled before the book was purchased, and later granted his degree as of 1652.

81 John Angier, A.B. August 9, 1653, A.M. 1655. Sibley (i. 325–327) could find nothing about him. It may be recorded here that he was the son of John Angier (1605–1677), B.A. Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 1625/26, and pastor of Denton, Lanes. Our student was baptized at Boston, Lines., July 13, 1629, and was admitted to Emmanuel College, Cambridge, July 24, 1647, where “his conduct was so unsatisfactory that he had to make a confession of errors before obtaining ordination, 1657.” He transferred from Emmanuel to Harvard, returned to England in 1656, became vicar of Deane, Lanes., and died in 1675. Dictionary of National Biography; Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses; Oliver Heywood, Diaries.

82 Zeros appear to have been written over these figures, except that in the farthing column.

83 Thomas Shepard, A.B. August 9, 1653, A.M. 1655; Tutor for about two years from 1654; Fellow, 1654–73, and from 1675 to his death in 1677; minister of Charlestown.

84 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

85 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

86 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

87 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

88 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

89 Michael Barstow, of Watertown.

90 Crossed out in the original.

91 Cf. entry for same date in accounts of Nathaniel Utie, p. [107].

92 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

93 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

94 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

95 Samuel Nowell, of Charlestown, A.B. August 9, 1653, A.M. 1655, Fellow and Tutor in 1656.

96 Richard Hubbard, of Ipswich, A.B. August 9, 1653, A.M. 1655.

97 John Whiting, of Hartford, A.B. August 9, 1653, A.M. 1655; called “Whiting Senior” because there was another Whiting, of a different family, in the next class.

98 See p. [140].

99 Figures changed to zeros in the original.

100 Figures changed to zeros in the original.

101 Figures changed to zeros in the original.

102 An overflow debit account, entered by Chesholme on the credit page. Whiting is now called “Sir” because he had taken his first degree when these items were entered.

103 Crossed out in the original.

104 Samuel Hooker, of Hartford, A.B. August 9, 1653, A.M. 1655, Fellow and Tutor from 1654 to about 1656.

105 Another case of overflow debits inserted by Chesholme on the credit page. Hooker, like Whiting, had taken his A.B. when these debts were incurred.

106 Crossed out in the original.

107 John Stone, of Hartford, A.B. August 9, 1653. On March 10, 1654, “Johannes Stone, Sam. Presbyteri Novanglicani Primo-genitus, Cantabrigiâ Nov-Anglicani natus, postquam apud Nov-Anglos suos Artiū Baccalaureus,” was admitted to Pembroke College, Cambridge (MS. Order Book, College Muniments, p. 142). On July 6, 1654, he was admitted Fellow of the College (Atwood’s MS. Aulae Pemb. Socii, “ϴ”), and there resided almost steadily (MS. Absence Books) until his death early in June, 1660 (Camb. Univ. Registry, Grace Book H, p. 221). On April 6, 1655, he supplicated as “Bacchalaureus in artibus in Academia Cantabrigiensi Nov–Angliæ” for incorporation B.A., which was granted (Univ. Registry, Supplicats, 1651–56), and in 1657 he incepted M.A. (Atwood).

108 Crossed out in the original.

109 More overflow debits, incurred after Stone had taken his A.B.

110 Samuel Green, the printer. L. R. Paige, History of Cambridge, p. 567.

111 William Thomson, of Braintree, A.B. August 9, 1653.

112 George Stirk or Starkey (A.B. 1646), the alchemist. See the paper on him by G. L. Kittredge in our Publications, xiii. 16–59, and the accounts of this study, id., xv. 9.

113 For an explanation of the two Classes of 1653, see the introduction to President Dunster’s Quadriennium Memoir. This class entered college a year later than the Class of August 9, but were required to wait the usual three years for the A.M.

114 Edward Rawson, of Boston.

115 Crossed out in the original.

116 Samuel Bradstreet, of Ipswich, A.B. August 10, 1653, A.M. 1656, Fellow and Tutor, 1656–57.

117 Nathaniel Utie; see p. [107].

118 Overflow debits, entered by Chesholme on the credit page.

119 Joshua Long, of Charlestown, A.B. August 10, 1653, A.M. 1656.

120 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

121 Samuel Whiting, of Lynn, A.B. August 10, 1653, A.M. 1656. The “Junior” was not intended to imply that he was any relation to John Whiting of the previous class, but that he was the junior of the two Whitings in academic seniority.

122 Joshua Moodey, of Newbury, A.B. August 10, 1653, A.M. 1656, Fellow and Tutor, 1656–58.

123 Joshua Ambrose, A.B. August 10, 1653; with his younger brother Nehemiah he was sent out from England to Harvard. His diploma, according to the second form printed in our Publications, xv. 23, dated “Coll: Harvardini Cantabr: in Nova-Anglia An: s[alutis] in 1654 primo Quintilis,” and signed by “Henricus Dunster Coll Præses,” and Mitchell, Oakes and Wigglesworth, “socii,” is recorded in Univ. Oxon. Arch., Qa 17. fol. 148, and is followed by the statement that upon publication thereof, with the proper grace obtained, “Joshua Ambrose admissus erat ad eundem Gradum, Statum et Dignitatem in Academiâ Oxoniensi quibus ornatus erat apud suos Cantabrigienses in Novâ Angliâ 31 die Mensis Majj 1655.” On March 6, 1655/56, he was admitted M.A. from Pembroke College. Id., fol. 188. He served as curate of West Derby-Walton, Lancs., and as vicar of Childwall, where he was buried in 1710. Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 9.

124 Crossed out in the original.

125 Nehemiah Ambrose, younger brother and classmate of the preceding. He remained to take his second degree in 1656, and served as Fellow and Tutor from 1654 to 1657. He then went to England and received a curacy near his brother’s; he died in 1668. Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 9.

126 Crossed out in the original.

127 Crossed out in the original.

128 Thomas Crosby, of Cambridge, A.B. August 10, 1653.

129 Crossed out in the original.

130 Crossed out in the original.

131 George Shove, of Rowley, Class of August 10, 1653, but took no degree. Sibley, i. 554.

132 Philip Nelson, of Rowley. He belonged, judging by the date of his entrance, with the Class of August 10, 1653; but the date of his Commencement charges here, as well as the Catalogue of Graduates, proves that he was not allowed to take his degree until 1654.

133 Crossed out in the original.

134 For an explanation of the few graduates in this class, and the lack of a Class of 1654, see the introduction to President Dunster’s Quadriennium Memoir. Charles (?) Brooke was the head of this class; his accounts are entered above, pp. [17–18], because he was a fellow-commoner.

135 Joseph Farnworth, Class of 1655, son of Joseph Farnworth, cooper, of Dorchester, who was admitted a freeman there in 1649. The son went to England before his class graduated, and on April 4, 1655, was presented by Hugh Peter to the rectory of South Hanningfield, Essex. He was ejected from that living in 1660; in 1672, he was a licensed Congregational preacher at Wapping. He “dyed of meer poverty” in London before August, 1677. Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 191.

136 Edward Oakes, Class of 1655, but did not take a degree. He was called “Junior” because his elder brother, Urian, was still in college as resident A.B. when he entered Freshman. Sibley, i. 555.

137 Jonathan Willoughby, of Charlestown, Class of 1655, but took no degree. Sibley, i. 556.

138 Gershom Bulkeley, of Concord, A.B. 1655, A.M. 1658, probably Fellow and Tutor, 1658–61.

139 Probably a Bay Psalm Book.

140 Crossed out in the original.

141 Probably Nathaniel Utie, Class of 1655, but took no degree; son of Captain John Utie, of “Utimaria,” York County, Virginia, and stepson of Governor Richard Bennett of Virginia. He came to college from his parents’ new home on the Severn near Annapolis, Maryland. From 1658 to his death in 1675, Colonel Nathaniel Utie, as he was called from his rank in the militia, was a Burgess or Councillor of Maryland. He was owner of the plantation “Utielsy” on the Sassafras River, and of the Manor of Spesutia Island, near Havre de Grace. Sibley (i. 557) misread the name “Blye.” S. E. Morison, in William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, 2 ser., xiii. 6–8.

142 Probably John Fownall, of Charlestown or Cambridge, Class of 1655, who died April 1, 1654, aged 18. Sibley, i. 557.

143 Crossed out in the original.

144 Crossed out in the original.

145 The new building, generally called “Goffe College.” Fownall seems to have been the first student occupant; all the others moved into Goffe in the quarter ending June 11, 1652.

146 Figures changed to zeros in the original.

147 Crossed out in the original.

148 John Hooke, of New Haven, Class of 1655. He took no degree at Harvard, but matriculated at Oxford from Magdalen College in 1652 and took a B.A. in 1654; he became rector of Broomshott, chaplain of the Savoy, and minister of Basingstoke. Sibley, i. 557–558; Notes and Queries, 10th ser., ix. 421–422; Matthews, Calamy Revised, pp. 273–274. His brother Walter’s accounts, mentioned on the debit side, are on p. [143].

149 Probably John Chickering, son of Henry Chickering, of Dedham, died July 28, 1676. Sibley, i. 558. Probably Class of 1655, although he entered a year earlier than most of his classmates.

150 Son of John and Ann Glover, of Dorchester, born 1637, died March 29, 1692; Class of 1655, but did not graduate.

151 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

152 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

153 Overflow debits, entered by Chesholme on the credit page.

154 Sibley (i. 559) did not succeed in identifying this member of the Class of 1655. He may have been a younger brother of Abraham Walver, A.B. 1647, who was probably sent out to Harvard from England; but the nature and variety of payments suggest that he was a local boy.

155 Crossed out in the original.

156 A William Ware, shoemaker of Dorchester and Boston, died in 1658.

157 Crossed out in the original.

158 Doubtless lockram, a kind of coarse cloth.

159 Doubtless William Woodward, of Dedham, “a young and powerful preacher,” who died there June 26, 1669. Sibley, i. 559. Class of 1655, but did not graduate.

160 William Brinsmead, of Dorchester, a member of the Class of 1655 who did not take a degree. He was ordained minister of Marlborough, October 3, 1666, and died there, unmarried, July 3, 1701. Sibley, i. 560; 2 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, iv. 298.

161 Crossed out in the original, and the figures in the credit column changed to zeros.

162 Crossed out in the original, and the figures in the credit column changed to zeros.

163 Probably John Gore, of Roxbury, born May 23, 1634, died June 26, 1705. Sibley, i. 560. Class of 1655, but did not graduate.

164 Ichabod Wiswall (note his first name under debits of March 11, 1652/53), of Dorchester, born about 1637, ordained minister of Duxbury in 1676, and sent to England in 1689 to obtain a charter for the Plymouth Colony; died July 23, 1700. Sibley, i. 560. Class of 1655, but did not graduate.

165 This heading refers to the Reverend Marmaduke Matthews, of Malden (M.A. Oxford 1627), father of the two brothers, Mordecai and Manasseh Matthews, whose accounts are on these pages. Mordecai was one of the two members of the Class of 1655 who took a degree. Manasseh may well be the “cler. fil.” who matriculated in the University of Oxford from Jesus College, August 9, 1658, and was afterward rector of Port Eynore and vicar of Swansea, whither Marmaduke Matthews had returned about 1654. Foster, Alumni Oxonienses.

166 Apparently intended to be crossed out in the original.

167 Eleazar Mather, the future minister of Northampton, and Increase Mather, the future president of the college. The date of their admission here recorded, in the quarter ending June 11, 1652, is at variance with Increase Mather’s statement in his autobiography, which places the date “in y^e latter end of y^e year 1651.” Nor do these pages include the accounts of Increase when he returned to college, after boarding for two or three years with the Reverend John Norton, to take his first degree.

168 Robert Paine, of Ipswich, A.B. 1656, A.M. 1659.

169 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

170 Overflow debits, entered by Chesholme on the credit page.

171 Overflow debits, entered by Chesholme on the credit page.

172 Shubael Dummer, of Newbury, A.B. 1656.

173 John Haynes, of Hartford, A.B. 1656. In the MS. Admission Book of Pembroke College, Cambridge, we find under date November 14, 1657: “Johannes Haynes Johannis Armigeri Filius natu tertius Cantabrigiæ; apud Nov–Anglos natus et ibidem in Academiâ educatus, et ad gradu Baccalaureatum promotus, huc translatus est, et admissus sub tutore M^ro Clifford.” On December 16, 1657, he was admitted “iisdem annis, gradu & ordine apud nos Cantabrigienses quibus est apud suos Cantabrigienses in Nov–Angliā” (Camb. Univ. Registry, MS. Supplicats, 1657–62); and in 1660 he proceeded M.A. He was chosen a Fellow of Pembroke College in 1658, and “Logick Lecturer” in 1660; but was forced to resign after the restoration of Charles II, on August 28, 1661. He appears to have enjoyed an ecclesiastical living at Hemmington, Suffolk, since 1658, and to have conformed and retained it in 1662; and to have exchanged it for a better one in 1668. He died April 25, 1671. Sibley, i. 475–476; Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses; Diary and Correspondence of John Worthington, pp. 101–102; MS. accounts of Fellows of Pembroke, designated “Η” and “Θ”; MS. Order Book, and MS. Register, iii “B. β. 3” in Pembroke College Muniments. The Roger and Joseph mentioned in his accounts were his brothers of the Class of 1658; see below, pp. [188] and [190].

174 Crossed out in the original.

175 John Eliot, A.B. 1656, A.M. 1659, eldest son of the “Apostle” Eliot, of Roxbury, of whom the Steward was probably thinking when he added the “Mr.” to the name. If the student had been a fellow-commoner, Chesholme would not have called him “sir Eliote” in July, 1659.

176 John Sasamon, a Massachusetts Indian from Ponkapoag, a protégé of the “Apostle” Eliot, later a teacher at Natick, and intermittently, from 1662, scribe and counsellor to King Philip, the Wampanoag chieftain. He reverted to his heathen gods, but later had a change of heart, and was “Murthered . . . after a most Barbarous Manner” by his fellows in 1675, after giving information on Philip’s war plans to the Governor of Plymouth. “The Present State of New-England with respect to the Indian War, . . . Faithfully composed by a Merchant of Boston” (London, 1675) begins by describing Sasamon as “About five or six Years since . . . brought up (amongst others) . . . in the Colledg at Cambridg.” Francis Baylies’s An Historical Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth (Boston, 1866, 11, part iii, p. 26) states that Sasamon had “formerly been at the college.” This entry under Eliot’s debits is the only direct evidence of Sasamon’s being an alumnus. As the date is prior to the erection of the Indian College, and as the debit is not heavy, it would seem that he merely spent a few weeks at Harvard College in the latter part of 1653.

177 Overflow debits, entered by Chesholme on the credit page.

178 Thomas Graves, of Charlestown, A.B. 1656, A.M. 1659, Fellow and Tutor, 1666–71.

179 Canvas.

180 Figures changed to zeros in the original.

181 Figures changed to zeros in the original.

182 Crossed out in the original.

183 A continuation of the account on p. [139], inserted here out of its original order.

184 Crossed out in the original.

185 This student has not been identified. He evidently remained in college but a few months. Sibley (i. 563) says, “Perhaps from Rowley,” since Joseph Jewett resided there in 1652.

186 P. [142] contains, after Brigham’s debits, a continuation of the accounts of John Glover, A.B. 1651. This portion of the page has been inserted after p. [46].

187 Walter Hooke, of New Haven, younger brother of John, of the Class of 1655. Late in 1654 or early in 1655, the MS. Admission Book of Pembroke College, Cambridge, records: “Gualterus Hooke Gulielmi Presbyteri filius natu tertius Axmouth in Agro Devoniensi in luce editus in Academiâ primô novanglicanâ educatus unde tertio post admissionè currente anno huc se contulit et admissus est ad eundē annū quo [?] ut apud suos Novanglicanos in ordinē sizatoru sub tutore M^ro Moses.” He did not matriculate in the university until 1656, received his B.A. in 1656/57 (his petition is in MS. Supplicats, 1657–62, Camb. Univ. Registry), and was placed 25th in the Ordo Senioritatis (Hist. Register of the Univ. of Cambridge, 1917, p. 408). In 1668, he was chaplain to the East India Company’s factory at Masulipatam, where he died in 1670. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses.

188 Doubtless a son of George Larremore, miller, of New Haven, the last payment being also recorded under the credits of Jeremiah Peck on p. [173]. Larremore was of the Class of 1656, but took no degree. Sibley (i. 563) misread the name “Sarremore” or “Seymour.”

189 Unidentified; Class of 1656, but did not graduate.

190 Samuel Megapolensis, Class of 1656, son of the Reverend John Megapolensis, pastor of the Reformed Dutch Church at New Amsterdam. He left Harvard before graduating and matriculated at the University of Utrecht as a theological student in 1656 (Album Studiosorum Academiae Rheno-Traiectinae, Leyden, 1575–1875, pp. 51, 57), and then followed the medical course at the University of Leyden, matriculating November 14, 1661 (Album Studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavae, p. 494). For his later career, see Sibley, i. 564.

191 Samuel Torrey, of Weymouth, Class of 1656. He left Harvard without taking a degree, and was ordained minister of Weymouth. One of the most eminent and beloved ministers in New England, he was in 1682 elected president of Harvard College, but declined. Sibley, i. 564–567.

192 John Emerson, of Ipswich, A.B. 1656, A.M. 1659.

193 A continuation of the account on p. [154], inserted here out of its original order. The corresponding credit page, [181], is missing.

194 Zechariah Symmes, of Charlestown, A.B. 1657, A.M. 1660, Fellow and Tutor from 1657 to about 1663.

195 Zechariah Walker, Class of 1657, but did not graduate; minister successively at Jamaica, Long Island, Stratford and Woodbury, Connecticut. Sibley, i. 567.

196 Zechariah Brigden, of Charlestown, A.B. 1657, A.M. 1660, Fellow and Tutor from about 1657 to about 1660.

197 Entry cancelled, and the figures changed to zeros.

198 Crossed out in the original.

199 John Hale, A.B. 1657, A.M. 1660.

200 Goldin Moore, of Cambridge (1609–1698).

201 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

202 Crossed out in the original.

203 Probably Samuel Symonds, of Ipswich, who made a will on November 22, 1653, and presumably died shortly thereafter. Sibley, i. 568.

204 Elisha Cooke, of Boston, A.B. 1657, A.M. 1660.

205 John Cotton, of Boston, A.B. 1657, A.M. 1660. He graduated four places higher in the class than this.

206 John Whiting, of Lynn, A.B. 1657, a younger brother of Samuel Whiting, A.B. August 10, 1653. The MS. Supplicat Book at the University of Cambridge Registry records: “Placeat vobis ut Johannes Whiting eisdem sit hic apud nos Cantabrigienses ordine & gradu quibus eat apud suos Harvardinenses in Novâ Angliâ. Lect. et concess. 2 Julij. 1669.” He took his M.A. from Queens’ College a few days later, and was placed ninety-fourth in the Masters’ Ordo Senioritatis that year (Camb. Univ. Registry, Grace Book Z). Already ordained priest, August 22, 1662, he was rector successively of Butterwick and of Leverton, Lincs. He was buried October 4, 1689. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, iv. 394.

207 Probably Jonathan Eire or Ayer, of Watertown, born March 27, 1637; Class of 1657, but did not graduate. Sibley, i. 568.

208 Jeremiah Peck, of Boston, Class of 1657. He left college before graduation, and was married on November 12, 1656. He was schoolmaster at Guilford, Connecticut, and at New Haven; subsequently minister of Saybrook, Connecticut, Elizabethtown, New Jersey, and Greenwich and Waterbury, Connecticut. Sibley, i. 569–570.

209 See p. [145].

210 Pp. [174–175], containing Peck’s debits and Gouge’s credits, are missing.

211 Possibly belonging to one of the numerous English nonconformist families named Gouge (cf. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, ii. 231–233); but more probably James Gooch, of Wells, Maine. See our Publications, vi. 90. “Gouge” was of the Class of 1657, but did not graduate.

212 George Constipell, as is ascertained by comparing the last credit with Samuel Shepard’s debits on p. [204]. The payment by Thomas Lake points to New Haven, where one Constable is mentioned in the list of landowners in 1641, together with Thomas Kimberley and George Larremore, who sent sons to Harvard. Constipell was in the Class of 1657, but did not graduate.

213 Pp. [178–181] are missing. They included Constipell’s debits and probably the accounts of Barnabas Chauncy, A.B. 1657, who is the last of the class in the Catalogue of Graduates. P. [182], containing a continuation of the accounts of John Emerson, A.B. 1656, has been inserted after p. [154].

214 Probably Jonathan Gatliffe, son of Thomas Gatliffe, miller, of Braintree and Dorchester (Sibley, i. 171). He may have been a late-comer in 1657, instead of head of the Class of 1658; but the dates of his first accounts correspond with those of the latter class.

215 Joseph Eliot, of Roxbury, A.B. 1658, A.M. 1661; “junior” because he had an elder brother in the Class of 1656.

216 Pp. [186–187], containing Eliot’s debits and Haynes’s credits, are missing.

217 Roger Haynes, of Hartford, Class of 1658, younger brother of John Haynes, A.B. 1656, and elder brother of Joseph Haynes, A.B. 1658 (see pp. [135] and [191]). “He sailed for England, and died early, perhaps on the voyage.” Sibley, i. 571.

218 This member of the Class of 1658 is unidentified. Although the nature of his payments suggests a local residence, no trace can be found of a Mutice or Meautys in New England.

219 Crossed out in the original.

220 Of Hartford, A.B. 1658, younger brother of his classmate Roger, and of John Haynes, A.B. 1656.

221 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

222 John, son of Major-General Daniel Denison, of Ipswich; Class of 1658, but did not graduate. He married Martha, daughter of Deputy-Governor Symonds, served as colleague minister at Ipswich, and died January 9 (N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., xxiii. 335), or in May (id., ix. 45–46), 1671. He was the father of John Denison, A.B. 1684.

