FEBRUARY MEETING, 1920

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the house of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, No. 28 Newbury Street, Boston, on Thursday, 26 February, 1920, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Fred Norris Robinson, Ph.D., in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Charles Francis Jenney, Mr. George Henry Haynes, and Mr. Edward Mussey Hartwell, accepting Resident Membership.

Mr. George Russell Agassiz of Newport, Rhode Island, was elected a Corresponding Member.

Mr. Winslow Warren read the following paper:

THE PILGRIM SPIRIT

In a Forefather’s Day ode written by the Rev. John Pierpont — one of the most inspiring odes called forth by the celebration of that day — is the following verse:

The Pilgrim spirit has not fled:

It walks in the noon’s broad light;

And it watches the bed of the glorious dead,

With the holy stars, by night.

An eminent writer in England has recently said:

It is an auspicious moment — a year that should stir America with great memories and inspire it with high motives. It is the tercentenary of the sailing of the Mayflower. A few weeks ago I stood in the little grave yard in Plymouth in New England where the Pilgrims of that immortal expedition sleep. All that is best in America will turn in reverent thought this year to that sacred spot and I have confidence that all that is best in America will prevail in this emergency as it has prevailed in the past and make the record of 1920 a fitting and everlasting memorial to the fadeless glory of 1620.

As we read words like these expressing with confidence hopes for the future, do they not inevitably suggest to our minds the question whether they are really true of this Nation to-day now that it has ceased to be homogeneous in character and become the melting pot of the world? Does the Nation retain the same moral fibre as in Pilgrim days so that the promise of the future equals the performance of the past? We cannot question the physical courage of its people — though that is a quality shared with all great nations — it has been clearly manifested upon the recent battlefields of Europe — nor can we doubt the patriotic impulses of our people, for they have shown a spirit of self sacrifice, men and women alike, in cheerfully bearing privation in a great cause and in offering their lives and their treasure for the relief of Europe and the betterment of the world. All this is of hopeful augury for the future — but great as the Nation is and great as seems the promise, to make sure of its fulfillment we must look for the same moral grandeur that ennobled the Pilgrims, the same high motives, the same fortitude, the same reliance upon God to hold it unswervingly in the path of duty and the same devotion to Christian principles which set apart the Pilgrims as a chosen people with a high mission to build up on this continent a great empire on the solid basis of justice and truth.

The permanence and prosperity of America depend upon the certainty with which an affirmative answer may be given to these questions, and yet no one can approach them without hesitation in view of the present disturbed and unsettled condition of public affairs calculated as it is to unhinge all but the strongest minds and to perplex and confuse us as we look upon the ruin the last few years have wrought upon high principles that were thought to be firmly established in the world.

The near approach of the 300th anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth not only proclaims that as a people we have reached an age of respectable antiquity, but gives us food for profound speculation and thought in the survey of three centuries which have probably been more prolific of startling events and wonderful discoveries than any equal period in the world’s history. A little forlorn band of humble emigrants struggling for existence upon the bleak shores of Plymouth, has developed under the providence of God into a mighty Nation holding to-day apparently the key to the very life of the continent from which they were driven forth — that Nation has itself passed through seven wars, three of which at least were just and necessary and a test of its stamina and strength. The three centuries have witnessed the English Revolution, the American Revolution, the French Revolution, the Russian revolution, the vast development of the English empire, the rise of Japan to a world power, and lastly the awful cataclysm that has convulsed Europe and left it in disorder and in near approach to bankruptcy.

Mighty empires have been built up and have toppled down. Napoleonic dynasties, Bourbon dynasties, Hohenzollern, Romanoff, and Hapsburg dynasties have disappeared, the unspeakable Turk retains but a corner of his once great empire and Russia with its vast population is in chaos; yet slowly but surely the principles of democracy which the Pilgrims exemplified have extended over the earth. During the same period, discoveries and inventions beyond wildest dreams have astounded the world, advances in the arts and sciences have been made beyond imagination, and civilization has been everywhere extended.