223 Eleazar Bulkeley, of Concord, Class of 1658, but did not graduate; “junior” because a younger brother of Gershom Bulkeley, A.B. 1655; born about 1638. Sibley, i. 572, and MS. Bulkeley pedigree worked out by our associate Albert Matthews.

224 Crossed out in the original.

225 Benjamin Bunker, of Charlestown, A.B. 1658, A.M. 1661.

226 Pp. [198–201], containing Bunker’s debits, Barsham’s credits, and probably the accounts of Jonah Fordham, A.B. 1658, are missing.

227 John Barsham, of Watertown, A.B. 1658.

228 Samuel Shepard, of Cambridge, A.B. 1658, A.M. 1661; born 1641, son of the Reverend Thomas Shepard and half-brother of Thomas Shepard, A.B. August 9, 1653, and of Jeremiah Shepard, A.B. 1669. Fellow and Tutor, probably from about 1660 to 1663, and minister of Rowley from 1665 to his death, April 7, 1668. His place relative to Talcott’s was reversed at graduation. Samuel Shepard, A.B. 1685, was his son.

229 Samuel Talcott, of Hartford, A.B. 1658.

230 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

231 Chesholme’s pagination jumps from 206 to 257, the latter being the reverse side of the former. P. [257], containing the continuation of the accounts of Samuel Eaton, A.B. 1649, has been inserted after p. [9]. Pp. [258–261] are missing.

232 Probably Richard Bennett, Jr., son of the Cromwellian governor of Virginia, and of Mary Anne, widow of Captain John Utie. Note that in the first entry “Mr. Bennete” pays the debts of “vtye.” Nathaniel Utie, whom we have identified with “Vtye” of the Class of 1655, p. [107], was half-brother of Richard Bennett, Jr. The latter resided on the Severn in Maryland, served as Burgess from Ann Arundel County, married Henrietta Maria Neale, namesake of the Queen, and died in 1667. S. E. Morison, in William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, 2 ser., xiii. 8–11.

233 Nathaniel Saltonstall, of Ipswich, A.B. 1659, eldest son of Richard Saltonstall, Esq., who had been a fellow-commoner at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, grandson of Sir Richard Saltonstall, an alumnus of Clare College, Cambridge. Settled at Haverhill, he was local magistrate, colonel of militia, Assistant of the Bay Colony, Councillor of the Dominion of New England, and member of the Council of Safety in 1689. Appointed to the witchcraft tribunal of 1692, he resigned in disgust. He died May 21, 1707. He was the father of Gurdon Saltonstall, A.B. 1684, Governor of Connecticut, and of Richard and Nathaniel, both A.B. 1695. Sibley (ii. 8) concludes his account of Nathaniel Saltonstall by noting the members of this family in eight successive generations, all in the male line, who had graduated from Harvard. To this list, our associate Leverett Saltonstall, A.B. 1914, makes a ninth.

234 Vashti Bradish, who sold “comfortable penniworths” of beer at the westerly corner of Holyoke Street, opposite the College Yard. President Dunster’s amusing letter on her behalf is printed in S. E. Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, pp. 203–204.

235 Samuel Alcock, of Roxbury, A.B. 1659, son of George Alcock, an alumnus of St. John’s College, Oxford, and half-brother of John Alcock, A.B. 1646.

236 Abijah or (as the Steward calls him) Habiell Savage, of Boston, A.B. 1659. Some accounts of his brother Ephraim, A.B. 1662, are also on this page.

237 Crossed out in the original, and the figures changed to zeros.

238 Samuel Willard, of Concord, A.B. 1659, A.M. at some time between 1682 and 1698 (our Publications, xxviii. 14, note 5); Fellow, 1692–1700, and vice-president of the college, 1700–1707.

239 Unidentified; Class of 1659, but did not graduate. Sibley (i. 574) notes that the nature of his payments suggests a relationship to Evan Thomas, of Boston, vintner.

240 Thomas Parish, of Cambridge, A.B. 1659. In the MS. Supplicats, 1657–62, at the University of Cambridge Registry, is this entry: “[Placeat] vobis ut Thomas Parrish in [artibus B]accalaureus sit hîc apud nos iisdem [annis, gr]adu & ordine quibus est apud suos [Cantab]rigienses in Nov Angliâ. Lect. et concess. 13 Aprilis 1660.” This proves that he was incorporated B.A. in the University of Cambridge.

241 John Hagborne, of Roxbury, Class of 1659, but took no degree. Sibley, i. 574.

242 Pp. [276–279], containing Hagborne’s debits, Rogers’s credits, and probably the accounts of Samuel Cheever, A.B. 1659, are missing.

243 Of Ipswich, A.B. 1659.

244 Samuel Belcher, of Ipswich, A.B. 1659. In the Salutatory Oration at Commencement, 1662, the orator comments on the fact that no candidates for the A.M. have presented themselves, since rural ministers who have obtained parishes when scarcely fledged do not think it worth while to take a second degree. Our Publications, xxviii. 14, 23.

245 Samuel Seabury, of Boston, Class of 1659, but did not graduate. Sibley, i. 574.

246 Of Charlestown, son of Captain John Alline, a shipowner. Sibley, i. 574. Possibly at the foot of 1659, but the date of his entrance points to the Class of 1660.

247 Nathaniel Collins, of Cambridge, A.B. 1660, A.M. 1663. His place was interchanged with that of Bradstreet at graduation.

248 Simon Bradstreet, of Ipswich, A.B. 1660, A.M. 1663.

249 Bradstreet’s credits were entered on p. [329], which is inserted immediately below, out of its original order. More debits were probably on p. [330], which is missing.

250 Crossed out in the original.

251 Samuel Eliot, of Roxbury, A.B. 1660, A.M. 1663, Fellow and Tutor, 1663–64. Called “terses” (tertius) elsewhere in his accounts because his elder brothers John (1656) and Joseph (1658) were still in college.

252 Jonathan Curwin, of Salem, Class of 1660, but did not graduate. Sibley, i. 575.

253 The N.E.D. gives “satinisco,” also called mock-velvet, an inferior variety of satin.

254 The students’ accounts of the Class of 1660 are here interrupted by Steward Chesholme’s own accounts with the college.

255 Chives, and tops of other herbs? See N.E.D., “sive,” and “top,” sb^I5.

256 For the remainder of his own accounts with the college, Chesholme reversed his usual order of credits and debits pages.

257 Probably Nathaniel Duncan (often spelled “Duncum”), of Dorchester, merchant and accountant.

258 Probably Faithful Rouse, of Charlestown, who left a legacy of £2 10s to the college in 1664, and a person named Cleves or Clews.

259 The latter half of this page is crossed out with a large X.

260 The steward’s version of “Haynes.”

261 Seabury.

262 Sylvanus Walderne, son of Richard Waldern or Waldren, of Dover, N. H., probably of the Class of 1661; died in college. See our Publications, xxviii. 3, 307–308.

263 Colonel William Crowne, Proprietor of Nova Scotia, father of John Crowne, Class of 1661. Sibley, i. 577.

264 Pewter.

265 Figures in the original changed to zeros.

266 Manasseh Armitage, of Oyster Bay, Long Island, A.B. 1660. While in college, he forged a deed of gift of lands from his father, who advertised the fact. Sibley, ii. 68; N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., lv. 299.

267 Joseph Cooke, of Boston, A.B. 1660, younger brother of Elisha Cooke, A.B. 1657.

268 Unidentified; Class of 1660, but did not graduate.

269 Of Woburn, A.B. 1660, son of Thomas Carter (M.A. Cambridge), minister of Woburn, who appears from the son’s accounts to have raised pigs on the side.

270 Shoat.

271 Crossed out in the original.

272 Of Boston, Class of 1660, but did not graduate. Sibley, i. 576.

273 Peter Bulkeley, of Marshfield, A.B. 1660, A.M. 1663, Fellow and Tutor, 1663–66. Sibley (ii. 68) is entirely incorrect with regard to his birth and parentage. He was born at Concord, January 3, 1640/41, the son of Edward Bulkeley, who in 1642 became minister of Marshfield, and grandson of Peter Bulkeley (1583–1659), M.A. Cambridge 1608, the pioneer minister of Concord. Information from Albert Matthews.

274 Crossed out in the original.

275 This page combines the accounts of two brothers, James and Moses Noyes, A.B. 1659. The probable explanation of their position here is that they entered together in June, 1656, and were promoted to the Sophomore class. They graduated at the foot of their class, the usual fate of newcomers.

276 The entries under this heading are overflow debits, entered by Chesholme on the credit page.

277 Richard and William Whittingham, two brothers from Ipswich. Richard did not graduate; William took his A.B. with the Class of 1660, and in a much higher seniority than is his here.

278 This student, apparently at the end of the Class of 1660, did not graduate, and has not been identified.

279 The first part of this page, containing a continuation of the accounts of Thomas Graves, A.B. 1656, has been inserted after p. [139].

280 John Crowne, probably head of the Class of 1661, but did not graduate; later he became a typical Restoration dramatist. See Dictionary of National Biography.

281 Pp. [324–327] are missing. They contained Crowne’s debits, Brigden’s and Meare’s credits, and, as Chesholme’s index shows, the accounts of John Bellingham, A.B. 1661, and those of one “Simes,” possibly a continuation of the accounts of Zechariah Symmes, A.B. 1657.

282 Zechariah Brigden, A.B. 1657.

283 Probably John Meares, of Boston, Class of 1661, but did not graduate. Sibley, i. 577.

284 P. [329], containing the continuation of the credits of Simon Bradstreet, A.B. 1660, has been inserted after p. [289]. P. [330], probably containing additional Bradstreet debits, and p. [331], containing Weld’s and Stoddard’s credits, are missing.

285 Daniel Weld, of Roxbury, A.B. 1661, and Solomon Stoddard, of Boston, A.B. 1662. As Sibley explains (ii. 89), these two were put on the same page because Stoddard’s father, Anthony, married for second wife Weld’s widowed mother.

286 Joseph Cooke, of Cambridge says Sibley (ii. 91), A.B. 1661; not a brother of the other Cookes in these accounts.

287 Crossed out in the original.

288 Of Lynn, A.B. 1661, A.M. 1664, Fellow and Tutor for about two years; a younger brother of Samuel Whiting, A.B. August 10, 1653, and of John Whiting, A.B. 1657.

289 Caleb Watson, of Roxbury, A.B. 1661, A.M. 1664.

290 Of Cambridge, A.B. 1661.

291 A.B. 1661.

292 Of Watertown, A.B. 1661.

293 Of Boston, Class of 1661, but did not graduate. The entries signed “Charles Chauncy” are in the president’s hand. Sibley, i. 578.

294 Ensign John Sherman, who succeeded Chesholme as steward. Our Publications, xv. clxi.

295 Eleazar Kimberly, of New Haven, Class of 1661, but did not graduate; later Secretary of Connecticut Colony. Sibley, i. 579.

296 Wait Still Winthrop, fellow-commoner and head of the Class of 1662, but not a graduate. Born in Boston, February 27, 1641/42, son of John Winthrop, Jr., later Governor of Connecticut, and Elizabeth Reade; grandson of Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts. In 6 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., iii. 424–426, is a letter from Tutor Thomas Dudley (A.B. 1651) in Cambridge to John Winthrop at “Pequot” (New London) about preparing Wait and his younger brother Fitz-John for college. The latter, apparently, never entered. Wait Winthrop became a merchant in Boston; Councillor of the Province from 1691 to his death, November 7, 1718; also Chief Justice of the Province and Major-General of Militia. He was the father of John Winthrop, F.R.S. (A.B. 1700).

297 Of Hartford, Class of 1662, but did not graduate. Sibley, i. 579–580.

298 Pp. [352–355] are missing. In addition to the remainder of Stone’s and Tompson’s accounts, they doubtless included those of John Holyoke, A.B. 1662.

299 Benjamin Tompson, of Braintree, A.B. 1662. The accounts of Solomon Stoddard, who was next in seniority, are on p. [332].

300 Of Concord, Class of 1662, but did not graduate.

301 John Fleming, of Watertown, Class of 1662, but did not graduate.

302 Of Boston, son of John Oliver (d 1646); baptized April 21, 1644; Class of 1662, but did not graduate.

303 Pp. [362–363] are missing.

304 Perhaps of Fairfield, Connecticut, 1640–1698; not a graduate. Sibley, ii. 581.

305 Of Cambridge, born 1639; Class of 1662, but did not graduate. President Chauncy, in “A Faithful Relation” of some moneys entrusted to him for Indian education (MS. owned by Mrs. Francis Stoddard), says: “I made agreements with two scholars & their Parents, & payed them to the value of eight pounds per annum, one of them also was maintained three yeares by myselfe in the Colledge (that is Mr. Holmes now Minister at Duxbury). . . .” He died there in office in 1675. Cf. our Publications, xxii. 70.

306 Isaac Addington, Jr., of Boston, born January 22, 1645; Class of 1662, but took no degree. Speaker of the House, Assistant, Secretary of the Colony and of the Province, Chief Justice of the Superior Court of the Province. Sibley, i. 581–582; Sewall’s Diary.

307 Moses Fiske, of Chelmsford, A.B. 1662, A.M. 1665. The “Mr.” doubtless refers to his father, the Reverend John Fiske. The two entries on the credit side are not in Chesholme’s hand.

308 Class of 1662, unidentified. Ephraim Savage should follow, but his accounts are on p. [268], with those of his brother Abijah.

309 Of Cambridge, A.B. 1662, A.M. 1665.

310 Sibley (i. 582) supposes this to have been a continuation of the accounts of Peter Bulkeley, A.B. 1660. It is much more probably the account of Peter Bulkeley, of Concord, born August 12, 1643, when his father, the Reverend Peter Bulkeley, was an old man. Thus he was more than two years younger than his nephew Peter of the Class of 1660. “Little Peter” did not graduate. He lived until 1691. Information furnished by Albert Matthews.

311 Pp. [378–379] are missing.

312 Samuel Cobbet, of Ipswich, A.B. 1663.

313 John Rayner, of Plymouth, A.B. 1663, A.M. 1666. Note his witty tripos verses in Sibley, ii. 133–134, translated in New England Quarterly, vi. 537–538.

314 Benjamin Blakeman, of Guilford, Connecticut, A.B. 1663.

315 Pp. [384–387] are missing.

316 Thomas Mighill, of Rowley, A.B. 1663, A.M. 1666.

317 Nathaniel Cutler, of Charlestown, A.B. 1663.

318 P. [391] is blank; pp. [392–395] are missing; pp. [396–399] are blank; pp. [400–401] are missing.

319 As distinct from the “Visible Stock or Treasury of the Colledge,” for which the Steward was required by the Orders of 1650 (our Publications, xv. 32) to make annual accounting, this “Cuntrey Stock” is an account of receipts from the “college corn” contributions recommended by the New England Confederation in 1644, together with the Newgate annuity, and a few miscellaneous receipts. The credit side shows the disbursement of these contributions, which are also summarized in the Corporation Records (our Publications, xv. 180).

320 P. [404] is blank, and the few leaves that followed are missing.

321 In Louis Franklin Snow, The College Curriculum in the United States (Teachers College, Columbia University, 1907), pp. 22–30. Dr. Snow’s Latin text is faulty, and his translation in places unintelligible. The document was presented to the university in 1871 by Samuel Dunster, of Attleboro, a descendant of President Dunster.

322 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, viii. 12.

323 The formula is simplified in later Triennials, and thus appears in the 1885 Quinquennial: “ad Secundum Gradum admissi fuere Anno 1655: Baccalaurei vero sequentes, 1656, ut moris est.”

324 Early Harvard Broadsides, pp. 17–18; reprinted from Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n.s., xxiv. 264–304. Sibley (i. 358) seems to have been responsible for the mistake of regarding the two classes of 1653 as mere portions of the same class.

325 We have not the dates of entrance of this class in the Steward’s Book, since Steward Chesholme only purchased it in 1651; but under the names of six of the nine members the first entry is a “balance” dated March 1649/50, evidently carried over from an earlier book. Hence these men must have entered college in the summer or fall of 1649.

326 The first entries of accounts under the names of seven of the nine members of this class (including one who left college before graduating) are dated between June and December, 1650.

327 C. Mather, Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iv. 135. Mather gives the number leaving as seventeen; the MS. Steward’s accounts show only fifteen members of the Class of 1655 who took no degrees. But, it may be asked, what of Joseph Rowlandson, recorded in the Catalogue of Graduates as graduating A.B. in 1652, and what of Philip Nelson, who constituted the graduating class of 1654? Rowlandson’s name does not appear in the Steward’s accounts, nor is there any blank or mutilated page where it might have been entered. Every other graduate of the period, save three Chauncys and one other who probably boarded with the president, is found in the Steward’s accounts. The inference is, then, that Rowlandson studied privately, and was given his degree in 1652 in order to make a bachelors’ Commencement that year. As for Nelson, his dates in the Steward’s accounts indicate that he entered with the Class of August 10, 1653; but, for some reason not recorded, he was required to reside an additional year before taking his A.B. (cf. rule 3 of the Overseers’ Orders of 1650 in our Publications, xv. 190–191). Of the two non-graduates mentioned by name in the Magnalia, one, William Brinsmead, was of the Class of 1655, the other, Samuel Torrey, was of 1656.

328 MS., American Antiquarian Society. The Steward’s Book shows, however, only six members of Mather’s class who did not take their degrees. Mather was writing in 1713, and either confused some of the “strikers” of 1655 with his own classmates, or relied for the figures on his son’s Magnalia. Cf. C. Mather, Parentator, p. 14.

329 Our Publications, xv. xx.

330 Of the seventeen accounts of members of this class in the Steward’s Book, twelve begin at some date between June and September, 1651; four begin earlier, and one in December, 1651. Another differentiation between this class and the preceding one in the Steward’s Book is the payment of an entrance fee of one shilling.

331 The Board of Overseers in 1653 and 1654 included among the lay members Simon Bradstreet and Daniel Denison, both Cambridge alumni. All the clerical members were Cambridge alumni, except Richard Mather, who had spent about a year at Oxford. The Fellows of the Corporation in 1654 (excepting Thomas Danforth, the treasurer) were recent Harvard graduates, who would probably not have needed so elaborate an argument to fall in line with their president.

332 See Laws of 1655, below, p. 334. The modification is the insertion of the qualifying clause “or three yeares and 10 moneths at the least.” That is, Freshmen who entered in early September could graduate the fourth July following.

333 Documents Relating to the University and Colleges of Cambridge (published by Longmans in 1852 for the Royal Commission on that university), I. 455–456. The names of the terms are not given in this chapter, but Dunster’s nomenclature was the common one, and is confirmed by numerous contemporary authorities.

334 This explains why B.A. degrees at Cambridge are always given the double date (e.g., Dunster’s, 1630/31). The date is that of being admitted ad respondendum Quaestioni, which was always done in late January or February. Later, the subsequent stages were dropped, both at Oxford and Cambridge, but the formula ad respondendum Quaestioni for creating Bachelors of Arts lasted at Cambridge until 1911.

335 George Peacock, Observations on the Statutes of the University of Cambridge (1841), pp. 8–10, and contemporary accounts in appendices.

336 Id., p. 8, note 3; David Masson, Life of John Milton, i. 102. That it was the general practice to enter in Easter term is proved not only by the cases cited by Dunster, but by an examination of Venn’s Alumni Cantabrigienses.

337 Hastings Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i. 445.

338 Andrew Clark, Register of the University of Oxford, ii, part i. 21–23; Statutes of the University of Oxford, codified under the authority of Archbishop Laud (John Griffith, ed., 1888), p.47.

339 Peacock, Observations on the Statutes, p. 8; cf. Early Statutes of the College of St. John (J. E. B. Mayor, ed., 1859), pp. 120–121, where “no scholar is to become generalis before he has been approved by the Master and Principal Lecturer.”

340 Matthew Robinson, who entered the university about 1645, describes himself as a “senior freshman” in his second year (the term used at Dublin for second-year men), and asserts that he then “was found in the bachelor schools disputing ably with the best of senior sophisters,” a very doubtful claim. Autobiography of Matthew Robinson (J. E. B. Mayor, ed., 1856), p. 21.

341 John Nichols, Progresses, Processions, etc., of King James I (1828), iv. 1114–1115.

342 For instance, in Mullinger’s History of the University of Cambridge, vols. i and ii, and in Peacock’s Observations on the Statutes, I am unable to find the word “Sophomore”; the word “Sophister” occurs only a few times, and the distinction between Junior and Senior Sophister is not made. In Masson’s detailed account of Milton’s university career, by years, there is no mention of any distinctive name except Freshman. Nor does any authority point out what Dunster makes clear, that a student passed from one year to another at the beginning of Easter term.

343 Robert Willis and J. W. Clark, Architectural History of the University of Cambridge, iii. 9–23.

344 Peacock, Observations on the Statutes, pp. lxxi–lxxii.

345 Documents Relating to the University of Cambridge, iii. 464. Cf. Sir Simonds d’Ewes, Autobiography, i. 158.

346 That is, the senior of his year (like Orlando Elliott) in the senior college, presumably Trinity.

347 Peacock, Observations on the Statutes, pp. 8–9.

348 Our Publications, viii. 197. For other references to Sophisters’ disputations, see Autobiography of Henry Newcome (Chetham Society, 1852), I. 9; Autobiography of Matthew Robinson (1856), 23 n; Autobiography of John Worthington (Chetham Society, 1855), I. 4. Worthington was admitted to Emmanuel College, March 31, 1632, and on May 11, 1635, in the first term of his Senior Sophister year, kept his “act in the Sophisters Schools.” This proves, incidentally, that Dunster was right in stating that the sophismata were carried on in Easter as well as in Michaelmas term.

349 The “Comitia,” at Cambridge as at Harvard, meant a solemn assembly of the university for the granting of degrees, or the holding of degree exercises.

350 So far this paragraph merely repeats No. 18 of the College Laws of 1642–46 (our Publications, xv. 31); and I have used the official translation of this law in the College Records (id., p. 27), except that the clause on the two philosophies does not appear in the English version, and that I have translated prœses “president” instead of “master.” The rest of the paragraph appears almost word for word in the corresponding law of 1655, which is printed below, p. 334.

351 Dunster evidently forgot to number this proposition as he did the others.

352 The “Comitia,” at Cambridge as at Harvard, meant a solemn assembly of the university for the granting of degrees, or the holding of degree exercises.

353 So far this paragraph merely repeats No. 18 of the College Laws of 1642–46 (our Publications, xv. 31); and I have used the official translation of this law in the College Records (id., p. 27), except that the clause on the two philosophies does not appear in the English version, and that I have translated prœses “president” instead of “master.” The rest of the paragraph appears almost word for word in the corresponding law of 1655, which is printed below, p. 334.

354 Dunster evidently forgot to number this proposition as he did the others.

355 i.e., the four undergraduate years in which the students are in statu pupillari and receive tuition from the president and tutors.

356 Harvard Commencement for both arts degrees was held on the second Tuesday in August (the sixth month in the ecclesiastical calendar) from 1651 to 1682 inclusive; but Cambridge undergraduates commenced B.A. in March or April.

357 This, the Commencement proper, was on the first Tuesday in July.

358 i.e., the four undergraduate years in which the students are in statu pupillari and receive tuition from the president and tutors.

359 Harvard Commencement for both arts degrees was held on the second Tuesday in August (the sixth month in the ecclesiastical calendar) from 1651 to 1682 inclusive; but Cambridge undergraduates commenced B.A. in March or April.

360 This, the Commencement proper, was on the first Tuesday in July.

361 i.e., 1630/31.

362 See account of the Cambridge B.A. in the introduction.

363 i.e., 1630/31.

364 See account of the Cambridge B.A. in the introduction.

365 i.e., attend both college and university lectures.

366 This paragraph is copied from the Elizabethan Statutes of the University of Cambridge, chapter vi. Documents Relating to the University and Colleges of Cambridge (1852), i. 459.

367 This refers to proposition [I], above.

368 This is almost a literal copy of the supplicat from a college to the Vice-Chancellor and Senate, that the candidate be admitted ad respondendum quaestioni, as printed in Peacock, Observations on the Statutes, p. 9. See also account of the B.A. in the introduction.

369 Proposition [I], above. Dunster will now prove this by the reductio ad absurdum of his adversaries’ proposition.

370 i.e., attend both college and university lectures.

371 This paragraph is copied from the Elizabethan Statutes of the University of Cambridge, chapter vi. Documents Relating to the University and Colleges of Cambridge (1852), I. 459.

372 This refers to proposition [I], above.

373 This is almost a literal copy of the supplicat from a college to the Vice-Chancellor and Senate, that the candidate be admitted ad respondendum quaestioni, as printed in Peacock, Observations on the Statutes, p. 9. See also account of the B.A. in the introduction.

374 Proposition [I], above. Dunster will now prove this by the reductio ad absurdum of his adversaries’ proposition.

375 Slip for concessum?

376 Dunster means that a three-year course would amount in practice to two years and a fraction, or nine terms, which is absurd; therefore a complete triennium and a fraction must be required to make the statutory twelve terms. The students generally came up in Easter term, which extended from the eleventh day after Easter to the Friday after the first Tuesday in July. Yet the academic year began October 10; consequently a four-year course would mean three academic years (triennium) with a supplementum at both ends.

377 Dunster means: “If twelve terms are not the required residence for the B.A., what were certain fifth-year students, not yet B.A., doing in college in our day?” See the case of Orlando Elliott, below.

378 Dunster means that a three-year course would amount in practice to two years and a fraction, or nine terms, which is absurd; therefore a complete triennium and a fraction must be required to make the statutory twelve terms. The students generally came up in Easter term, which extended from the eleventh day after Easter to the Friday after the first Tuesday in July. Yet the academic year began October 10; consequently a four-year course would mean three academic years (triennium) with a supplementum at both ends.

379 Dunster means: “If twelve terms are not the required residence for the B.A., what were certain fifth-year students, not yet B.A., doing in college in our day?” See the case of Orlando Elliott, below.

380 Henry Baker matriculated in the University of Cambridge pensioner from Magdalene College in Lent (Hilary term), 1626/27; took his B.A. in 1630/31, and his M.A. in 1634. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses.

381 Phineas Muriall was admitted sizar at Magdalene College, May 19, 1627; he migrated to Caius a year later, and died in December, 1628. Venn, Biographical Dictionary of Gonville & Caius College.

382 Dunster matriculated in the university as sizar from Magdalene in Easter term, 1627; he took his B.A. in 1630/31, and his M.A. in 1634.

383 John Saltmarsh matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1627; he took his B.A. in 1632/33, and his M.A. in 1636. Under the Commonwealth he became well known as an army chaplain and a preacher and pamphleteer for religious liberty. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses; D.N.B.

384 William Russell matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1626; B.A. 1629/30, M.A. 1633.

385 Dunster appears to have been mistaken as to Foster’s year. Thomas Foster matriculated from Magdalene College at the same time as Dunster, in Easter term, 1627. William Foster matriculated from Magdalene in Easter term, 1625, and was therefore a Junior Sophister when Dunster entered.

386 John Kelke matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1625; B.A. 1628/29, M.A. 1632; later a fellow of the college.

387 George Jones matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1625; B.A. 1628/29, M.A. 1632; later rector of Heveningham, Suffolk.

388 I can find no record in Venn of this or a similar name at Magdalene in Dunster’s time.

389 Henry Welch matriculated sizar from Magdalene in Easter term, 1624; B.A. 1627/28. He was afterwards a nonconformist minister.

390 Orlando Elliott took his B.A. from Magdalene in 1631/32; M.A. 1635. Elliott entered just too late to be considered of the same year (class) as Dunster, but he was “senior brother,” i.e., head of the next class, as he entered first. Seniority at Cambridge was reckoned according to the date of entrance.

391 Henry Baker matriculated in the University of Cambridge pensioner from Magdalene College in Lent (Hilary term), 1626/27; took his B.A. in 1630/31, and his M.A. in 1634. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses.

392 Phineas Muriall was admitted sizar at Magdalene College, May 19, 1627; he migrated to Caius a year later, and died in December, 1628. Venn, Biographical Dictionary of Gonville & Caius College.

393 Dunster matriculated in the university as sizar from Magdalene in Easter term, 1627; he took his B.A. in 1630/31, and his M.A. in 1634.

394 John Saltmarsh matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1627; he took his B.A. in 1632/33, and his M.A. in 1636. Under the Commonwealth he became well known as an army chaplain and a preacher and pamphleteer for religious liberty. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses; D.N.B.

395 William Russell matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1626; B.A. 1629/30, M.A. 1633.

396 Dunster appears to have been mistaken as to Foster’s year. Thomas Foster matriculated from Magdalene College at the same time as Dunster, in Easter term, 1627. William Foster matriculated from Magdalene in Easter term, 1625, and was therefore a Junior Sophister when Dunster entered.

397 John Kelke matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1625; B.A. 1628/29, M.A. 1632; later a fellow of the college.

398 George Jones matriculated pensioner from Magdalene in Easter term, 1625; B.A. 1628/29, M.A. 1632; later rector of Heveningham, Suffolk.

399 I can find no record in Venn of this or a similar name at Magdalene in Dunster’s time.

400 Henry Welch matriculated sizar from Magdalene in Easter term, 1624; B.A. 1627/28. He was afterwards a nonconformist minister.

401 Orlando Elliott took his B.A. from Magdalene in 1631/32; M.A. 1635. Elliott entered just too late to be considered of the same year (class) as Dunster, but he was “senior brother,” i.e., head of the next class, as he entered first. Seniority at Cambridge was reckoned according to the date of entrance.

402 For explanation, see introduction.

403 This phrase was used by President Dunster in conferring Harvard degrees.

404 What follows is taken almost literally from the Elizabethan Statutes of the University of Cambridge, chapter vii, De baccalaureis artium, omitting the clauses about regent masters. The words “sive Mathematicalium” were added by Dunster. The Inceptors were the candidates for the master’s degree.

405 For explanation, see introduction.

406 This phrase was used by President Dunster in conferring Harvard degrees.

407 What follows is taken almost literally from the Elizabethan Statutes of the University of Cambridge, chapter vii, De baccalaureis artium, omitting the clauses about regent masters. The words “sive Mathematicalium” were added by Dunster. The Inceptors were the candidates for the master’s degree.

408 Beginning here the ink and the handwriting are different.

409 i.e., the course for the M.A. is shorter than that for the B.A.

410 A line is drawn through this signature, which was evidently written before the paragraph that precedes it.

411 The mantissa (addition) to the three years’ required interval between the first and second degrees in arts consisted of the interval between the bachelors’ Commencement in Lent and the Public Act or Commencement proper on the first Tuesday in July.

412 i.e., the course for the M.A. is shorter than that for the B.A.

413 A line is drawn through this signature, which was evidently written before the paragraph that precedes it.

414 The mantissa (addition) to the three years’ required interval between the first and second degrees in arts consisted of the interval between the bachelors’ Commencement in Lent and the Public Act or Commencement proper on the first Tuesday in July.

415 Scio: “At Oxford University. The formal testimony by a member of the faculty, to the fitness of a candidate for a degree.” N.E.D.

416 In a town-and-gown brawl of 1242, one Henry, son of Simeon, a citizen of Oxford, accounted for one or more scholars, and fled from the city. The king agreed to allow his return, if the university consented. The university not only refused to consent, but thenceforth required all incepting M.A.’s to swear never to consent. This became in time confused with another oath not to resume the bachelor’s degree. Thus, in the Laudian Statutes of 1636 (John Griffiths, ed., 1888, p. 69), it is required that Inceptors in Arts, having sworn to uphold the statutes of the university, should take the oath “de non resumendo Gradum Simeonis, sub hac forma: Magister, tu iurabis quod nunquam consenties in reconciliationem Henrici Simeonis, nec statum Baccalaurei iterum tibi assumes.” This oath was maintained until 1827. C. E. Mallet, A History of the University of Oxford, i. 48; R. L. Poole, “Henry Symeonis,” English Historical Review, xxvii. 515–517.

417 Vol. CCXL. 142–151. Most of the leaves are written on both sides; the title-page is on the reverse of the last leaf. Including the title-page, there are eighteen pages in the manuscript. There are a good many passages stricken out, most of which we have not reproduced, as they add nothing material, while some are repetitions of what is found elsewhere.

418 Cotton Mather, Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iv. 160.

419 Our Publications, xv. lxv n, and Mitchell’s accounts in the Steward’s Book, above, pp. 23–24, which show the last date of his receiving a stipend, and his ordering a wedding supper from the college kitchen.

420 See the sketch of his life in Sibley, i. 141–157.

421 Our Publications, xv. 24–31, where the handwriting is designated as that of “HH.”

422 On the title-page, reversed, there is written in Mather’s hand, “Modell for Students.”

423 Ecclesiastes. The Life of the Reverend & Excellent, Jonathan Mitchel (Boston, 1697), pp. 93–94. The biography is reprinted in the Magnalia (1702 ed., Bk. iv. 158–185). The extract quoted is on p. 181.

424 Albert Matthews, in Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xli. 301–308.

425 Below, pp. [11–12].

426 Our Publications, xxviii. 14, 23.

427 See the Steward’s Book, above, pp. 264–271.

428 See the list of tutors in our Publications, xv. clviii.

429 Josiah Quincy, History of Harvard University, i. 469–470.

430 Mass. Archives, lviii. 47–48.

431 Mass. Bay Records, iv (pt. ii), p. 92.

432 Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iv. 181.

433 Mitchell struck out what he originally wrote as the first paragraph of his preface, which contains the argument of which this is the conclusion.

434 It was a favorite notion of the Puritans, and by no means peculiar to them, that the texts cited by Mitchell proved that the ancient Hebrews maintained embryo universities, called “Schools of the Prophets,” whose scholars were the “Sons of the Prophets.” Both phrases were constantly used at Harvard during the first century of its existence. Cf. Nathaniel Rogers’s valedictory oration, below, pp. 388, 393. Pope Honorius III referred to the Masters of the University of Paris in 1219 as filii prophetarum (Denifle and Chatelain, Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, i. 92), and the Countess of Huntingdon’s training college, opened in 1768, was commonly called the “School of the Prophets.”

435 Devourers of Books, Rev. x:9–10.

436 Thomas Brightman, an English Puritan who died in 1607, wrote Revelation Revealed, the object of which was to prove that the Pope was Antichrist, and Apocalypsis Apocalypseos, a commentary on Revelation. An English version of David Pareus’s work appeared in 1644 with the title Commentary upon the Revelation of John.

437 In margin: “Apud Sleidan de 4 Imper. pag. [ ] 132, 133.” The reference is to Joannes Philippson’s (Sleidanus) De Quatuor Summis Imperiis, Babylonico, Persico, Graeco, et Romano (1559).

438 In margin: “It is y^e popish common saying (as Having much of y^r Intent in it) y^t Ignorance is y^e mother of Devotion.”

439 “Letter in Behalf of Christian Schools” (1524), Weimar edition of Luther’s Works, xv. 9–53; the Latin version, by Johannes Secerium, De Constituendis Scholis Mar. Lutheri, with a preface by Melanchthon, is probably what Mitchell had. There are English translations in F. V. N. Painter, Luther on Education (1889), pp. 169–209, and Frederick Eby, Early Protestant Educators (1931), pp. 45–79.

440 Gen. x:2. According to the traditional interpretation, which was believed by English scholars of the time, the peoples of northern and western Europe were descendants of Japheth, son of Noah. Since these declined into barbarism, and were only recivilized, centuries later, from Greece and Judaea, the warning to New England was plain!

441 In margin: “Heylin Cosmog. pag. 974. Camerar. Cent. 2. cap. 75. Breerwood’s Enquiryes pag. 162.” A copy of Peter Heylin’s Cosmographie Containing the Historie of the Whole World (London, 1657), which was owned by the “Apostle” Eliot, is noted in our Publications, xxviii. The other works cited are: Camerarius, the Younger, Symbolorum et Emblematum Centuriae Tres (1605–1590), and Edward Brerewood, Enquiries Touching the Diversities of Languages and Religions through the Chief Parts of the World (1614 and later editions).

442 John Speed, History of Great Britaine under the Conquests of the Romans (London, 1611). Speed, however, gives the sum as £161,100 9s 7d. Possibly Mitchell added to this the particularized items extending over pp. 787–800, or perhaps Speed revised his figures in some later edition.

443 Matthew Poole (M.A. Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 1652) and others published in 1658 A Model for the Maintaining of Students of Choice Abilities at the University, and Principally in Order to the Ministry. A revised edition appeared the same year, with the date misprinted as 1648. Poole’s Model contains the plan adopted, and much of the phraseology used, by Mitchell. A fund sufficient to produce an income of £900 a year was raised in England, but apparently the system did not get into operation before the Restoration, when it was too late. J. B. Mullinger, The University of Cambridge, iii. 536–539. Among the trustees mentioned on page 20 of Poole’s Model are “Mr. Alexand. Nowell,” doubtless a kinsman of Increase Nowell of Charlestown, Massachusetts; “Mr. Higginson,” probably Francis Higginson, son of the first minister of Salem, who studied medicine at Leyden, and was afterwards minister in Westmoreland; and “Mr. Pennoyer,” doubtless William Pennoyer, citizen and clothworker of London, who established the Pennoyer scholarships at Harvard by his will in 1670 (our Publications, xv. 38–39).

444 i.e., upon that passage. Polycarp Leyser (1552–1610), Harmony of the Gospels (1608–1611).

445 In margin: “It is sayd that in China peopl will save y^e very meats & drink from y^r mouths to give to their pagan priests for Certificates or Bills of exchange w^ch shall procure y^m an 100 for one in another world, oh y^t men should be so willing to pay for delusions & others not free to venture in a right way upon y^e sure word of God. Mendez Pinto’s Travills pag. 145.”

Fernão Mendes Pinto was in the Far East from 1537 to 1558. His Peregrinação, first printed at Lisbon in 1614, was translated into several languages and has been reprinted as recently as 1930. In the English translation by H. Cogan, published at London in 1653 under the title The Voyages and Adventures, of Fernand Mendez Pinto, A Portugal; During his Travels in Ethiopia, China, Tartaria, Chauchin-China, Calaminham, Siam, Pegu, Japan, is found on page 145 the passage that struck Mitchell: “. . . the same Priests grant them I know not what Certificates, as it were Bills of Exchange, which the common people call Couchinnoces, that after their death they may serve above in Heaven to procure for them a recompence of an hundred for one; wherein these miserable creatures are so blinded, that they save the very meat & drink from their own mouths to furnish those accursed priests of Satan with all things necessary. . . .”

446 The reference should be to verse 26.

447 Poole’s Model, pp. 8–11; this is signed by Richard Baxter. The other Epistle, A Word to the Rich, is signed by Poole himself.

448 The words after “Cambridge” are cancelled, but “stet” is written in the margin.

449 In margin: “to Collect & Disburse y^e Moneyes & of a clerk.”

450 This paragraph is cancelled.

451 Originally numbered 7.

452 This paragraph was inserted after the rest of the chapter was written, and the remaining paragraphs were renumbered.

453 This paragraph, up to this point, is taken almost verbatim from Poole’s Model, p. 4.

454 The only known application of this sort was from the Puritans of Nansemond County, Virginia, in 1642.

455 This passage proves, what had hitherto been assumed, that the books in the Harvard College Library were never chained, although that practice continued in the English college and cathedral libraries, especially for folios and valuable books, well into the eighteenth century. Cf. Burnett H. Streeter, The Chained Library.

456 i.e., the senior teaching fellow. In the next century the College Library was frequently complained of for allowing members of the college to borrow the books, the Harvard authorities having apparently at an early date adopted the then (and for over two centuries to come) heretical point of view that the Library existed for the use, not the conservation, of books. Cf. our Publications, xv. 194.

457 Originally numbered 2.

458 Note the frequent complaints of the dilapidation of the “first Harvard College,” collected by Mr. Matthews in our Publications, xv. lxvii–lxxv. A subscription for a new building was begun in 1672. Id., p. 220.

459 For a list of the manuscript codes of college laws known to exist, see the communication by our late associate William C. Lane in our Publications, xxv. 244–252.

460 Id., XV. 24–35.

461 Except for a late and corrupt copy, dated 1683, printed in 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xiv. 207–215.

462 Dr. Green described the MS. in 2 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xi. 200–205. He there printed the record of the three students expelled for hanging the dog (below, p. 340), but thought it necessary to suppress their names!

463 Our Publications, xvi. 848–850.

464 For the text of this charter of 1692, see our Publications, xv. 335–338. This charter lasted until 1696. Id., pp. xl–xlii.

465 1702 ed., Bk. iv. 132–134.

466 Note, in this same connection, that the inscription on the seal adopted in 1693 and engraved by Coney says “Academia,” the usual Latin name for “university,” instead of “Collegium,” as on the 1650 seal. S. E. Morison, “Harvard Seals and Arms,” Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, xlii. 1–15.

467 These are printed in our Publications, xv. 134–155.

468 These have been printed in Benjamin H. Hall, A Collection of College Words and Customs (1856 ed.), pp. 215–216. They were also printed, as recorded in 1781 in the Faculty Records, iv. 257, by Quincy in his History of Harvard University, ii. 539–541.

469 Cf. p. [20] of the Chauncy Code (below, p. 342); our Publications, xv. 58, 70, 228, 244, xvi. 501, 584, 612; President Wadsworth’s Diary, pp. [19–21].

470 P. [17] is blank.

471 This passage, also in the hand of President Chauncy, occurs in College Book I. 60 (our Publications, xv. 42–43); and in each case was no doubt copied from the 1648 edition of the Laws and Liberties, p. 12.

472 The memorandum on p. 339 states that of the Fellows named in the Charter of 1650, Samuel Mather and Samuel Danforth were the two Tutors; and the memorandum on p. 340 states that of the Fellows named in the Charter of 1672, Joseph Browne and John Richardson were the two Tutors. Both memoranda are interpolations in the hand of Nicholas Sever (A.B. 1701; Tutor 1716–1728; Fellow 1716–1728), and were doubtless written in the years 1720–1723. In a letter dated August 28, 1721, President Leverett stated that in the Charter of 1650 the two Tutors were Comfort Starr and Samuel Eaton. Ewer Papers, i. 59, New England Historic Genealogical Society.

473 Amended, October 2, 1770, by requiring a bond “in one or more sureties.” The law was further altered, July 14, 1778, by increasing the deposit with the Steward to £6, and the amount of the bond to £100. The amended law was repealed, July 12, 1779, in favor of the following: “The Parents or Guardians of those who have been accepted on examination, or some other person for them, shall pay to the Steward such sum of money in advance towards defraying their College charges, as the Corporation shall from time to time Judge to be necessary; provided it shall not exceed the amount of the charge to each Scholar in one quarter bill. Also shall give bond to the President & Fellows of Harvard College with one or more sufficient sureties, to the acceptance of the Steward in such sum as the Corporation shall from time to time determine, to pay college dues, as they shall be charged in their quarter bills according to the laws & customs of the College, and lodge the said bond with the Steward, who shall as soon as may be deliver the same to the Treasurer. And in case of death or removal, before college charges shall arise to the Sum which shall be advanced as afores^d, the Steward shall return the remainder to the person that gave the bond.”