We had thought that the blessings of Christianity had kept equal pace with civilization and that the great Nations of the earth had been so led into the paths of peace that the barbarism of war, if not impossible, had at least been tempered by more civilized rules of warfare; but from this last has come a rude awakening and we have seen the world disgraced in the recent war by barbarism triumphant in a great Nation which has trampled in the dust the rights of noncombatant people, committed hideous crimes on sea and land, and wrought purposeful destruction of private property without the least military necessity, and we have everywhere seen all the destructive agencies of modern science and invention harnessed to the chariot of war.

It can hardly be wondered at that, in face of this apparent relapse into barbarism, many thoughtful minds have questioned whether Christianity itself has not failed and still ponder over the situation, uncertain whether the world will awaken from this temporary backsliding and gain from all the sacrifice and suffering a higher conception of duty and a more serious and deeper insight into the great moral questions that may lead towards the light of a better Christianity — or whether the awful scenes of horror and carnage through which men have passed and the temporary loosening of the rules of law and order have made them callous, brutalized their natures, and so led to a disregard of the laws of God and man.

The gravity of such a situation cannot be overestimated, and whether in our own country we are to emerge from it unstained must, as I have indicated, largely depend upon the survival of the Pilgrim spirit and upon whether our people have truly absorbed the lessons to be drawn from Pilgrim patient acceptance of hardship without impairment of their sublime faith and absolute reliance upon divine protection.

With these things in mind it is well to recall the story of 1620 and to see what meaning it has in the present day — not the details of Pilgrim life, for those are too familiar to all of you, but certain phases of their character and purpose which have not always been fairly told and which are liable to misconception by exaggeration of defects which those men shared with all the sons of men. I have slight interest in or patience with writers who seem to delight in portraying the failings of those early pioneers and cannot appreciate how little those failings really detract from the sterling character and earnest devout purpose and the amazing fortitude of those Pilgrim fathers. It is difficult to understand the value of such books as the True History of the Pilgrims, the True George Washington, the True Thomas Jefferson, which are greatly untrue because they exaggerate defects and minimize virtues. It may be they serve an unlooked for purpose inasmuch as a contemplation of human failures sometimes serves to magnify the virtues — as some one has said that the weaknesses of great men increase their popularity — upon the theory we must assume that many people are better pleased with themselves when they realize that those held up to them as models of virtue had after all a human side.

Without hesitation, we may admit that the Pilgrims though more tolerant than most of their contemporaries were in their nature or from their experiences hard and stern men—that being modified, however, by the gentle side shown in their family relations which often indicate a tinge of romance — we may freely concede that they were bigoted in their beliefs, relentless towards opposition, and that they turned away from the brighter side of life and dwelt upon its serious and darker side — as Boyle O’Reilly puts it in his poem at Plymouth, “they missed God’s smile to watch his frown,” but is it any wonder that their hardships and sufferings were too great for lightness of heart and that “God’s smile” seemed very distant from them? If they turned away from the contemplation of earthly pleasures they never wavered in their faith in a heavenly reward.

They were doubtless men of their time and their thoughts were of the times in which they lived, except in so far as they had caught a glimpse of something higher and better. Their creed was Mosaic, their God a cruel and relentless being, Heaven and Hell were intensely real to them, and their Bible was to be construed with extreme literalness, with no allowance at all for its being clothed in oriental form and delivered to oriental nations; yet, what was rare in those days, they did have strivings for broader light and a more humane conception of their relations to their fellow-men, even though they had but a glimpse of the spirit of toleration. We would like to accept Mrs. Hemans’s poetic version that they came here to establish “Freedom to worship God,” but if that is to be taken in any other meaning than that they sought freedom for themselves to worship God unmolested — the phrase is hardly in accordance with their own conception of their mission, for they had not reached the point of general toleration nor had any people in the world, not even in tolerant Holland.