474 This sentence was altered, August 9, 1770, to read: “And no one shall be allowed to take possession of any chamber in the College or receive the Instructions of that Society or be considered as a member thereof until he hath been admitted according to the Form prescribed in this Law.”

475 “This is an interesting case of the survival of a term long after the disappearance of the thing it denoted” (our Publications, xv. cxxxix, note 5). On August 18, 1730, the President and Fellows “Agreed that George Ball be admitted a Fellow-Commoner” (id., XXIV. 442). Ball, who graduated in 1734, was apparently the last of that privileged class.

476 The following addition to this law was voted on March 25, 1777: “And no Person shall be admitted into the Freshman Class after the usual time of Admission, unless it shall appear to the satisfaction of the President & Tutors, that the Person who offers himself has been prevented coming by sickness or some peculiar Providence; in which case longer time may be allowed according to their discretion: Provided nevertheless, that it shall be in the power of the President Professors & Tutors, if they shall judge proper, to admit a person into the said Class at any time afterwards, He being found qualified according to the time of his admission, & first paying into the College Treasury, a sum for such time as shall have elapsed, since the Admission of the Class, proportional to what is required by this Law of such as are admitted into the upper Classes.”

477 In addition to increasing the fines mentioned in this paragraph to 6d and 12d respectively, a change in this law on June 10, 1778, added the following: “And if any Undergraduate is remarkable for frequent Tardiness or absence from the religious exercises of the Chapel, the President after particular Enquiry into the reasons of this neglect, judging them insufficient, shall give him a private admonition, if he persists in his neglect he shall be admonished by the President & Tutors at a Meeting, and if he does not reform, he shall be publicly admonished in the Chapel, and degraded, or rusticated according to the aggravation of the offence. And if any Graduate residing at the College shall not duly attend morning & evening Prayers in the Chapel, he shall be admonished by the President, Professors & Tutors; and if he persist in his offence he shall be liable to have his Chamber taken away at the discretion of the President Professors and Tutors.”

478 For this sentence there was substituted on August 9, 1770: “or be admonished, degraded or rusticated according to y^e aggravation of the offence.”

479 Before 1760, attendance at Sunday services in the meeting-house of the First Church was obligatory. In anticipation of the opening of Christ Church, the Corporation voted in the fall of 1760 to permit students to attend, under certain conditions, the Sunday services there.

480 This law was repealed, May 7, 1776, in favor of the following: “At the Evening service on the Lord’s-day, the President, when he sees fit, shall expound some portion of the holy Scriptures, and when no such exposition shall be delivered, The President or the Tutor who officiates shall read or cause to be read some portion of the Holy Scriptures or some profitable Theological Composition.”

481 This phrase was altered, May 7, 1771, to: “the time necessary for Breakfasting.”

482 The number of Tutors in the early years is uncertain, but in 1643–1685 there were at least two and sometimes three; in 1686–1699 there were two only; a third was added in 1699; and a fourth in 1720. In 1721, the Corporation elected a fifth, but the Overseers refused their approbation. Our Publications, xv. lxvii, 363, 449, 456, 461, 474.

483 Amended, October 29, 1776, to read: “the Junior Sophister & Sophimore Classes.”

484 Amended, October 29, 1776, to read: “The Senior Sophister Class shall attend the Tutor who teaches Logic, Metaphysics and Ethics & the Tutor who teacheth nat^l Philosophy, Geography, Astronomy & y^e elem[en]ts of the Mathematics a fortnight each alternately on the same days of the week until the Spring Vacation. The Freshman Class shall attend the Tutor who teaches Latin & the Tutor who teaches Greek a fortnight each alternately, until the Spring Vacation, & after the Spring Vacation, they shall attend all the Tutors in Rotation, a week each on the same days of the week—The three Junior Classes shall also attend their respective Tutors on Friday & Saturday morning every week in Term-time, and the Senior Class until the Spring Vacation.”

Previous to the adoption of this amendment (March 7, 1771) a change was made in the requirements for Senior Sophisters, but was never actually put into effect: “Whereas the Senior Sophisters are obliged by Law to attend their Exercises with the Tutors until the Spring Vacation and with the Professors until the first of July, which last limitation hardly allows them time eno’ to prepare for Commencement, therefore ordered that from henceforth the Senior Sophisters shall not be obliged to attend the Lectures of the Professors, nor be continued in the Monitor’s Bill after the Twenty first of June.”

485 Repealed, May 1, 1770, and the following, “to take place after the Summer Vacation 1770,” enacted in its stead: “For the future two Scholars of the two senior classes [inserted May 1, 1781: “till the Spring vacation, & after that time, two of y^e Junior Sophisters & Sophimores”] in their order, shall declaim memoriter publicly in the Chapel immediately after prayers every evening in the week, Saturday, and Lord’s day, public Fasts & Thanksgivings excepted, in one of the three learned languages and in no other, without the permission of the President or the Tutor who officiates and shall then present him a copy fairly written and subscribed with their names. In consideration hereof, analising shall be laid aside, and those that declaim shall be excused from their exercises with their Tutors that afternoon,—If any Scholar shall neglect to declaim in his turn, without sufficient reason, he shall be fined, not exceeding two shillings, & shall declaim the next evening, or if he be necessarily prevented, as soon as he is able, which, if he omit, he shall be fined as before, but if he neglect a third time, he shall be admonished by the President & Tutors,—And if he shall neglect or refuse to declaim, for three evenings after admonition, he shall be degraded. And when the next time of his declaiming shall return in course, if he shall neglect or refuse to declaim, he shall be punished not exceeding three shillings for the two first omissions, and if he shall neglect or refuse a third time, he shall be further degraded or rusticated. If any Scholar shall presume to read his declamation, instead of delivering it memoriter, without sufficient reason given before to the President or Tutor who officiates, he shall be ordered by the President or Tutor, out of the Desk, to his proper seat, & be obliged to declaim the next evening, and so often as he shall presume to read his Declamation, he shall be considered as refusing to declaim according to Law and shall be subject to the foregoing penalties.

“The President & Tutors shall select such Scholars as perform their declamatory exercises in the most oratorical manner to exhibit some specimens of their proficiency in Elocution before the Committee of the Overseers at their Semiannual meetings or upon any other public occasions as the President & Tutors shall judge proper.”

The second paragraph of the amended law was in turn replaced, March 15, 1781, by the following: “To animate the Scholars to make the greatest proficiency in oratory, and to distinguish themselves in every branch of science, as well as to confer on those that do so some public mark of honor; The President, Professors & Tutors shall four times a year, namely at each of the semiannual meetings of the Committee of the Overseers, & once in each of the other terms, select such Scholars as perform their declamatory exercises in the most oratorical manner, or distinguish themselves in any branch of Science, to exhibit in public, Specimens of their proficiency, on such subjects as shall be assigned by the immediate Governors of the College. The like exercises may be assigned upon any other public occasion. And at these exercises, the President, or, in his absence, the Senior Professor, shall preside.”

486 Changed in October, 1772, to June 21.

487 The following was added to this law, October 6, 1772: “and whatever Student shall be absent from, neglect or carelessly perform this last mentioned exercise (viz forensic disputes) without an excuse admitted sufficient by the Tutor before whom this dispute is held, shall be punished not exceeding five Shillings.”

488 This law was repealed, May 1, 1770, by the adoption of the amendment to Chapter III, Law IV, given above, p. 352.

489 Altered, March 18, 1777, to read: “to end the last.”

490 This clause was repealed, March 2, 1784.

491 This last sentence was amended, March 18, 1777, to read: “And no Undergraduate, the Senior Sophisters after the 21^rst of June excepted, shall be permitted to be one Night absent between the said Vacations, but by Leave granted by the President, for some urgent reason, or if the President shall judge it expedient to call a meeting to consider of an application for leave of absence, the President & Tutors, or by the President, Professors, & Tutors.”

492 This portion of this law was amended, May 3, 1774, to provide for having two “suitable” persons stay at the college during each vacation, they to have “a reasonable compensation made them by the Corporation.”

493 The punishment was changed, May 7, 1771, to a fine of 3s for the first offense, 5s for the second, and 10s for the third, with the alternative of being admonished, degraded, or rusticated.

494 Rustication was added, May 7, 1771, as a fourth possibility.

495 These fines were changed, March 2, 1784, as follows: anywhere from 1s 6d to 2s 6d in the first case; from 12s to £1 in the second; from £3 to £4 10s in the third.

496 Changed, March 7, 1771, to June 21.

497 Subsequently amended to read: “according to Law twelfth Chap: 3.”

498 Changed, March 7, 1771, to June 21.

499 This law was inserted by vote of October 2, 1770.

500 “Academical Exercises” had been permitted as early as 1762: see Albert Matthews, “Early Plays at Harvard,” Nation, xcviii. 295; and cf. our Publications, xiii. 320.

501 Inserted here, May 7, 1771: “or shall otherwise be guilty of contempt of the lawful authority of the College.”

502 An alternative punishment added May 7, 1771, was a fine not to exceed 20s.

503 By action of July 21, 1778, the first of these fines was raised to 15s and the other two to 30s.

504 The following was substituted for this law on May 2, 1769: “Degradations and Rustications shall be determined by the President, Professors and Tutors—and every person rusticated shall be obliged immediately to leave the College and the Town of Cambridge, unless his Parent or Guardian reside there, and shall not be allowed to return till the expiration of twelve or at least six months, at the discretion of the President Professors and Tutors. And upon his Application to them for readmission and producing satisfactory Testimonials of his good behavior and diligent attention to his studies during his absence, he shall be readmitted into the College, but shall be degraded into the next class, and shall never be restored to his former Class.”

505 These words were deleted when this law was amended to provide for such applications after the lapse of twelve months. This amendment also stated: “Nor shall such person be restored but by an Act of the whole Legislative Body, and if any such expelled person shall be thus restored, he shall be degraded to a lower Class, and to the lowest place in the Class, and shall never be restored to his former Class, but upon his good Behavior may be put in his proper rank in the Class, at the discretion of the President and Tutors.”

506 This law was amended, October 6, 1772, to read as follows: “At the End of every Quarter, the Butler as well as the Steward shall lay his quarter Bill before the President & Tutors for their examination, which being allowed of by them, & signed by the President and one of the Tutors, the Steward & Butler shall as soon as may be give public notice to the Scholars to come and take their respective quarter Bills—And if any Scholar shall neglect to pay his quarterly dues for the Space of three Months after such notification, he shall, upon Complaint made by the Steward or Butler to the President & Tutors, be liable to be dismissed from the College, & if dismissed shall not be restored, but with the Consent of the Corporation, nor without making full Satisfaction for all Damages sustained by such Neglect.” The amended law was repealed, May 7, 1776.

507 This law was amended, May 4, 1773, to read as follows: “Whereas the several Classes have gone into great Extravagance in making Entertainments when they have met to transact the business of their respective Classes & on other occasions, which evil may still continue, if not seasonably prevented. Therefore all public entertainments are prohibited to the Undergraduates,—If any one or any number of Undergraduates shall presume to make such entertainment on any occasion or pretence whatever except at Commencement. He or they so offending, shall be liable to a fine of forty shillings or to be degraded or rusticated according to the aggravation of the offence. If the person chosen to pronounce the Valedictory Oration shall transgress this law, before the time appointed for the pronouncing it he shall not only be liable to the forementioned penalties, but also denied the liberty of pronouncing it.”

This second version of the law was repealed, October 29, 1783, in favor of the following: “To prevent those tumults and disorders which are frequently consequent upon any considerable number of the students being together at entertainments, as well as to guard against extravagance and needless expence, all undergraduates are prohibited from making any festive entertainments in the College or its vicinity. If any one or any number of undergraduates shall presume to make, or be present at, any such entertainment, on any occasion or pretence whatever, except at Commencement, each one so offending shall be liable to a fine not exceeding forty shillings: And if tumultuous and disorderly proceedings shall be the consequence, each actor in, or aider & abettor of such tumultuous and disorderly proceedings shall be liable to degradation or rustication according to the aggravation of the offence. If any Senior Sophister, after the spring vacation, shall be degraded for a breach of this law, his name shall be inserted, in the degraded place, in the publications that respect Commencement; and shall be liable to be inserted in the degraded place at the next printing of the Catalogue, at the discretion of the President, Professors & Tutors. And if the offence of any one shall by the Government be deemed to merit the punishment of rustication, he shall be debarred his degree, that year.”

508 The words “Professors and” were inserted here, August 9, 1770.

509 This law was enacted October 29, 1783.

510 Enacted October 29, 1783.

511 The following was inserted here by vote of March 2, 1784: “Undergraduates however holding studies in the College, whose Parents or Guardians request their dieting in the family either of the President or one of the Professors, may be indulged by a permission from the President. In this case and in every other where Undergraduates hold studies in the College and are permitted to diet in the town, they shall be charged in the quarter bill, under the head of Steward double to the other students.”

512 Added, June 2, 1774: “except in Sickness or absence with leave, in which cases the Corporation shall have power to exempt them.”

513 The bracketed portion of this law was replaced by the following, May 5, 1778: “The Waiters before they leave the Hall, after each Meal shall make a return in writing to the Steward, or, in his absence, to the highest Servant in the Kitchen of all Damage done to the Utensils in the Hall at said Meal, and of the name of the Person or Persons who did the same, or any part of it, if known; and said Person or Persons who did the Damage shall be charged to the full amount of it in the Quarter Bill, at the discretion of the President & Tutors—But if it cannot be known by whom the Damage was done, the loss being determined by the President and Tutors, shall be equally assessed on all the Scholars at the making up of the next Quarter Bill. If there be no damage done the Waiters shall in like manner certify that there is none. If the Waiters neglect to comply with this Law, they shall be charged with all the damages sustained thro’ such neglect at the discretion of the President & Tutors—A particular Account of all the Damages notified by the Waiters and of all other Damages and Losses of Utensils shall be kept by the Steward and exhibited every Quarter to the President and Tutors, or such Committee as the Corporation shall from time to time appoint—A quarterly Inventory of all the Utensils which have been purchased the current Quarter and of all of which are then actually in his possession, shall in like manner be exhibited by the Steward, who shall make good all Damages which may arise to the College from any neglect of his Duty, or the Default of Persons employed by him in the Kitchen, said Damages to be laid before the Corporation by the Committee for settling the price of Commons. Unavoidable wear, Damage and Loss of Utensils shall be made good by an equal Assessment on all the Scholars.”

514 Increased to £170, September 2, 1771.

515 Increased to £70, May 2, 1769.

516 The following was added, January 21, 1778: “And no allowance shall be henceforth made to the Steward for any outstanding debts, whether of Graduates or Undergraduates; inasmuch as it is his duty, according to the direction of Law, to take sufficient Security.”

517 The first clause of this law was amended, October 6, 1772, to read: “The Buttery shall be supplied by the Butler at his own expence with such Articles and under such Regulations as the Corporation from time to time shall order or allow.” The amended law was replaced by another, June 10, 1784: “The Buttery shall be supplied by the Butler, at his own expence, with tea, Coffee, Chocolate, Sugar, Biscuit, Pens, Ink & Paper and such other articles as the Corporation or President shall order or allow; also with Cyder and such wines and other liquors as shall be permitted by the President, or Corporation. And as a compensation for his service he shall be allowed a profit not exceeding twenty p^r Cent on the articles sold by him, which profit shall be estimated on the prime cost of the articles purchased by him, excepting on Cyder, the price of which shall be annually stated by the Corporation, or such persons as they shall appoint for that purpose.

“The Butler shall not sell any article but what is ordered or permitted as aforesaid. And in case of his violating this law by selling unpermitted articles to the Undergraduates on credit, he shall be barred the benefit of the College-laws for recovering the debts so contracted by them.” The second amended version was in turn repealed by a revision of Law XII, below, p. 368 n, adopted in May, 1788.

518 The following vote of August 13, 1777, shows the effects of war-time stringencies on the college diet: “Whereas by Law 9 of Chap. VI it is provided that ‘there shall always be Chocolate, tea, Coffee & Milk for Breakfast with bread or Biscuit and Butter,’ and Whereas the foreign articles abovementioned are not to be procured without great difficulty and at a very exorbitant price, therefore that the charge of Commons may be kept as low as possible—

“Voted—That the Steward shall provide at the common charge only Bread, or Biscuit & Milk for Breakfast—and if any of the Scholars chuse tea, Coffee or Chocolate for Breakfast, they shall procure these articles for themselves, and likewise the Sugar and Butter that shall be used with them. And if any of the Scholars chuse to have their Milk boiled or thickened with flour, if it may be had, or with Meal, The Steward, having seasonable notice, shall provide it accordingly. And farther, As Salt Fish alone is, by the aforesaid Law, appointed for the dinner on Saturdays, & this article is now risen to a very high price, & thro’ the scarcity of Salt will probably be still higher, the Steward shall not be obliged to provide Salt Fish; but shall procure Fresh fish as often as he can. The above Regulations to be in force till farther orders, the aforesaid Law of Chap. VI notwithstanding.”

519 This law was amended, October 6, 1772, to read: “No Scholar shall be allowed to run in Debt to the Butler above six Pounds & If any Scholar thro’ the Oversight of the Butler shall be found upon making up the quarter Bill at the Buttery to have run in debt above thirty shillings [increased to £6, July 14, 1778], he shall have no more credit there until that is paid.”

A new law was passed on June 10, 1784: “The Butler shall at the close of each quarter present to the President and the Tutor whose turn it is to make up the quarter Bill, a Bill of his buttery charges against the scholars in the proceeding quarter; which bill shall be divided into three columns, the first containing the charges for permitted liquors, the second the other permitted articles and the third the amount of the whole. The Butler shall at the same time lay before them his bills of purchase, & evince from them that his profits do not exceed twenty p^r Cent on the articles contained in them: which being done to the satisfaction of the President and Tutor, the Butler’s bill shall be signed by them as an evidence of its allowance, when it shall be of the same authority with the bill entrusted to the Steward: Provided, that undergraduates, who have paid their preceeding bill or bills be not charged with articles to the amount of more than forty shillings, and that such Undergraduates who have not paid their preceeding bill or bills be not indebted to the Butler at the close of the quarter then ending more than forty shillings. After the bill is thus signed, the Butler shall as soon as may be deliver to each Undergraduate his particular bill, engrossed on a printed blank of the following form

Mr A. B. to C. D. College Butler D^r
Credit is not given by law for more than 40s
To his	Quarter ending
For wines & other permitted liquors
For other permitted articles.”

This addition to the law was made, May 3, 1785: “The Butler shall have liberty to credit the Students for more than a quarter, but not exceeding one year, on their producing a certificate from their parents or guardians desiring such credit, provided the whole sum does not exceed six pounds in the year.”

Later legislation, superseding this law as now revised, was adopted in May, 1788: “The Buttery shall be supplied from time to time by the Butler, at his own expence, with Beer, Cyder, Tea, Coffee, Chocolate, sugar, Biscuit, Butter, Cheese, Pens, Ink, Paper and such other articles as the President or Corporation shall order or permit. But no permission shall be given for selling wine, distilled spirits or foreign fruits on credit or for ready money. As a compensation for his services and expense, the Butler shall be allowed to advance twenty per Cent on the net cost of the articles sold by him, excepting Beer and Cyder, which shall be stated quarterly by the President & Tutors.

“No scholar shall be allowed to contract at the Buttery a debt of more than twenty four shillings. And if it shall be found, on making up the Butler’s quarter bill which shall be allowed by the President and one of the Tutors that any scholar is indebted to him to that amount, such Scholar shall not have any farther credit at the Buttery untill such debt be discharged; unless his parent or guardian signify to the Butler, in writing, his consent that farther credit be given him: In which case the Butler may go on to credit such Scholar to the amount of three pounds & twelve shillings, and no farther.

“The Butler shall send to the Parent or Guardian the amount of every scholar who neglects to discharge his buttery bills for three months after the date: And if it be not paid within three months from the time of its being sent, every such scholar shall be liable to be dismissed from the College; and if dismissed, shall not be restored, till he has made full compensation for the injury the Butler may have sustained.

“No charges, excepting for permitted articles shall be allowed on the Butler’s bill. And the Butler shall not avail himself of the College Laws for the recovery of debts due to him, any farther than his future accounts are conformable to these regulations.”

520 This law was amended, October 6, 1772, by striking out all reference to the Butler. The amended version was repealed, May 7, 1776. Provision was made for the Steward’s accounts in a new law of the same date, inserted as Law XII in Chapter VIII.

521 This law was repealed, May 5, 1778, by the enactment of the new provisions under Chapter VI, Law IV, printed above, p. 365.

522 i.e., the library that burned in 1764.

523 Inserted, May 1, 1770: “except to Gentlemen in the Government of the College.”

524 Changed to “prints” when the law was revised, October 1, 1771.

525 The following provisions were added to this law in the revision of October 1, 1771: “But when any of the Corporation or Overseers shall not be able to attend personally to sign the Librarian’s account book, in such case they may send to y^e Librarian an order under their hand for such books as they desire to borrow, & y^e Librarian shall deliver said books (within the limitations enjoined by y^e Laws of the Library) to the Bearer, who shall sign a receipt on y^e back of the order, for such books as he shall receive.”

526 Inserted here, July 16, 1777: “as members of the College and who usually attend upon its exercises, and.”

527 Added here, October 1, 1771: “Provided also that if the Hon^ble His Maj^ties Council or the hon^ble House of Representatives shall have occasion to consult any Books in the Library, it shall be lawful for the Librarian to deliver them to the Bearer of an order for the same under the hand of the Secretary of the Province, or Speaker of the house.”

528 Substituted for this clause, December 2, 1782: “All those Undergraduates who have borrowed books from the Library shall return them the friday before the fall, winter & spring vacations; and none shall be allowed again to borrow till the expiration of any such vacation, except those of the two senior classes that belong to the town of Cambridge and live in the vicinity of the College, who signify to the President their purpose to continue in the town during the vacation to prosecute their studies, together with such as obtain leave from the President and Tutors to continue at their chambers in the College, or at their boarding places in the town: To such the Librarian shall deliver books before the vacation commences, and also the friday after Commencement, by an order from the President. Upon the expiration of any such vacation these borrowed books shall be returned, and the Librarian shall attend upon the scholars in their order the remaining part of the week to deliver books out of the library.”

529 Amended, October 1, 1771, to read: “And the two senior classes shall be distinguished into four divisions each, which shall take their turns for entering the Library by rotation in the four terms of the year, & the Scholars in each Division shall enter the Library the first year in their alphabetical order and the second year in the reverse of that order.”

530 Amended, May 2, 1773, to read: “a fire shall be made in it upon every friday or such other day as the Librarian attends accord^g to Law to deliver books to the Scholars; & no fire shall be made in y^e Library at any other time except by particular direction of the Corporation or Overseers or their Committees.”

531 By vote of May 4, 1773, provision was made that Senior Sophisters must return all borrowed books by June 19.

532 Inserted here, October 1, 1771: “And after that day no book shall be taken out of the Library till the Friday after Commencement, when [the Gentlemen that are in the instruction & government of the College and the resident Graduates may borrow Books.]” The bracketed portion of this sentence was amended, May 4, 1773, to read: “all who have right or licence to borrow books, except the Undergraduates, may take out books.”

533 This provision was repealed by the adoption of the amendment of October 1, 1771, quoted in the preceding footnote.

534 Increased to 24s, July 31, 1778.

535 This law was added by vote of March 7, 1771. On August 1, 1769, the Corporation voted that “the Apartment on the North side of the entrance to the Philosophy Chamber be a Musæum for the reception of Curiosities belonging to the College” (College Book VIII. 191). That vote apparently did not, as stated in our Publications, xix. 63, “establish” the Museum, which before that time had probably been in the “Philosophy Chamber.” At all events, that there was such a collection before the fire of 1764 is shown by the following lines from a poem called out by that catastrophe:

“Why could ye not, the fam’d Museum spare,

Unrival’d in Columbia, where my Sons

Beheld, unveil’d by Winthrop’s artful Hand,

The Face of Nature, beautiful and fair?”

(Our Publications, xiv. 9. The plan facing p. 16 of the same volume shows the location of the “apartment.”) As early as 1750 the college received several gifts that were probably exhibited in the Museum and the loss of which was mentioned in the accounts of the fire. Cf. our Publications, xvi. 823, xix. 281–282; Quincy, History, ii. 482.

536 By vote of May 3, 1774, provision was made for a Tutor who might “apprehend he has sufficient reasons to leave his department for a time”: “In such case The Tutor shall apply to the Corporation for their consent, and if they see cause to grant their consent The President Professors & Tutors shall be impowered to order & direct in what manner the Instruction of the several Classes shall be carried on during his absence, and the several Classes shall be obliged to attend the Instructions that shall be so ordered, on the same penalties that are provided by the Laws of the College, in case of their non-attendance on the stated exercises unto the Tutors. And the Corporation shall order such compensation to be made out of the Salary of said Tutor, to those who shall perform his Duty, during his absence, and in such proportions as to them shall appear equitable.”

537 On April 9, 1716, the Corporation voted: “That no Tut^r or Fellow of the House now or henceforth to be chosen shall hold a Fellowship with Salary for more then Three Years, Except continued by a New Election” (our Publications, xvi. 434).

538 Henry Flynt was chosen a Tutor on August 7, 1699, and as one of “the two senior Tutors” became a member of the Corporation by the charter of July 12, 1700. He resigned his tutorship on September 25, 1754, but clung to his position in the Corporation until his death on February 13, 1760. The Corporation, to prevent the recurrence of such a situation, voted on August 20, 1755: “That when any Tut^r who is also a Fellow of the Corporation shall resign his Place as Tut^r, his Relac̄on also to the College, as a Fellow of the Corporation shall then cease.” Cf. our Publications, xv. liii, 363; Faculty Records, ii. 22; College Book vii. 35, 43.

539 The Laws of 1734 provided that the professors should “constantly reside in Cambridge Near the College; and the Tutors in the College” (our Publications, xv. 152; cf. also id., lv, n). Hence, by implication at least, the marriage of Tutors was prohibited, and no one is known to have ventured to defy the unwritten law until 1766. In that year a Tutor married, and on March 7 the Corporation resolved that “his Place ought to be look’d upon as Vacant,” and proceeded to vote “That if any Tut^r shall in Time to Come enter into the Marriage State, his Place shall be ipso Facto Void, And the Corporation shall forthwith proceed to the Choice of another Person to be his Successor,—as if he had actually resign’d, & no married Person shall be capable of holding s^d Office” (College Book VII. 151).

540 The provision regarding the Hall was deleted, and the following was added here by vote of May 4, 1773: “and firewood for the Chapel, Philosophy Chamber and private school.”

541 This law was repealed, May 7, 1776, by the enactment of the following: “At the End of every Quarter, the Steward shall, within fourteen days, draw out the Quarter Bill, filling the Column of Commons & Sizings, & deliver the same to the Tutor whose turn it shall be to make it up, & he the said Tutor shall duly fill up the other Columns, according to the direction of the President and Tutors, which being signed by the President and the Tutor who made it up, the said Tutor shall immediately enter the Bill in the Book of quarter Bills; & then deliver it to the Steward, who shall as soon as may be give public notice to the Scholars to come and take their quarter Bills, in which the Steward shall particularly specify what fines have been imposed on such Scholars, & for what reason. And if any Scholar shall neglect to pay his quarterly dues for the space of three months after such notification, he shall upon complaint made by the Steward be liable to be dismissed from the College, & if dismissed, shall not be restored but with the consent of the Corporation, nor without making full compensation for all damages sustained by such neglect.”

Three years later, June 3, 1779, this version of the law was supplanted by the following: “The steward, at the close of every quarter, being notified by the President of the price of commons as stated by the Corporation, shall immediately fill up the Columns of commons & sizings, and deliver the bill to the Tutor whose turn it is to make it up; and he, the s^d Tutor, shall immediately fill up the other Columns according to the direction of the President and Tutors; which being signed by the President, & Tutor who made it up, the s^d Tutor shall without delay enter the bill in the Book of quarter bills, & then deliver it to the steward; who shall immediately deliver to each scholar his quarter bill; in which the steward shall particularly specify what fines have been imposed upon such Scholars, and for what reasons. And every Scholar is required without delay to discharge his quarterly dues: [upon neglect of which, he shall pay, in addition to what was charged in his quarter-bill a sum equal to the difference in the price of provisions from the time of making up the quarter-bill to the day of payment.] And the steward on the first friday of every month, vacations excepted, shall exhibit to the President a list of the names of such Scholars as have neglected payment with the sums due from each, to be by him laid before a meeting of the President, Professors and Tutors, [who shall determine the difference above mentioned, and assess upon each delinquent Scholar a Sum equal to it; and the Steward shall not discharge the quarter-bill, till such assessment is paid.] And if any Scholar shall neglect to pay his College dues for the Space of three months after his quarter-bill has been delivered to him, he shall be liable to be dismissed from the College by the President, Professors & Tutors; and if dismissed, he shall not be restored, but with the consent of the Corporation, [nor without making full compensation for all damages sustained by such neglect.]” The bracketed portions of this new law were omitted when the following was substituted for the last bracketed clause: “upon his producing testimonials, to the satisfaction of the immediate Government, that he has diligently prosecuted his studies, during his absence; nor without paying, for the time of his absence a sum equal to what may be required by the Laws, from a Candidate for an advanced standing in the College, for the same length of time; which sum shall be determined by the President, Professors and Tutors.”

542 This law was inserted by vote of May 7, 1776. On November 29, 1779, it was superseded by the following: “The Steward shall settle his accounts with the College Treasu^r at the end of the 4^th quat^r annually & pay y^e ballance; and at such other times as the Corporation shall direct: And the Treas^r shall advance to y^e Steward from time to time out of the College Treasury, such sums of money as the Corporation shall think necessary for carrying on the business of his department.”

543 Inserted here, January 20, 1778: “also give Bond to the Steward in the sum of forty pounds to pay College dues quarterly as they shall be charged in their quarter Bills.”

544 Stricken out, May 4, 1773.

545 Amended, May 4, 1773, to read: “the course of academical exercises for the space of four years as usual except.”

546 Amended, June 2, 1774, and made the last clause of the law: “And every Candidate for his first Degree shall also pay the Steward such sum as the Corporation by their vote from year to year shall determine to be his proportion of the expence for printing the Catalogues.”

547 Amended, March 7, 1771, to read: “Every Candidate for either degree shall attend the public procession on the Commencement day to & from the College.”

548 Repealed by the amendment quoted in the preceding footnote.

549 Amended, March 7, 1771, to read: “shall neglect such attendance without sufficient reason to be allowed by y^e President or be.”

550 Amended at the same time to “admitted to.”

551 On May 2, 1760, the Corporation voted: “That there shall be no Dancing allow’d on any Part of the Com̄encem^t Week, either in the College-Hall or Chapel” (College Book VII. 80). Holden Chapel was used as a chapel in the years 1744–1766 only; in 1766, on the completion of the present Harvard Hall, a room was designated as a “chapel.”

552 Added here, May 1, 1770: “No Candidate for his first Degree, His Parent or Guardian shall be allowed to have a Commencement entertainment in the Town of Cambridge out of the College, on the penalty of such Candidate’s forfeiting his second Degree, except those whose parents or guardians live in the Town of Cambridge. This Law to be in force for the space of three years.” In 1767, Commencement came on Wednesday, July 15. Two graduates of that year—Thomas Bernard, son of Governor Sir Francis Bernard, and Edward Oxnard—issued the following engraved invitation (reproduced in facsimile in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxvi. 6): “M^r Bernard & M^r Oxnard present their Compliments to & ask the Favour of Company to a Dance at the Town House on Thursday after Commencement. N. B. This Admission to be delivered at the Door.”

553 This law was added, March 15, 1781, and was repealed, March 14, 1782.

554 Cousin John, i.e., a privy.

555 That it is not autograph is shown by a number of errors in copying—errors with which the learned author cannot be chargeable. The handwriting has not been identified.

556 John Bowers, the fifth A.B. of 1649, did not proceed to the A.M. and therefore is not mentioned in this oration. Both Urian Oakes and John Rogers became presidents of Harvard College, and a daughter of President Rogers married President Leverett.

557 Another specimen—a brief one—of Mr. Rogers’s accomplishments as a Latinist may be seen in Cotton Mather’s life of him in the Magnalia (1702 ed., Bk. iii. 108): “’Tis a Vindication of the Congregational Church Government.”

558 Four of Oakes’s Latin orations (1672, 1675, 1677, 1678) are preserved (in President Leverett’s hand) among the Leverett MSS. in the Harvard College Library. From that delivered at Commencement, 1678, a long extract paying affectionate tribute to Thomas Shepard the younger (1635–1677) is given by Cotton Mather in the Magnalia (1702 ed., Bk. iv. 190–191). The third of these orations is printed below, pp. 409–436.

559 Full details of the scandal, with quotations and references, are given in Sibley, i. 2–6.

560 1702 ed., Bk. iv. 126.

561 The brackets are Mather’s own.

562 Journal (Savage ed.), i. 376 (313).

563 Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iii. 107–108.

564 Cf. Hariot’s famous account of the medicinal virtues of tobacco: “They vse to take the fume or smoke therof by sucking it through pipes made of claie into their stomacke and heade; from whence it purgeth superfluous fleame & other grosse humors, openeth all the pores & passages of the body: by which meanes the vse thereof, not only preserueth the body from obstructiōs; but also if any be, so that they haue not beene of too long continuance, in short time breaketh them: wherby their bodies are notably preserued in health, & know not many greeuous diseases wherewithall we in England are oftentimes afflicted.” A Briefe and True Report of the New found Land of Virginia (Frankfort, 1590), p. 16.

565 Ewer MSS., New England Historic Genealogical Society, i. The MS. has no heading. That here printed is taken from the Leverett MS.

566 Pliny, Epistulae, vi, 2, 5: “invaluit consuetudo.”

567 Coronidem imponat (“put the finishing touch”) is a translation of the Greek idiom ἐπιθεῖναι κορωνίδα τινί Cf. Anthologia Palatina, xi, 41: Τάχιστα κορωνίδα γράψατε, Μοῦσαι. There is a kind of quibble on corona (line 2). This opening passage shows that the oration was not salutatory but valedictory.

568 Psalms, lxxxviii:4–5: “I am counted with them that go down into the pit: I am as a man that hath no strength: Free among the dead, like the slain that lie in the grave [Aestimatus sum cum descendentibus in lacum: factus sum sicut homo sine adiutorio inter mortuos liber; sicut vulnerati dormientes in sepulcris].”

569 Cf. Cicero, Ad Familiares, x, 19: “Gratiarum actionem a te non desiderabam.”

570 i.e., Deo Optimo Maximo.

571 Cf. Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, i, 39, 93: “At ea [sc. natura] quidem dedit usuram vitae tamquam pecuniae nulla praestituta die.”

572 Virgil, Eclogues, i, 6: “Deus nobis haec otia fecit.”

573 Aeneid, i, 600–601: “Grates persolvere dignas Non opis est nostrae.”

574 2 Kings, ii:1–8, II. Cf. 1 Samuel, vii:16–17 (“in circuit”). Either Bethelem or Bethele should be deleted. For rursus the Leverett MS. has versus.

575 2 Kings, ii:15: “The spirit of Elijah doth rest on Elisha.”

576 i.e., “ascetic pursuits,” “retired studies,” or the like; for ἀσκητήριον in ecclesiastical Greek means “a hermitage or monastery.”

577 2 Kings, iv:38–44; vi:1–7. For funere the Leverett MS. reads pomœrio, which is probably correct.

578 1 Samuel, xix:22: “Then went he also to Ramah, . . . and he asked and said, Where are Samuel and David? And one said, Behold, they be at Naioth in Ramah.”

579 Habitacula. Naioth is of uncertain etymology but was usually interpreted as “dwelling.”

580 Cf. Cicero, De Oratore, i, 8, 34: “Quam ob rem pergite, ut facitis, adulescentes, atque in id studium in quo estis incumbite.”

581 Cf. 1 Samuel, x:5, 10.

582 For Kiriath Sepher and Debir, see Joshua, xv:15, and Judges, i:11. The orator’s interpretation of these names, as well as of Kiriath Sanna, was long the standard rendering. In Joshua, xv:15, and Judges, i:11, the Septuagint translates Kiriath Sepher by πόλις γραμμάτων, the Vulgate by civitas litterarum; the Septuagint also translates Kiriath Sanna, in Joshua, xv:49, by πόλις γραμμάτων. On these etymologies see George Foot Moore, Commentary on Judges, pp. 25–27. Cotton Mather (Magnalia, 1702 ed., Bk. iv. 126) speaks of “New-Town,” afterwards Cambridge, as “being the Kiriath Sepher appointed for the Seat of it” (the college).

583 Cornelius a Lapide (Corneille de la Pierre). The passage beginning with “Kiriath Sepher” and ending with “disserebatur” is practically all quoted from Cornelius a Lapide, Commentarius in Iosue, Iudicum, Ruth, IV Libros Regum et II Paralipomenon (Antwerp, 1642), I, 69.

584 Aelian, Variae Historiae, iv, 6: Ὄτι, ἡνίκα ἐβούλοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν Ἀθηναίων ἀφανίσαι πόλιν, ἠρώτησαν τὸν θεὸν· καὶ ἀπεκρίνατο, Τῂν κοινῂν ἑστίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος μῂ κινεῖν. The Leverett MS. reads Ἑλλαδὸς.

585 For adnumeranda the Leverett MS. has (correctly) adnumerandas.

586 2 Corinthians, i:3: “Blessed be God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies, and the God of all comfort.” The Leverett MS. has the correct form misericordiarum.

587 Odyssey, ix, 27: ἀγαθὴ κουροτρόφος (Ithaca). The Leverett MS. has the right accents.

588 Cf. Canticles, iv:12; v:1, where the garden is taken as a figure for the Church. Cf. also Isaiah, li:3 (“And he will make . . . her desert like the garden of the Lord”); lviii:11 (“And thou shalt be like a watered garden”).

589 Aulus Gellius, xvi, 19, 6 (from Herodotus, i, 23): Arion “auresque omnium mentesque . . . demulsit.” Cicero, Ad Atticum, i, 16, 8: “Ego recreavi afflictos animos bonorum.”

590 Cf. 2 Kings, ii:12, and xiii:14: “the chariot of Israel, and the horsemen thereof.”

591 Ruth, iv:15: “And he [sc. Obed] shall be unto thee a restorer of thy life, and a nourisher of thine old age.”

592 For Scipio’s generosity to his mother Papiria, see Polybius, xxxii, 9–12; Diodorus Siculus, xxxi, 27.

593 Isaiah, ix:6.

594 Horace, Epistles, ii, i, 70–71: “Memini quae plagosum mihi parvo Orbilium dictare.”

595 The MS. reads κοὐ εθη clearly enough, κοὐ ending one line and εθη beginning the next. What looks like iota subscript under η is doubtless a comma meant to follow the word. The Leverett MS. has the correct reading κατ’ ἔθη.

596 An allusion to what Pacuvius said of oratory, as quoted by Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 44, 187: “Tantam vim habet ilia quae recte a bono poëta dicta est ‘Flexanima atque omnium regina rerum oratio.’” For the “golden chain,” cf. Lucian, Heracles, 3, in his description of the Celtic god of eloquence: Ὀ γὰρ δὴ γέρων Ἑρακλῆς ἐκεῖνος ἁνθρώπων παμπολύ τι πλῆθος ἕλκει ἐκ τῶν ὤτων ἄπαντας δεδεμένους. δεσμὰ δέ εἰσίν οἱ σειραὶ λεπταὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἠλέκτρου εἰργασμέναι ὅρμοις ἐοικυῖαι τοῖς καλλίστοις. . . . Οὐ γὰρ ἔχων ὁ ζωγάφος ὅθεν ἐξάψειυτὰς τῶν δεσμῶν ἀρχάς, . . . τρεπήσας τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν γλῶτταν ἄκραν ἐξ ἐκείνης ἑλκομένους αὐτοὺς ἐποίησεν.

597 “Not Urian but truly Uranius,” Uranium was first written Urianium and then corrected to Uranium, i.e., Οὐράνιον, “heavenly.” Cotton Mather (Magnalia, 1702 ed., Bk. iv. 187) plays in like manner with Oakes’s Christian name: “He carried Heaven in his Name Urianus, q. ουρανιος, but much more in his Heavenly Mind.” The MS. omits both breathing and accent in ἀληθῶς. The Leverett MS. reads “D. non Urianum, sed ἀληθῶς Urianum de Quercu” (i.e., “Oakes”).

598 Cf. Cicero, De Deorum Natura, iii, 16, 42: “Ii qui interiores scrutantur et reconditas literas.”

599 Something is wrong here, though the MS. is plain. Perhaps the scribe has omitted a few words. The Leverett MS. has “quoque robore fiunt.” For “quoque robora (robore) fiunt” (which makes no sense) one might emend (heroically) to “quasi robore fultum” (cf. Ovid, Tristia, v, 12, 11: “Des licet in valido pectus mihi robore fultum”). Anyhow, the orator’s use of robur implies a kind of pun on Oakes’s surname (de Quercu). Cf. Aeneid, iv, 441: “annoso validam cum robore quercum”; or Ovid, Metamorphoses, viii, 734: “Stabat in his ingens annoso robore quercus.” Cotton Mather (Magnalia, 1702 ed., Bk. iv. 129) plays elaborately with Oakes’s surname, contributing much learned material about the Druids and this their sacred tree. Possibly Mr. Rogers remembered Cicero’s phrase “virtutis robore firmior quam aetatis” (Philippics, x, 8, 16).

600 The Leverett MS. reads Collinsium.

601 Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 530–531: Περικλέης οὑλύμπιος Ἠστραπτ’, ἐβρόντα, ξυνεκύκα τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Cicero, Orator, 9, 29: “Qui si tenui genere uteretur, numquam ab Aristophane poëta fulgere, tonare, permiscere Graeciam dictus esset.” Pliny, Epistulae, i, 20: “Adde quae de eodem Pericle comicus alter: Ἠστραπτ’, ἐβρόντα, συνεκύκα τὴν Ἑλλάδα. Non enim amputata oratio et abscissa, sed lata et magnifica et excelsa tonat, fulgurat, omnia denique perturbat ac miscet.” Quintilian, xii, 10, 24: “Quem fulminibus et caelesti fragori comparant comici.”

602 Collins was A.B. 1649.

603 Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 14, 58: Timaeus “rerum copia et sententiarum varietate abundantissimus.”

604 Ovid, Heroides, xvi, 234: “Fallitur augurio spes bona saepe suo.”

605 Cf. Aulus Gellius, v, 6, 11–12: “Civica corona appellatur quae civis civi a quo in proelio servatus est testem vitae salutisque perceptae dat.”

606 Ὡς ἀπὸ μηχανῆς was a proverbial phrase (like “Deus ex machina”) for anything done as it were by the miraculous act of a god (as in Euripides). For discrimine the Leverett MS. reads periculo.

607 Cicero, De Officiis, i, 44, 158: “Quod si omnia nobis quae ad victum cultumque pertinent, quasi virgula divina, ut aiunt, suppeditantur.” The parenthesis is not closed in the MS.

608 Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, 1631: ὧ φίλον κάρα. The Leverett MS. reads καίριον instead of κάρα, thus emphasizing the opportuneness of Collins’s arrival or action. Cf. Euripides, Electra, 598: καίριος γὰρ ἤλυθες.

609 Luke, v:10: Καὶ εἶπεν πρὸς τὸν Σίμωνα Ἰησοῦς, Μὴ φόβου· ἁπὸ τοῦ νῦν ἀνθρώπους ἔσῃ ζωγρῶν.

610 Ovid, Metamorphoses, iii, 709: “spectabilis undique.”

611 Pastorem: i.e., Shepard (with the kind of solemn pun that our forefathers enjoyed and that we pretend to despise).

612 Genesis, xxxi:40 (Jacob to Laban): “In the day the drought consumed me, and the frost by night; and my sleep departed from mine eyes.”

613 2 Timothy, iv:2: “Be instant in season, out of season [Ἐπίστηθι εὑκαίρως ἀκαίρως].”

614 The Leverett MS. reads quid dixi habuimus.

615 Favete oculis: “Do not weep.” Cf. “favete linguis.”

616 A proverbial phrase. Zenobius, i, 14 (Gaisford, Paroemiographi Graeci, 1836, p. 231): Ἀγαθοὶ δ’ ἀριδάκρυες ἄνδρες· Ἐπὶ τῶν σφόδρα πρὸς ἔλεον ῥεπόντων (cf. Gaisford, p. 2).

617 Cicero, De Lege Manilla, 14, 41: “Nunc in eis locis Cn. Pompeium sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum, sed de caelo delapsum intuentur.”

618 Aeneid, vi, 143–144.

619 Jonathan Mitchell was ordained August 21, 1650, to succeed Thomas Shepard, who died August 29, 1649.

620 A New Testament word for “a favor,” “a gracious gift of God.”

621 Amos, ii:11: “And I raised up of your sons for prophets, and of your young men for Nazarites.”

622 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, i, 19, 43: “Omne caelum hoc . . . quod et umidum et calignosum est.”

623 Virgil, Georgics, iv, 98: “fulgore coruscant.”

624 Cf. Dio Chrysostom, Orationes, xxxii, 100, p. 393 C: Μηδὲ ἀμούσους καὶ φορτικὰς καὶ ἀμαθεῖς ποῖειτε τὰς Χάριτας, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον Εὐριπίδην μιμεῖσθε οὔτω λέγοντα·

Μὴ παυσαίμην τὰς Χάριτας

Μούσαις ἀναμιγνύς, ἁδίσταν συζυγίαν.

Euripides, Hercules Furens, 673–675:

Οὐ παύσομαι τὰς Χάριτας

Μούσαις συγκαταμιγνὺς,

ἁδίσταν συζυγίαν.

625 MS. obsero by error for obsecro (Leverett MS.).

626 Cicero, De Re Publica, ii, 19, 34: “Influxit enim non tenuis quidam a Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium.” Ovid, Fasti, i, 169–170:

Quisque suas artes ob idem delibat agendo,

Nec plus quam solitum testificatur opus.

627 Eunapius, in his Life of Porphyry, thus describes Longinus: Λογγῖνος δὲ κατὰ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον βιβλιοθήκη τὶς ἦν ἔμψυχος καὶ περιπατοῦν μυσεῖον (Vitae Philosophorum, ed. Wyttenbach, 1882, p. 7).

628 MS. and Leverett MS. flagrant by error for flagrent.

629 Acts, vii:22: “And Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and was mighty in words and in deeds.” For Sapientia the Leverett MS. reads scientia.

630 Daniel, 1:4, 20.

631 Romans, xvi:27: μόνῳ σοφῷ. Cf. 1 Timothy, i:17; Jude, 25.

632 Judges, xiii:7: “Drink no wine nor strong drink, neither eat any unclean thing: for the child shall be a Nazarite to God from the womb to the day of his death.”

633 Romans, vi:2: “dead to sin”; vi:11: “dead indeed unto sin.”

634 Ausonius, Gratiarum Actio ad Gratianum,7 (419, 31): “Dives Seneca, nec tamen consul, arguetur rectius quam praedicabitur non erudiisse indolem Neronis, sed armasse saevitiam.”

635 Aeneid, vi, 258: “Procul, o procul este, profani.” In the comment on this passage in the annotated editions the orator found in Servius: “De Callimacho: Ἑκὰς ἑκὰς ἐστὲ βέβηλοι.” This remark is, as Spanheim saw, an unauthorized tag to the Servian commentary and misquotes Callimachus, Hymn ii: Ἑκὰς ἑκὰς ὅστις ἀλιτρός.

636 Horace, Odes, iii, 3, 1: “Odi profanum vulgus et arceo.”

637 Aeneid, i, 435, and Georgics, iv, 168: “Ignavum fucos pecus a praesepibus arcent.”

638 Horace, Epistulae, i, 4, 16: “Cum ridere voles Epicuri de grege porcum.”

639 Cicero, In Caecilium, 17, 57: “Ex homine tamquam aliquo Circaeo poculo factus est Verres.” See Odyssey, x, 233–240.

640 MS. and Leverett MS. temulentes by error for temulentos.

641 Cf. Judges, xiii:5: “No razor shall come on his head: for the child shall be a Nazarite unto God from the womb.” Numbers, vi:5: “All the days of the vow of his [sc. a Nazarite’s] separation there shall no razor come upon his head: until the days be fulfilled, in the which he separateth himself unto the Lord, he shall be holy, and shall let the locks of the hair of his head grow.” 1 Corinthians, xi:14: “Doth not even nature itself teach you, that, if a man have long hair, it is a shame unto him?”

642 Fumibibulos. One remembers that “to drink tobacco” was the old idiom.

643 MS. quotidianam by error for quotidianum (Leverett MS.). At the Roman spring festival of the Palilia (or Parilia) the rustics built fires of straw and jumped over them. See Ovid, Fasti, iv, 721–727, 781–782, 805–806, with Frazer’s Commentary, 111. 342–343, 369, 373–375.

644 Romans, xiii: 13: ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ εὐσχημόνως περιπατήσωμεν. Colossians, i:10: περιπατῆσαι ἁξίως τοῦ Κυρίου εἰς πᾶσαν ἀρεσκίαν.

645 The Leverett MS. reads quid diutius haeream?

646 “Vir desideriorum” (a literal translation of the Hebrew) occurs in the Vulgate in Daniel, ix:23, and x:11, 19.

647 Cf. Galatians, ii:14.

648 Cf. Ovid, Amores, iii, 2, 81: “mea vota supersunt.”

649 Plautus, Bacchides, ii, 3, 4, 248: “pancratice atque athletice.”

650 I cannot identify the quotation. Themistocles is manifestly the scribe’s error, not Mr. Rogers’s, but the Leverett MS. has the same mistake. Themistius is an easy guess, but I find no such passage in Themistius.

651 Canticles, iv:4: “Thy neck is like the tower of David, builded for an armory, whereon there hang a thousand bucklers, all shields of mighty men.”

652 Jehovah Shamma, i.e., “the Lord is there” (Ezekiel, xlviii:35). The grave accent in αὐράρκειαν is the scribe’s.

653 e.g., perfectus (as a noun), recreatio, cespitatum, subolescit, cantillatio; and similarly with his Greek — μελανῶπος.

654 That the 1677 oration is the fourth delivered by Oakes as president pro tempore is expressly stated in the third paragraph: “Quartus jam recurrit Annus. . . .” It begins on page 29 of the MS.

655 It is the building at the left in the Burgis view of 1726, reproduced as frontispiece in our Publications, xv. The building is described as “Second Harvard College,” id., pp. lxxxv–xciv.

656 “Cometa non barbata quidem sed tamen crinata capillataeque.” The incident is described in Increase Mather’s diary: “1677, July 8. A Quaker woman dressed herself up after a horrid manner, and came into [blank] meeting-house. Many women thought she had been the Devil; were frightened into fits. One miscarried, and died.” (1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., iii. 320.) The Quakers had also been making trouble in Cambridge; one Benanuel Bowers, who kept up for years a contest with Danforth and Gookin (Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 347, 350), is possibly one of the demagogues mentioned shortly after by Oakes.

657 “His taking the Indians’ part so much hath made him a by-word both among men and boys.” The Present State of New England, quoted in J. G. Palfrey, History of New England, III. 201 n. It was quite unprecedented for anyone as near as Gookin was to the head of the list in seniority, to be defeated. Joseph Dudley (A.B. 1665). a veteran of the war, was elected in his place in 1676.

658 Macrobius, i, 16, 5–6: “Feriarum autem publicarum genera sunt quattuor; aut enim stativae sunt aut conceptivae aut imperativae aut nundinae. Et sunt stativae universi populi communes certis et constitutis diebus ac mensibus et in fastis statis observationibus adnotatae.”

659 Cicero, In Verrem, ii, 4, 48, 107: “Festos dies anniversarios agunt.”

660 Cicero, Pro Archia, 9, 20: “tarn aversus a Musis.” Quintilian, i, 10, 21: “Denique in proverbium usque Graecorum celebratum est, ‘Indoctos a Musis atque a Gratiis abesse.’”

661 Florus, iii, 19, 4 (ii, 7, 4): “fanatico furore simulato.”

662 Pliny, viii, 16, 19, 52: “nee limis intuentur oculis.” Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 7, 17: “infestis omnium oculis conspici.”

663 Cicero, De Officiis, iii, 4, 20: “rationi . . . consentanea.”

664 Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 38, 156: “Splendoris aliquid arcessunt.”

665 Cicero, Cato Maior, 23, 83: “decurso spatio.”

666 MS. amplissimo.

667 Cicero, Ad Familiares, xiv, 4, 4: “oppido pauci.”

668 Sallust, Catiline, 49: “Cum illo gravis inimicitias exercebant.”

669 Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 37, 155: “Miror cur philosophiae . . . prope bellum indixeris.”

670 Matius in Cicero, Ad Familiares, xi, 28, 2: “Vitio mihi dant.”

671 Cicero, In Verrem, ii, 2, 63, 154: “Dies festi agitantur.”

672 Miswritten for consessu.

673 Cicero, Pro Caelio, 28, 67: “Praegestit animus iam videre.”

674 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 2, 7: “aequa et honesta postulatio.”

675 The temple of Honor at Rome was adjacent to the temple of Virtus. See Livy, xxvii, 25, 7–9.

676 Quoted by Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 26, 102: “Nam sapiens virtuti honorem praemium, haud praedam petit.”

677 Cicero, Ad Atticum, vi, 1, 5: “quasi calcar admovet.” Ovid, Ex Ponto, iv, 2, 36: “Immensum gloria calcar habet.”

678 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 11, 31: “audacter libereque dicere.”

679 Cicero, De Oratore, i, 47, 205: “pergrata perque iucunda.”

680 Cicero, De Lege Manilla, 1, 1: “Quamquam mihi semper frequens conspectus vesper multo iucundissimus . . . est visus.”

681 The MS. has res se with “1” over se and “2” over res.

682 MS. munùs.

683 Ad Herennium, iv, 11, 16: “aridum et exsangue genus orationis.”

684 Oakes doubtless remembered Cicero’s account of the fever that attacked Lucius Crassus in the midst of an oration: “Namque tum latus ei dicenti condoluisse sudoremque multum consecutum esse audiebamus; ex quo cum cohorruisset, cum febri domum rediit dieque septimo lateris dolore consumptus est” (De Oratore, iii, 2, 6). He can hardly have forgotten a famous passage in Seneca, De Ira, ii, 3, 3: “Fortissimus plerumque vir, dum armatur, expalluit, et, signo pugnae dato, ferocissimo militi paulum genua tremuerunt, et magno imperatori, antequam inter se acies arietarent, cor exsiluit, et oratori eloquentissimo, dum ad dicendum componitur, summa riguerunt.” Cf. Cicero, De Oratore, i, 26, 121: “In me ipso saepissime experior ut etexalbescam in principiis dicendi et tota mente atque artubus omnibus contremiscam.” For Oakes’s quartan ague see Sibley, i. 174, 178, 180.

685 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 13, 31: “Aestu febrique iactantur.”

686 Cicero, De Officiis, i, 27, 94: “delirare et mente esse captum.”

687 Plautus, Poenulus, Prologue, 69: “Conicitur ipse in morbum ex aegritudine.”

688 Livy, xli, 28: “Comitia adpetebant.”

689 The MS. has an asterisk before proprius and *propius stands in the margin.

690 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, i, 9, 19: “Et agere animam et efflare dicimus.”

691 Dies decretorius is the regular Latin translation of the κριτικὴ (or κρίσιμος) ἡμέρα of the Greek physicians. See Pliny, xviii, 18, 29, 69, 288; cf. St. Augustine, Confessiones, vi, 1.

692 Misspelling for Hippocratici, but perhaps a pun is intended.

693 Pliny, xxi, 13, 44, 75: “Sudore diffluunt.”

694 Hippocrates, ed. Kühn, i. 93–94: Οἰ δὲ ἰδρῶτες ἄριστοι μέν εἰσιν ἑν πᾶσι τοῖς ὀξέσι νουσήμασιν, ὁκόσοι ἐν ἡμέρῃσί τε κρισίμοισι γίνονται καὶ τελείως τὸν πυρετὸν ἀπαλλάττουσιν· ἀγαθοὶ δὲ ὁκόσοι διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος γινόμενοι ἀπέδειξαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὐπετέστερον φέροντα τὸ νόσημα. Galen, ed. Kühn, ΧΙΧ. 517: Τῆς κριτικῆς ἡμέρας ἀγαθῆς οὔσης σωτηρίων καὶ λυτικῶν ἱδρώτων ἔσται δηλωτικά· δῆλον δ’ ὅτι θερμὸν εἶναι δεῖ συμμέτρως τὸυ λυτικὸν ἱδρῶτα καὶ δ’ ὅλου τοῦ σώματος συνιστάμενον.

695 Cicero, Ad Atticum, viii, 6, 3: “Audivi quartanam a te discessisse.”

696 This “prophylactic remedy” against any future attacks of the oratoria febris is to be administered by Rogers and consists in his relieving Oakes of the presidential functions.

697 Here Oakes puns on morbus comitialis (epilepsy) and the “Commencement disease,” which attacks him whenever the end of the college year approaches. He cannot survive another attack of this “oratorical fever” and begs John Rogers to save his life by accepting the presidency.

698 Pliny, xxi, 31, 105, 180: “praesentaneum remedium.”

699 Cicero, Orator, 24, 79, 80: “Verecundus erit usus oratoriae quasi supellectilis. Supellex est enim quodam modo nostra quae est in ornamentis, alia rerum, alia verborum.”

700 Quintilian, i, 2, 18: “solitaria et velut umbratica (al. umbratili) vita.” Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, ii, 11, 27: “vitam umbratilem.”

701 Cicero, Philippics, ii, 41, 105: “Personabant omnia.”

702 Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 83, 338: “Maxima oratori quasi scaena videtur contio esse.” Quintilian, i, 2, 9: “Optimus quisque praeceptor frequentia gaudet ac maiore se theatro dignum putat.”

703 Diogenes Laertius, De Vitis Philosophorum, iv, 7, 53: Ἐν γοῦν Ῥόδῳ τοὺς ναύτας ἔπεισε σχολαστικὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ ἀκολουθῆσαι αὐτῷ· σὺν οἶς εἰσβάλλων είς τὸ γυμνάσιον περίβλεπτος ἦν.

704 See Thomas de Celano, S. Francisci Assisiensis Vita et Miracula, etc., ed. P. Eduardus Alenconiensis (Rome, 1906), pp. 62, 63, 83, 294–298, 355–360.

705 Quintilian, iii, 1, 3: “ne . . . aures . . . raderet.”

706 Pseudo-Lucian, Lucius (Asinus), 15: Ὁ δέ μοι ἕλως ὀγκηθμὸς ἦν. The MS. has χ for κ.

707 Quintilian, v, 10, 56: “‘Homo est animal’ non est satis, id enim genus est; ‘mortale,’ etiamsi est species, cum aliis tamen communis finitio; ‘rationale,’ nihil supererit ad demonstrandum quod velis.” St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, viii, 24, 1 (quoting Hermes): “Ad hominem rationemque redeamus, ex quo divino dono homo animal dictum est rationale.”

708 i.e., “if I break the rules of Latin grammar.” Cf. Oakes’s first oration (1672), Leverett MS., p. 6: “Quid mirum, si titubet, cæspitetque lingua mea; labatur et deficiat [MS. deficiet] Memoria; Etiam Prisciano Grammatico Venerando, Caput Solœcismis, Illatinismis, et nescio quod genus Stribligine diminuatur.” For a somewhat similar jest see Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 66, 267 (oddly misreported by Quintilian, vi, 3, 67).

709 An allusion to the famous “Nos Polŏni non curămus quantitătem syllabărum.” The MS. has a breve over “a” in quantitatem and in syllabarum, showing that Oakes amused his audience by intentional false quantities.

710 So the MS. for ἐπ’ αὐτοφώρῳ, “caught in the act.”

711 Quintilian, i, 4, 3: “censoria quadam virgula notare.”

712 Cicero, Pro Sulla, 1, 1: “dignitatis suae splendorem obtinere.”

713 Cicero, In Verrem, ii, 1, 58, 152: “Graviter turn et acerbe homines ferebant.”

714 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, i, 4: “A me autem ei contenderunt qui apud me et amicitia et beneficiis et dignitate plurimum possunt.”

715 Valerius Flaccus, ii, 160–161: “Querelas abscidit.”

716 Cicero, Pro Plancio, 1, 2: “Nunc autem vester, iudices, conspectus et consessus iste reficit et recreat mentem meam.”

717 Ad Herennium, i, 4, 6: “ut benevolos auditores habere possimus.”

718 Plancus to Cicero, Ad Familiares, x, 11, 1: “Inmortalis ago tibi gratias.” The MS. has agimus.

719 Cicero, Post Reditum (in Senatu), i, 1–2: “Quae tanta enim potest exsistere ubertas ingeni, quae tanta dicendi copia, quod tarn divinum atque incredibile genus orationis, quo quisquam possit vestra in nos universa promerita non dicam complecti orando, sed percenserenumerando? . . . Immensum quiddam et infinitum est quod vobis debemus.” Id., 9, 24: “Quae magnitudo observantiae tot tantisque beneficiis respondere poterit?” Cf. Ad Quirites, 2, 5.

720 2 Corinthians, i:3.

721 Cicero, Post Reditum (in Senatu), 3, 5: “Ex superioris anni caligine et tenebris lucem in re publica Kalendis Ianuariis dispicere coepistis.”

722 Id., 9, 24: “Qui mihi primus adflicto et iacenti consularem fidem dextramque porrexit, qui me a morte ad vitam, a desperatione ad spem, ab exitio ad salutem vocavit.”

723 Cicero, Ad Quintum Fratrem, i, 1, 9, 27: “inmanibus ac barbaris nationibus.”

724 Livy, xxxvi, 29: “prava consilia atque in ipsorum caput semper recidentia.”

725 Livy, x, 28: “nullum spatium respirandi.”

726 Cicero, Philippics, vii, 6, 16: “exploratam . . . pacem.”

727 Livy, xxv, 6, 21: “Clamorem pugnantium crepitumque armorum exaudimus.”

728 Psalms, ciii:10: “He hath not dealt with us after our sins, nor rewarded us according to our iniquities.”

729 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 13, 31: “hie morbus qui est in re publica.”

730 Terence, Andria, v, 3, 32 (903): “Pro peccato magno paulum supplici satis est patri.”

731 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, ii, 9, 22: “Haec dextra Lernam taetra mactata excetra Pacavit.”

732 Livy, ii, 33, 7: “Impetum erumpentium retudit.”

733 Isaiah, vii: 4: “Cor tuum ne formidet a duabus caudis titionum fumigantium istorum.”

734 Livy, ix, 29, 3: “reliquias belli.”

735 So MS., doubtless for conferamus.

736 Cf. Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 5, 11; i, 13, 33 (of Jupiter Stator).

737 Aeneid, xi, 899: “ingruere infensos hostis.”

738 Plutarch, Numa, 15: Αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Νομᾶν οὔτω φασὶν εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἁνηρτῆσθαι ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ὤστε καὶ προσαγγελίας αὐτῷ πότε γενομένης, ὠς ἐπέρχονται πολέμιοι, μειδιάσαι καὶ εἰπεῖν· Ἐγὼ δὲ θύω.

739 Cicero, De Deorum Natura, ii, 28, 70: “ad commenticios et fictos deos.”

740 Plautus, Miles Gloriosus, ii, 1, 12 (90). This very rare (and very disagreeable) epithet seems to have been prompted not so much by the paganism of the Romans as by the abhorrence felt by our forefathers for the supposed devil-worship of their Indian enemies. Cf. G. L. Kittredge, The Old Farmer and his Almanack, pp. 108–110.

741 Cf. Psalms, xlvi:1.

742 Cicero, Ad Familiares, vi, 10, 5: “in temporum inclinationibus.”

743 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, v, 12, 36: “In se ipso omnem spem reponet sui.”

744 Cicero, De Lege Agraria, ii, 3, 8: “ictu aliquo novae calamitatis.”

745 Cicero, De Finibus, i, 21, 71: “Sole ipso . . . clariora sunt.”

746 Psalms, lxxviii:50: “He made a way to his anger; he spared not their soul from death but gave their life over to the pestilence.”

747 Cicero, In Vatinium, 8, 20: “Hanc quoque mortiferam plagam inflixisses.”

748 Cicero, De Re Publica, vi, 18, 19: “Tantus est totius mundi incitatissima conversione sonitus.” Pro Flacco, 37, 94: “quanta in conversione rerum.”

749 Cicero, De Deorum Natura, ii, 5, 14: “stellis iis quas Graeci cometas, nostri cincinnatas vocant, quae nuper bello Octaviano magnarum fuerunt calamitatum praenuntiae.”

750 A very rare word. So far as the lexicons know, it occurs only in the poem of Marcellus Sidetes, De Piscibus, 64 (μελανῶπον σηπεδόνα), where the better reading is μελανῶπιν. The poem was published at Paris by Morel in 1591.

751 Cf. Jude, 13.

752 Suetonius, Claudius, 46: “exortus crinitae stellae, quam cometen vocant.”

753 Cf. Oakes’s sermon, 1673 (Sibley, i. 176): “Quaker (the most notorious Heretick in the World).”

754 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 1, 1: “effrenata . . . audacia.”

755 Virgil, Georgics, iii, 468–469: “Prius quam Dira . . . serpant contagia.”

756 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 5, 11: “hanc . . . tam horribilem tamque infestam rei publicae pestem.”

757 Cicero, In Pisonem, 5, 11: “bustum legum omnium.”

758 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 5, 12: “tuorum comitum magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicae.”

759 This repetition occurs in the MS.

760 Cicero, De Divinatione, i, 42, 93: “monstra, prodigia.”

761 Virgil, Eclogues, iii, 18: “excipere insidiis.” Suetonius, Titus,4: “Dimicans occubuerat.”

762 i.e., “lightly.” Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses, xiv, 50.

763 The Reverend Thomas Parker (1595–1677), of Ipswich and Newbury. In dedicating Parker’s book, The Visions and Prophecies of Daniel Expounded (London, 1646), to Philip, Earl of Pembroke, Thomas Bayly thus describes him: “He is a man of singular parts, eminent in Learning, supereminent in Grace, strangely mortified to the World, wholly addicted to the Service [of] God and the Church.” See Mather, Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iii, pp. 143–145; Joshua Coffin, A Sketch of the History of Newbury, pp. 11–15, 72–112; our Publications, xxviii. 261–267.

764 The Reverend John Fisk(e), of Wenham and Chelmsford (d 1677). See Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iii, pp. 141–143; Wilkes Allen, The History of Chelmsford, pp. 119–126; Daniel Mansfield, Two Sermons, pp. 5–9; Myron O. Allen, The History of Wenham, pp. 31–32.

765 The Reverend John Rayner (1643–1676), H.C. 1663 (Sibley, ii. 138–139).

766 Samuel Danforth, the younger, born 1652, H.C. 1671, died at London of the smallpox, December 22, 1676 (Sibley, ii. 369–370).

767 Cicero, Philippics, ii, 15–37: “omnem . . . florem nobilitatis ac iuventutis.” Ennius in Cicero, Brutus, 15, 58: “flos delibatus.”

768 Cicero, Pro Rabirio, 10, 30: “Exiguum nobis vitae curriculum natura conscripsit, immensum gloriae.”

769 Cf. Micah, vii:17.

770 Daniel, iv:34–35: “I praised . . . him that liveth for ever, whose dominion is an everlasting dominion . . . and none can stay his hand, or say unto him, What doest thou?”

771 Cicero, Academica, ii, 6, 16: “clarissimis rebus tenebras obducere.”

772 Id., ii, 20, 66: “Eo fit ut errem et vager latius.”

773 MS. instutuimus.

774 Cicero, Laelius, 6, 22: “Non aqua, non igni, ut aiunt, locis plurimis utimur quam amicitia.”

775 Cicero, Post Reditum (ad Quirites), 1, 4: “eis qui e gravi morbo recreati sunt.”

776 A legal phrase—solvendo esse, “to be solvent,” “able to pay what one owes” (with the dative).

777 Cicero, In Catilinam, iv, 1, 2: “haec sedes honoris.”

778 MS. publicis rebus. Transposition is indicated, however, by “1” over rebus and “2” over publicis. For deliquerit the MS. reads deliquerat.

779 Cicero, Pro Roscio Comoedo, 10, 29: “Sic est volgus—ex veritate pauca, ex opinione multa aestimat.”

780 Cicero, Ad Familiares, v, 12, 6: “Non vereor ne . . . aucupari tuam gratiam videar.”

781 Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 45, 177: “formamus et fingimus.”

782 Cicero, Pro Plancio, 30, 74: “duces et quasi signiferi.”

783 Cicero, Pro Cluentio, 39, 109: “Noratis animos eius ac spiritus tribunicios.”

784 Cicero, Pro Sestio, 8, 19: “ut illo supercilio annus ille niti . . . videretur.”

785 Cicero, De Lege Agraria, i, 7, 23: “veritate non ostentatione popularem.”

786 Cicero, Ad Quintum Fratrem, i, 1, 9, 27: “consulere eorum commodis et utilitati salutique servire.”

787 Stoughton and Bulkley went to England on their mission as agents of the colony in 1676 and returned in 1679. Cf. Oakes’s 1678 oration (Leverett MS., p. 60): “Dici profectò non potest quantus ad hodiernam Lætitiam cumulus accepisset, si præstantissimos illos Viros apud Augustissimum Monarchum Carolum Secundum, Principem nostrum Clementissimum, Oratorio munere nostro nomine perfunctos, Gulielmum scil. Stoughtonum atque Petrum Bulklæum in his Comitiis interque Honorandos hodiè Curatores præsentes intueri Licuisset. Atque utinam Æneas noster (quidni enim Ornatissimum Stoughtonum, cum sit omni Laude dignissimus) utinam, inquam, esse cum fido Achate suo, Noster Æneas—Celsa in puppi jam certus eundi, redeundi velim. Verum Illi Regiæ Majestatis (sicuti par est) nutus observant. Quàm vellem adesse diem ilium faustum ac felicem, Lapilloque meliore numerandum, quo prosperum illis Reditum gratulemur! Largiatur illis, obnixè peto, Deus ille noster Verticordius, ut in Oculis Serenissimi Regis gratiam inveniant, tandemque bonâ cum veniâ dimissi [in margin, for veniâ dimissi, gratiâ remissi], populum Nov-Anglicanum adversus se non ingratum experiantur.”

788 2 Corinthians, viii:23: “They are the messengers of the churches and the glory of Christ.”

789 Ovid, Metamorphoses, i, 2–3: “Di, coeptis . . . Aspirate meis.”

790 Proverbs, xix:12: “The king’s wrath is as the roaring of a lion: but his favor is as dew upon the grass.” Id., xvi:15: “In the light of the king’s countenance is life; and his favor is as a cloud of the latter rain (quasi imber serotinus).”

791 Cf. Terence, Adelphi, iii, 3, 90–91 (444–445): “Quam gaudeo! Ubi etiam huius generis reliquias Restare video, vivere etiam nunc lubet.”

792 MS. comitiem.

793 An allusion to the figure of old age in Ecclesiastes, xii:5: “The almond tree shall flourish (florebit amygdalus).”

794 Cicero, Pro Rabirio, 10, 30: “ex hominum vita . . . demigrasse.”

795 The Reverend Samuel Whiting (1597–1679). See Mather, Magnalia (1702 ed.), Bk. iii, pp. 156–161; Alonzo Lewis, The History of Lynn (2d ed., Boston, 1844), pp. 160–166.

796 Terence, Adelphi, iii, 3, 88 (442): “antiqua virtute ac fide.”

797 Terence, Andria, v, 2, 15 (856): “Videtur esse quantivis preti.”

798 MS. Eligantiarum.

799 1649. Printed in 1709 (see our Publications, xviii. 322–323). An extract may serve to justify Oakes’s adjective “florida.” Whiting is contrasting our peaceful New England with conditions in the mother country (pp. 2–3): “Quare nos non in præliis atrocissimis sumus, in inimicorum castris, in carceribus et catenis, in puteis et foveis infimis non delitescimus! Quare non Egestate victum et vestitum precario quæritamus! Quare non inter clypeos et galeas, inter lanceas et hastas, inter bipennes et cuspidesl Quare non inter equitum peditumve turmas, inter milites loricatos et paludatos, inter equorum plausus hinnientium, inter sonipides martios, ridentes pavorem, fodientes terram, e longinguo [sic] odorantes bellum, tonitru principum et vociferationem! Quare non inter hostes armatos, ubi reboant tympanæ [sic], ubi inflant classica, ubi collatis signis confligunt agmina, ubi terribiles taratantararum cantus audiuntur, ubi bombardarum et scloporum glandes tanquam grandines emittuntur.”

800 The Reverend Thomas Cobbet, of Ipswich (1608–1686). On his services in opposing the Baptists (whom Oakes detested almost as profoundly as he abhorred the Quakers) Mather comments mildly: “He was likewise a Learned and a Lively Defender of Infant Baptism, and he gave the World an Elaborate Composure, on that Subject” (Magnalia, 1702 ed., p. 166). This was A Just Vindication of the Covenant and Church-Estate of Children of Church-Members: As also of their Right unto Baptisme (London, 1648). See also A Brief Answer to a Scandalous Pamphlet called, Ill news from New-England, written by Iohn Clark of Rhode-Island, Physitian, p. 2 (appended to Cobbet’s treatise, The Civil Magistrates Power In matters of Religion Modestly Debated (London, 1653).

801 Genesis, xxxii:24–28; 1 Kings, xvii:21–22.

802 A punning variation of Ana-baptists.

803 Ovid, Heroides, ix, 5: “seriesque inmensa laborum” (of the labors of Hercules).

804 Cicero, Pro Marcello, 3, 9: “Nee ulla umquam aetas de tuis laudibus conticescet.”

805 The Reverend John Sherman, of Watertown (1613–1685). Mather celebrates his astronomical learning: “Though he were a Consummate Divine, and a Continual Preacher, yet making the Mathematicks his Diversion, did attain unto such an Incomparable Skill therein, that he was undoubtedly one of the best Mathematicians that ever lived in this Hemisphere of the World, and it is a great Pity that the World should be deprived of the Astronomical Calculations, which he has left in Manuscript behind him” (Magnalia, 1702 ed., Bk. iii, p. 163). He published almanacs for 1674–1677.

806 Cicero, Academica, ii, 38, 119: “flumen orationis aureum.”

807 Iliad, i, 249: Τοῦ καὶ ἀπὸ γλώσσης μέλιτος γλυκίων ῥέεν αὐδή. Quintilian, xii, 10, 64: “Ex ore Nestoris dixit dulciorem melle profluere sermonem.”

808 See the oration of Nathaniel Rogers, 1652, above, p. 396. It is curious to find this allusion (used by Rogers of Samuel Eaton when Oakes received his master’s degree) utilized by Oakes of Sherman. Rogers’s words are: “Hunc ipsum . . . oratoria facundia et eloquentia tanquam aurea catena flexanima affatim exornatum.”

809 Cf. Matthew, xv:8; Mark, vii:6; Isaiah, xxix:13.

810 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 32, 89:“Templus, hercule, te citius quam oratio deficeret.”

811 Cicero, Post Reditum (in Senatu), 12, 30: “Difficile est non aliquem, nefas quemquam praeterire.”

812 Cicero, Cato Maior, 4, 10: “aetate provectum.”

813 1 Timothy, v:18: “The laborer is worthy of his reward.” Id., v:17: “Let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honor (διπλῆς τιμῆς).”

814 i.e., the last five years of his reign, 68–64 B.·C.·

815 So MS. for πολυθρυλητῳ (a Platonic word), “notorious.”

816 Suetonius, Nero, 10: “Cum de supplicio cuiusdam capite damnati ut ex more subscriberet admoneretur, ‘Quam vellem,’ inquit, ‘nescire litteras!’”

817 Pliny, ix, 31, 51, 98: “opportunas iniuriae.”

818 Cicero, Ad Familiares, ii, 16, 1: “querelam temporum.”

819 Cicero, Pro Murena, 13, 28. For elevantem the MS. reads elavantem.

820 Acts, xii:5: προσευχὴ . . . ἐκτενής.

821 Oakes is referring to the Reverend Thomas Gould, first pastor of the first Boston Baptist Church, who died in 1675. See James M. Winchell, Jubilee Sermons, Part I; Isaac Backus, A History of New-England (Boston, 1777), I. 355 ff.; S. G. Drake, The History and Antiquities of Boston, pp. 378–380. Aurea is used to translate Gouldian (as if Golden), an adjective from Gould. Oakes doubtless remembered Cicero’s pun on the name Chrysogonus in his oration in defence of Roscius of Ameria, 43, 124: “Venio nunc ad illud nomen aureum.”

822 A reference to the infamous Anabaptists of Munster, of whom Oakes likes to think the New England Baptists are descendants. Probably he remembered also the argentea and aënea proles in Ovid, Metamorphoses, i, 114, 125.

823 Terence, Phormio, ii, 4, 14 (454): “Quot homines, tot sententiae.”

824 Cicero, In Verrem, ii, 1, 4, 9: “praeclare nobiscum actum iri.”

825 An interesting reference to the “wise women” or “white witches” who practise medicine, using charms, spells, and old wives’ remedies. See G. L. Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, pp. 259, 260, 292, 295, 296.

826 Ovid, Metamorphoses, vii, 526: “arte medendi.”

827 i.e., the quartan ague, which seems to have been styled opprobrium medicorum.

828 Terence, Heauton Timorumenos, i, 2, 25 (199): “Sed reprimam me.” Cicero, De Legibus, ii, 17, 44: “Reprimam iam me.”

829 Of these “chemical” or “spagyric” (disciples of Paracelsus and van Helmont) one of the most famous was George Stirk or Starkey (H.C. 1646), who described himself as a “Philosopher by the Fire.” This is what Oakes means by πυροτεχνίται. They are sons of Vulcan, not of Apollo, the true god of medicine. Stirk went to London in 1650 or 1651 and died there in 1665. See our Publications, xxi. 100 ff., 123, 132 ff.; Sibley, i. 131–137.

830 Luke, iv:23: “Medice, cura teipsum.”

831 Faex is an accepted term for “the dregs of the people,” but Oakes probably remembered Cicero’s famous phrase “in Romuli faece” (Ad Atticum, ii, 1, 8); cf. In Pisonem, 4, 9: “ex omni faece urbis.” In the MS. there is an asterisk before Hominibus and Nominibus stands in the margin.

832 Cicero, Paradoxa, i, 1, 8: “Nec non saepe laudabo sapientem illum, Biantem, . . . cuius cum patriam Prienam cepisset hostis ceterique ita fugerent ut multa de suis rebus asportarent, cum esset admonitus a quodam ut idem ipse faceret, ‘Ego vero,’ inquit, ‘facio; nam omnia mecum porto mea.’”

833 Horace, Epistles, i, 19, 37: “Non ego ventosae plebis suffragia venor.”

834 Plautus, Bacchides, v, 2, 70 (1188): “Etiam tu, homo nihili.”

835 Cicero, Ad Atticum, i, 16, 6: “Thalnam et Plautum et Spongiam et ceteras huius modi quisquilias.”

836 MS. inter Mortua. Cf. Suetonius, Nero, 42: “prope intermortuus iacuit.”

837 Cicero, In Catilinam, iii, 10, 24: “Lumina civitatis exstincta sunt.” Philippics, ii, 15, 37: “lumina rei publicae.”

838 Cicero, Ad Familiares, xiv, 10: “serius quam oportuit.”

839 Cicero, Brutus, 79, 274: “Non fuit orator unus e multis, potius inter multos prope singularis fuit.”

840 MS. fersuassimus.

841 From Phaëthon’s epitaph in Ovid, Metamorphoses, ii, 327–328: “Hic situs est Phaëthon, currus auriga paterni, Quem si non tenuit, magnis tamen excidit ausis.”

842 Tacitus, De Oratoribus, 19: “elementis studiorum etsi non instructus, at certe imbutus.”

843 Phaedrus, i, 26.

844 Diogenes Laertius, De Vitis Philosophorum, vi, 2, 74: Πλέων γὰρ εἰς Αἴγιναν καὶ πειραταῖς ἁλοὺς ὧν ἧρχε Σκίρπαλος, εἰς Κρήτην ἀπαχθεὶς ἐπιπράσκετο· καὶ τοῦ κῄρυκος ἐρωτῶντος τί οἶδε ποιεῖν, ἔφη, Ἀνθρώπων ἄρχειν.

845 Martial’s jest (x, 62, 10): “Ferulaeque tristes, sceptra paedagogorum.”

846 Cicero, Ad Familiares, v, 8, 4: “Ego vero tibi profiteor et polliceor eximium et singulare meum studium in omni genere offici.”

847 Horace, Epistles, i, 7, 98: “Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede verum est.”

848 Macrobius, ii, 3, 3: “Idem [sc. Cicero] cum Lentulum generum suum, exiguae staturae hominem, longo gladio adcinctum vidisset, ‘Quis,’ inquit, ‘generum meum ad gladium adligavit?’”

849 In the MS. there is an asterisk before alligatum and *affixum stands in the margin.

850 Horace, Satires, ii, 2, 81: “Vegetus praescripta ad munia surgit.”

851 Cicero, In Verrem, i, 12, 35: “dignum in quo omnis nervos aetatis industriaeque meae contenderem.”

852 MS. persentescet.

853 Horace, Ars Poetica, 385: “invita . . . Minerva.”

854 Persius, iv, 27: “dis iratis genioque sinistro.”

855 Cicero, Pro Murena, 28, 58: “firmamentum ac robor totius accusationis.”

856 Cicero, Ad Familiares, v, 16, 2: “ut omnibus telis fortunae proposita sit vita nostra.”

857 Cicero, In Verrem, ii, 3, 91, 213: “Hoc enim mihi significasse et adnuisse visus est.”

858 Cicero, Ad Familiares, xii, 10, 2: “sin quid forte titubatum.”

859 Cicero, De Lege Agraria, ii, 4, 9: “quæ cum ego non solum suspicarer sed plane cernerem.”

860 So MS. for Ciliciano.

861 See, e.g., Cicero, Ad Familiares, ii, 7, 4; 8, 3; 10, 4; 11, 1; Ad Atticum, v, 2, 1; 10, 3; 11, 5; 13, 3; 15; 16, 4; 18; 20, 7; vi, 1, 14; 2, 6; 3, 2–3.

862 Virgil, Eclogues, x, 59–60: “Libet Partho torquere Cydonia cornu Spicula.”

863 Horace, Odes, i, 22, 3–4: “nec venenatis gravida sagittis . . . Pharetra.”

864 Cf. id., ii, 13, 17–18; Epistles, ii, 1, 112.

865 Ovid, Metamorphoses, i, 190; x, 189: “immedicabile vulnus.”

866 Cicero, Pro Sestio, 7, 15: “intentus arcus in me unum.”

867 See Pliny, xxix, 4, 18, 65.

868 See id., viii, 21, 32–33, 77–78; xxix, 4, 19, 66.

869 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 9, 22: “tempestas invidiae.”

870 Livy, ii, 33, 7: “impetum erumpentium retudit.”

871 Cicero, Ad Familiares, xvi, 27, 1: “nisi a gubernaculis recesserint.”

872 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 12, 33: “Is cum curasset in funere C. Mari ut Q. Scaevola volneraretur, . . . diem Scaevolae dixit, posteaquam comperit eum posse vivere. Cum ab eo quaereretur quid tandem accusaturus esset illum, . . . aiunt hominem . . . respondisse, quod non totum telum corpore recepisset.” For Quintus the MS. reads Quintius and for vulneraretur it reads vulnararetur. Four lines below, recepisse is miswritten recipisse.

873 Terence, Andria, iv, 1, 17 (641): “Animo morem gessero.”

874 Terence, Eunuchus, i, 2, 2 (82): “neve aliorsum atque ego feci acceperit.”

875 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 20, 56: “In earn partem potius peccant quae est cautior.”

876 Florus, Epitoma, ii, 15, 4 (i, 31, 4): “Cato inexpiabili odio delendam esse Carthaginem et cum de alio consuleretur pronuntiabat.”

877 Suetonius, Iulius, 77: “Sullam nescisse litteras qui dictaturam deposuerit.”

878 Horace, Odes, i, 26: “unice securus.”

879 So in the MS.

880 So in the MS.

881 MS. Scholasticum.

882 Cicero, Ad Atticum, i, 20, 7: “Per mihi, per, inquam, gratum feceris.”

883 Cicero, Pro Lege Manilla, 17, 51: “in uno Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia.”

884 Id., 2, 5: “unum ab omnibus sociis et civibus ad id bellum imperatorem deposci atque expeti.”

885 Id., 5, 13: “Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non licet, tacite rogant ut se . . . dignos existimetis quorum salutem tali viro commendetis.”

886 MS. his.

887 Varro, De Lingua Latina, vi, 4, 30: “dies nefasti, per quos dies nefas fari praetorem ‘do, dico, addico.’”

888 Cicero, Ad Familiares, vii, 23, 1: “Non solum rata mihi erunt sed etiam grata.”

889 Cicero, Orator, 1, 1: “quem unice diligerim cuique carissimum me esse sentirem.”

890 Quintus Curtius, iv, 15 (57), 16: “iugum . . . excusserant.”

891 Terence, Andria, iv, 1, 12 (636): “Proxumus sum egomet mihi.” Catonis Disticha, i, 40: “Dando semper tibi proximus esto.”

892 Terence, Andria, ii, 5, 16 (427): “Omnis sibi malle melius quam esse alteri.”

893 Id., i, 5, 15–16 (250–251): “Aliquid monstri alunt: ea quod nemini obtrudi potest, Itur ad me.”

894 MS. vilificari.

895 Terence, Phormio, v, 1, 8 (735): “nisi me animus fallit aut parum prospiciunt oculi.”

896 Cicero, Pro Balbo, 6, 15: “quaedam macula atque labes.”

897 Martial, viii, 21, 1: “Phosphore, redde diem. Quid gaudia nostra moraris?”

898 Tacitus, Annals, xii, 14: “nectere moras.”

899 Cicero, De Officiis, i, 24, 84: “Quanto Q. Maximus melius! de quo Ennius: ‘Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.’”

900 Ovid, Ex Ponto, ii, 4, 33: “Veterem tutare sodalem.” Here Oakes begins to adopt the phraseology of Cicero’s First Oration against Catiline to the form of an expostulation with his classmate Rogers for not instantlv accepting the presidency. The adaptation is really clever and must have highly amused the academic audience.

901 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 1, 1: “Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientianostra?”

902 Cicero, Ad Atticum, ii, 18, 1: “suspenso animo et sollicito.”

903 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 1, 1: “Quem ad finem sese effrenata iactabit audacia?”

904 These nihil questions continue the adaptation of Cicero’s attack on Catiline. Cf. especially i, 1, 1: “Nihil concursus bonorum omnium, . . . nihil horum ora voltusque moverunt?”

905 In the MS. there is an asterisk before Rationes and *Efflagitationes stands in the margin.

906 Cicero, Pro Plancio, 23, 55: “multi amici, multi cupidi tui.”

907 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 1, 1: “Constrictam iam omnium scientia teneri coniurationem tuam non vides?”

908 But Rogers in fact eluctatus est and did not become president until 1682.

909 Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 20, 46 (17, 36): “Num etiam de matris hunc complexu . . . avellet atque abstrahet?”

910 Plautus, Trinummus, iv, 3, 65 (1072): “O mi ere exoptatissume!”

911 Cicero, Philippics, v, 19, 53: “quae tempus et necessitas flagitat.” Pro Rabirio, 3, 9: “implorat et flagitat.”

912 Plautus, Cistellaria, iv, 2, 81 (747): “Ambages . . . mitte.”

913 Aeneid, ii, 235: “Accingunt omnes operi.”

914 Ovid, Ex Ponto, iii, 4, 52. MS. obest.

915 Cicero, Pro Lege Manilia, 15, 45: “Et quisquam dubitabit quid virtute perfecturus sit qui tantum auctoritate perfecerit? aut quam facile imperio atque exercitu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit qui ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit?”

916 Livy, xxvi, 18, 6: “inops consilii.”

917 Terence, Eunuchus, ii, 3, 3 (293): “quam insistam viam.”

918 Major General Daniel Denison (1612–1682), whose daughter Elizabeth was Rogers’s wife. See our Publications, i. 116–132.

919 Terence, Andria, ii, 1, 12 (312): “Ipsum hunc orabo, huic supplicabo, amorem huic narrabo meum.”

920 Cicero, Pro Murena, 31, 65: “quantum ego opinione auguror.”

921 Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes, ii, 16, 38: “Ad vos adveniens auxilium . . . peto.”

922 Cicero, Philippics, ii, 34, 86: “Supplex te ad pedes abiciebas.”

923 Livy, vi, 3, 4: “cui cum se maesta turba ad pedes provolvisset.”

924 The stern father in Terence’s Adelphi, who is described by his brother as “durus praeter aequomque et bonum” (i, 1, 39 [64]), and by himself as “agrestis, saevos, tristis, parcus, truculentus, tenax” (v, 4, 12 [866]).

925 Terence, Adelphi, iii, 4, 9–12 (455–458):

“In te spes omnis, Hegio, nobis sitast;

Te solum habemus, tu es patronus, tu pater;

Ille tibi moriens nos commendavit senex:

Si deseris tu, periimus.”

Oakes suppresses the concluding ill-omened word.

926 Plautus, Rudens, iii, 6, 15 (853): “Rapi te optorto collo mavis an trahi?” Cf. Poenulus, iii, 5, 45 (790)

927 Plautus, Amphitruo, iii, 2, 5 (886): “Id me susque deque habituram putat.”

928 Cicero, Orator, 8, 24: “ad eorum arbitrium et nutum.” Denison was commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts forces in the war against King Philip and had been authorized in 1676 “to impress men, horses,” etc.

929 Cicero, De Deorum Natura, i, 7, 17: “velim nolim.”

930 Cf. Seneca, Epistles, 95, 2: “Enixe petimus.”

931 Cicero, Ad Brutum, i, 18, 4: “ut omnis adhibeam machinas.”

932 Cicero, Paradoxa, iv, 1, 27: “Animus . . . vincetur et expugnabitur.”

933 MS. intentum, miswritten for intentatum. Horace, Ars Poetica, 285: “Nil intemptatum nostri liquere poetae.”

934 Cicero, In Verrem, ii, 5, 21, 53: “et ut hoc beneficium, quem ad modum dicitur, trabali clavo figeret.”

935 Cicero, In Catilinam, i, 9, 22: “dum modo ista sit privata calamitas et a rei publicae periculis seiungatur.”

936 Cicero, Pro Lege Manilla, 7, 19: “Ruere ilia non possunt ut haec non eodem labefacta motu concidant.”

937 Cicero, Academica, ii, 1, 2: “Haerebant in memoria.”

938 Cicero, Pro Lege Manilla, 6, 14: “Haec vobis provincia . . . non modo a calamitate, sed etiam a metu calamitatis est defendenda.”

939 Cicero, Pro Balbo, 17, 40: “quorum vivit immortalis memoria et gloria.”

940 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 18, 50: “Maiores nostri . . . ex minima tenuissimaque re publica maximam et florentissimam nobis reliquerunt.”

941 Cicero, Pro Lege Manilla, 5, 12: “Videte ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit tantam vobis imperi gloriam tradere, sic vobis turpissimum sit id quod accepistis tueri et conservare non posse.”

942 Plautus, Cistellaria, i, 1, 118: “Istoc ergo auris graviter optundo tuas.”

943 Ad Herennium, iv, 23, 32: “Cito satietate adficiunt aurium sensum fastidiosissimum.”

944 Curius in Cicero, Ad Familiares, vii, 29, 1: “Sulpici successori nos de meliore nota commenda.” MS. nata.

945 MS. sobolescit.

946 Valerius Maximus, iv, 4.

947 Cicero, Pro Roscio Amerino, 46, 133: “Quid praeterea caelati argenti, quid stragulae vestis, quidpictarum tabularum, quid signorum, quid marmoris apud illum putatis esse?”

948 Cicero, De Re Publica, i, 2, 2: “haec disciplinis informata.”

949 Cicero, De Finibus, iii, 17, 57: “hominis ingenui et liberaliter educati.”

950 MS. Dehonestamto.

951 Horace, Satires, i, 4, 120: “Nabis sine cortice.”

952 Ovid, Tristia, i, 3, 57: “Saepe vale dicto rursus sum plura locutus.”

953 Before retentus there is an asterisk in the MS., and *detentus stands in the margin.

954 Suetonius, Augustus, 99: “Supremo die identidem . . . admissos amicos percontatus, ecquid iis videretur mimum vitae commode transegisse, adiecit et clausulam:

εἰ δέ τι

ἔχοι καλῶς, τῷ παιγνίῳ δότε κρότον

καὶ πάντες ἡμᾶς μετὰ χαρᾶς προπέμψατε.”

For προπέμψατε Oakes reads κτυπήσατε with Erasmus.

955 Pliny, xxxv, 10, 36, 71: “insolentius et arrogantius.”

956 “Valete et plaudite.” Thus Terence closes his Eunuchus, Heauton Timorumenos, and Phormio.

957 Quintilian, viii, 3, 3: “ut populus Romanus admirationem suam non adclamatione tantum sed etiam plausu confiteretur.”

958 Cicero, Pro Sestio, 41, 88: “ut . . . ilium . . . legum, si posset, laqueis constringeret.” De Oratore, i, 10, 43: “laqueis te irretitum.”

959 MS. rehgatum.

960 Horace, Satires, i, 1, 66–67: “Populus me sibilat, at mihi plaudo Ipse domi.”

961 An allusion to Cicero’s eagerness for a triumph on his return from his Cilician province. See, e.g., Ad Atticum, vii, 2, 6; 3, 2; 4, 2.

962 There is written, in a later and unknown hand, “Benjamin Wadsworth’s Book”; and various capital letters have been scribbled over the page.

963 A year after Colman refused the presidency, he wrote (December 17, 1725) to White Kennet, Bishop of Peterborough: “M^r D[ummer] in his last to me informs me that your L^p is pleas’d to express your self sorry that I have declin’d y^e Presidentship of our College . . . ; But while I am oblig’d to y^r Lp’s Goodness toward me in that Concern, I have to plead my long disuse of Academical Studies & Exercises, & also that I am not well in y^e opinion of our House of Representatives of late years, on whom y^e President depends for his Subsistence; & they could not have pinch’d me without y^e Chairs [this word substituted for Colleges] suffering with me, w^ch I could by no means consent it should do for my sake. As for y^e Catholick Sp. w^ch makes your Lp wish to see me in that hon^ble Station, I hope I may have some pretence to it, & I acknowledge it a very good Gift & Ornament to a Person otherwayes qualifyed: But then (my Lord) it is y^e very Spirit of our College & has been so these forty years past, & if I have ever shone in y^r Lp^s eyes on that account here I learn’d it 30 years since; And when I visited y^e famous Universities & private Academies in England, I was even proud of my own humble Education here in our Cambridge, because of y^e Catholic Air I had then breath’d in. And such it has continued till of late a parcel of High-flyers have poisn’d & stagnated it, by leading us into a Course of angry Controversy w^ch has alarm’d & narrowed us, who before received y^e Writings & Gentⁿ of y^e Chh. of England w^th y^e most open reverance & affection.” Colman Papers, 1 (MSS., M.H.S.).

Some months earlier (February 4, 1725), Colman’s brother John had written to him from London: “I think you did well, If you had accepted, I suppose yo^r good freind in your fore seat would have ben for giving you Ten pounds: I bless God you are out of their Reach they Cant doe you much hurt, & good they never did any body but y^mselves.” Colman Papers, 1.

964 John Marion, Samuel Marshall, and Jonathan Williams.

965 i.e., appreciate.

966 The passage enclosed by brackets is cancelled in the original.

967 Acts, xxiv:4: Ἱνα δὲ μὴ ἐπὶ πλεῖόν σε ἐγκόπτω, παρακαλῶ ἀκοῦσαί σε ἡμῶν συντόμως τῇ σῇ ἐπιεικείᾳ.

968 Revelation, i:8 (etc.): ὀ παντοκράτωρ.

969 MS. dixirim.

970 Cf. Ezekiel, xvii:5–8.

971 Luke, xii:21: “rich toward God.”

972 2 Corinthians, viii:2–3: ὅτι ἐν πολλῇ δοκιμῇ θλίψεως ἡ περισσεία τῆς χαρᾶς αὐτῶν καὶ ἡ κατὰ βάθους πτωχεία αὐτῶν ἐπερισσεύσεν εἰς τὸν πλοῦτον τῆς ἁπλότητος αὐτῶν· ὄτι κατὰ δύναμιν, μαπτυρῶ, καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν αὐθαίρετοι.

973 MS. not.

974 Aeneid, i, 204.

975 Acts, xxvi:22: Ἐπικουρίας οῦν τυχών τῆς παρὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἄχρι τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἔστηκα.

976 Matthew, iii:11: “whose shoes I am not worthy to bear.”

977 Zechariah, 1:5: “Your fathers, where are they? and the prophets, do they live for ever?”

978 President Leverett died on May 3, 1724.

979 2 Corinthians, ii:16: καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα τίς ἱκανός.

980 Proverbs, xvi:33: “The lot is cast into the lap; but the whole disposing thereof is of the Lord.”

981 Psalms, lv:22: “Cast thy burden upon the Lord.”

982 Adapted from John, xv:5: χωρίς ἐμοῦ οὐ δύνασθε ποιεῖν οὐδέν.

983 James, v:16: πολὺ ἰσχύει δέησις δικαίου ἐνεργουμένη.

984 2 Corinthians, 1:3: Εὐλογητὸς ὁ Θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὁ πατὴρ τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν καὶ Θεὸς πάσης παρακλήσεως.

985 Adapted from James, i:17: Πᾶσα δόσις ἀγαθὴ καὶ πᾶν δώρημα τέλειον ἄνωθέν ἐστι, καταβαῖνον ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τῶν φώτων.

986 1 Thessalonians, iii:10: ὑπὲρ ἐκπερισσοῦ.

987 Galatians, vi:16.

988 The following year (1726), the Corporation voted that in the future those seeking degrees must be present at Commencement, unless excused by the Corporation. Our Publications, xvi. 539.

989 Stone and Buckingham were the only surviving members of Wadsworth’s class (1690) who had not previously acquired the A.M. degree.

990 The schedule of declamations, one of the required undergraduate exercises. Cf. below, entry under date of August 4, 1727.

991 For the loose way in which the word “Fellow” was used, see our Publications, xv. cxxxii–cxxxv. It is sufficient to say here that the word is first met with in 1647, when it designated a tutor, and that in the college charter of May 31, 1650, it was applied technically to the five Fellows of the Corporation so called. On August 7, 1725, there were, owing to the elevation of Wadsworth on July 7 from a Fellow of the Corporation to the presidency, only four Fellows of the Corporation: Henry Flynt, Benjamin Colman, Nathaniel Appleton, and Edward Wigglesworth. Nicholas Sever (a tutor since 1716) became a Fellow of the Corporation (in place of Wadsworth) on September 23, 1725; Nathan Prince, though a tutor since 1723, did not become a Fellow of the Corporation until 1728; and William Welsteed, who became a tutor in 1720, was never a member of the Corporation. Thus of the four tutors only one (Flynt) was at the date of the entry a member of the Corporation: yet all four were called “Fellows.”

992 The Company for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England and the Parts Adjacent, popularly known as the New England Company. For its origin, see George P. Winship, The New England Company of 1649 (Prince Society Publications), pp. vi–vii. Prince may have been sent on this mission under the provisions of Robert Boyle’s legacy, whereby the President and Fellows received from the Commissioners in Boston for the “Indian Corporation” £45 sterling annually, “to be by them Imployed & bestowed for y^e Salary of two other Ministers, to teach y^e Natives in or near his Majesties Colonies there [New England], in y^e Christian Religion.” Our Publications, xv. 290.

993 Marginal note: “These 4 gave in a written confession, & so were fin’d 3^s a piece, but not publickly admonished.”

994 For the Freshman customs as they were in the years 1734–1735, see above, pp. 383–384.

995 John Seccombe; his place at graduation, however, was eighth from the bottom. For a later brush of his with the college authorities, see the undated entry (the Faculty Records give March 22, 1725/6) immediately following that for March 19, 1725/6, below. He was again in trouble when, on November 27, 1728, after he had taken his first degree, he, with others, was fined 7s “for contriving to take, & for taking y^e third Goose lately stoln on y^e Common.” Faculty Records, 1. 21.

996 Cf. our Publications, xxiv. 311–312.

997 This valedictory oration mentioned by Wadsworth (not to be confused with the valedictory delivered at Commencement) is one of the sources of what has since come to be known as Class Day. Albert Matthews, “A Search for Origins,” Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, xxii. 580–583. From the references to it in this Diary, it would appear that it came regularly in March.

998 The monitor’s bill, containing the list of fines for tardiness and absences. Cf. below, entries under dates of March 18, 1725/6, and March 19, 1735/6. The word is also used in this sense in the Laws of 1655, above, p. 335.

999 William Brattle, A Compendium of Logick. Cf. our Publications, xxviii. 393.

1000 1723. Id., p. 363, note 3.

1001 A bachelor of arts in his second year.

1002 The Hollis scholarships were founded in 1719. Five years later, the Corporation took steps to give effect to Hollis’s “Express & repeated desire” that the ten men enjoying his bounty “Send him a short performance Every one on what Subject and in wt Language he pleases but Jf in Greek or Latin then to be translated into English that he may see a little of their Genius by their Language & Writing Each one underwriting his Name age and of how Long Standing in the College. . . .” Our Publications, xvi. 516.

1003 MS. contistit.

1004 For the subject of the college vacations, see William C. Lane, “Vacations in Harvard College,” Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, xxxiv. 219–221.

1005 Quincy (1. 445) says that part of the ceremony involved in conferring degrees consisted of the president’s delivering a book to the candidates, “who came forward successively in parties of four. . . .”

1006 Chester took his A.M. in 1729; Lombard, in 1727.

1007 A “district” was that portion of the college property under the supervision of a Scholar of the House.

1008 Less than a year later (August 7, 1727), Wadsworth noted in his account-book (p. 84; MS. at M.H.S.) the arrival in his household of Desire Simon, an Indian servant, who was to receive £8 a year. She left in September of the following year, but subsequently returned and died at his house in 1730. Five years later Susannah Russell came to work for her board “as an help in y^e Family.”

1009 This page is wrongly numbered “37” in the original.

1010 A bachelor of arts in his first year.

1011 This may be regarded as another allusion to the teaching of French at Harvard College before 1750, to be added to those given by our associate Mr. Matthews in our Publications, xvii. 216–232. In the College Laws of 1734 it was provided (id., xv. 138) that henceforth declamations should be given only in the three learned languages, unless with “leave & direction from the President.”

1012 During Wadsworth’s administration there were only four buildings: the second Harvard College, burned in 1764; Stoughton College, taken down in 1782; Massachusetts Hall; and Wadsworth House. See our Publications, xv. lxxxv–ciii, cxv–cxx.

1013 Haywardhad been “debarr’d his Bachelour’s Degree” on July 1, 1726; but on June 28, 1729, “upon a Confession & Peti[ti]on offer’d was admitted to a Master’s Degree with y^e rest of y^e Class.” Our Publications, xv. 539, 573.

1014 The items comprising this gift are listed in College Book vi (Hollis Book, MS., Harvard University Archives), pp. 20–22.

1015 “In 1727 a radical departure was made and what were called ‘private Commencements’ were held from 1727 to 1735, both included, the day being kept secret. . . . These private Commencements satisfied neither the graduates nor the College authorities. There was just enough uncertainty about the day to irritate the former, while the latter were still obliged to take special measures for preventing disorders.” Our Publications, xviii. 333, 339; and cf. the entry in the text dated July 7, 1736.

1016 Martyn took his A.M. in 1743; Hobart, in 1729. Hobart’s name appears in the list of quaestiones for the master’s Commencement, 1727.

1017 Cabot took his second degree in 1729. His name also appears in the list of quaestiones for 1727.

1018 John Eames, F.R.S. Cf. our Publications, xviii. 283, xix. 58.

1019 Cf. id., xvi. 501, xxiv. 172.

1020 A privy. Cf. our Publications, xv. 302n, xvi. 522, 582, 818; B. H. Hall, Collection of College Words and Customs (1851 ed.), p. 208; Dialect Notes, ii (1900), p. 46.

1021 Wadsworth’s pagination jumps from “51” to “58,” he having misread his badly written “51” as “57.”

1022 Williams took his A.M. in 1729, as did Bradstreet, mentioned in the second paragraph below.

1023 This page is wrongly numbered “66” in the original.

1024 Sparhawk is one of several mentioned in the Diary who during part of their college course, usually the freshman year, boarded with President Wadsworth. Sparhawk’s accounts with the president are entered on page 86 of Wadsworth’s account-book. The others are as follows, the page references in parentheses being those to the account-book: Gardner (p. 34), Lynde (p. 89), Gerrish (p. 88), Oliver (p. 86), Hunt (p. 91), Penniman (p. 41). For other cases of students boarding with the president, see our Publications, xv. cxiii, note 6.

1025 This entry has apparently been crossed out in the original. In the margin appears this comment: “A note for ys was given before.”

1026 Berkeley wrote to the Reverend Samuel Johnson, September 7, 1731: “I have left a box of books with Mr. Kay, to be given away by you,—the small English books where they may be most serviceable among the people, the others as we agreed together. The Greek & Latin books I would have given to such lads as you think will make the best use of them in the College, or to the school at New Haven.” Herbert and Carol Schneider, Samuel Johnson, His Career and Writings, 1. 81. For Berkeley’s later gift of books to Harvard College, see our Publications, xxviii. 105.

1027 This refers to the case involving Merricaneag Neck, granted to the college by the General Court in 1683. For the entry of July 13, 1733, where Goffe is referred to as “Goffe, alias Trowbridge,” see our Publications, xv. cxliv.

1028 Hunt was involved with his classmates Wainwright and Cutler and with Watson, a Sophomore, in an escapade the victim of which was one Mr. Adams. The other three were convicted of “mischevously & maliciously” breaking Adams’s teapot, cups, and saucers, while Wainwright and Cutler were shown in addition to have been guilty of strewing Adams’s bed with glass and “abusing his silk Cap. . . .” Faculty Records, 1. 52. Hunt, who once before had been publicly censured for lying, was now “ . . . convicted of y^e most notorious complicated lying, in indeavouring to conceal y^e Persons concern’d in y^e abuse of mr Adams, when called to give evidence in yt affair. . . .” His punishment was to be degraded four places in rank and to be suspended indefinitely. Id., p. 53.

1029 Cf. S. E. Morison, “Harvard Degree Diplomas,” Harvard Alumni Bulletin, xxxv. 808.

1030 MS. disputationum.

1031 The Laws of 1734 are printed in our Publications, xv. 134–155.

1032 There follows a brief entry which is apparently in shorthand.

1033 For this episode, see our Publications, xvii. 224–226.

1034 Marginal note: “y^e Candidates because it rained in y^e forenoon, walk’d with yr Hats on.”

1035 Probably a formation from the Essex, England, dialect adjective wape, meaning “pale from fatigue or illness.” In that case the meaning of Wadsworth’s word would be “faded” or “off color.” (G.L.K.)

1036 Marginal note: “Recd Jan. 14. 1735/6.”

1037 For Hartshorn’s case, see our Publications, xviii. 339, note 1; XIX. 290, note 3.