We may therefore be charitable in our judgment of their intolerance towards later comers whose religious views seemed to the Pilgrims to threaten the loss of their own religious freedom, yet it is something that they were much less harsh than their neighboring colony and made little trouble for those among them who conscientiously but quietly differed without openly proselyting or disturbing the public peace and order — and the fact is remarkable as well as suggestive that the colony became much more intolerant after the Pilgrims had all passed away than during their lifetime.

The much discussed question of their treatment of the Quakers, however severe it may have been, shows the Pilgrims to have been greatly more lenient than elsewhere, and it is always difficult to determine how far their action was because of the religious opinions of the Quakers or of their unruly behavior and abuse of the constituted authorities; the fact remains that there were Quakers who, quietly holding their opinions, dwelt among them undisturbed — as did also certain Roman Catholics who later joined the settlement. It was to their credit also that they were often in trouble with their Boston neighbors for harboring and protecting men of unorthodox views who had fled from that colony; that they never in any way shared the prevailing witchcraft delusion, but treated it with ridicule and contempt; that they were just in dealing with the Indians, though stern and decisive in their action towards those who were hostile and treacherous; and that they took the first great step towards democracy in separating church and state by giving freeholders the ballot regardless of church membership.

A recent preacher of some note has criticized their action in suppressing the Merry Mount settlement at Wessagussett, upon the ground that that hilarious crowd, though fond of maypoles and dancing and merriment, at any rate carried their prayer books in their hands; a curious defence, for they certainly did not carry them in their hearts or regard such teachings in their drunkenness and riot and open sale of firearms and fire water to the Indians of the vicinity, making the latter more dangerous than ever to the Pilgrim neighbors; nor did the preacher, if he was aware of it, take the trouble to mention at all the creditable fact that after the dispersal of the Merry Mount settlers Thomas Morton their chief leader was allowed to live in Plymouth without molestation.

The prayer book story may be classed with other mythical titbits of incorrect history — such as the story of Christmas among the Pilgrims on the Mayflower in 1620, which disregards the fact that all the men were on shore that day, hard at work felling timber for their houses and that the only notice of the day mentioned in history is that the captain of the Mayflower served out an extra allowance of beer to those on board. With their peculiar views it is needless to say that Christmas was the last day in the year the Pilgrims would have celebrated. Or we may class the story with that of the first Sunday on Clark’s Island with a picture showing the Mayflower in the offing and a preacher in full canonicals performing service, — though the Mayflower was then at Provincetown and the Pilgrims had no preacher with them on the island, Brewster not being of the party. Such stories are to be compared for accuracy with the recent statement that it was the Roman Catholic bishops who procured Magna Charta from King John at Runnymede, the only apparent foundation for the statement being that among the large concourse of nobles and barons present there may have been Roman Catholic bishops: if there were bishops there at all, they must at that period have been Catholics.

But passing from the question of the failings of the Pilgrims, the more impressive fact stands out that they bore their severe hardships with unswerving courage, steadfastly held to their principles in reliance upon divine guidance, and with what light they had strove to infuse a spirit of righteousness upon their struggling settlement. No hope of gain inspired them, no knowledge that they were to be the cornerstone of a great empire, no desire or ambition to glorify their undertaking — they simply recognized themselves as humble instruments of the divine will and walked conscientiously and faithfully in the narrow path of duty. Their thoughts were upon the heavens above more than upon any possible success in this world, and they were content with the belief that through their sufferings a pure religious belief would be transmitted to their descendants. No one can read Bradford’s and Winslow’s account of the migration without being impressed by the simple matter of fact portrayal and the entire absence of any attempt to exploit the undertaking or to claim credit for the hardship and suffering.

There are passages in the Pilgrim writings which seem to express in striking manner their mental attitude and their hopes and fears; at the risk of quoting what is already familiar to you, I want to group extracts from a few of those writings, for I know of none which more clearly breathe the genuine spirit of the Pilgrim. First I would recall Bradford’s description of the little church at Scrooby where was lighted the fire that has illuminated a continent:

So many therfore of these proffessors as saw ye evill of these things (in thes parts,) and whose harts ye Lord had touched with heavenly zeale for his trueth; they shooke of this yoake of Antichristian bondage. And as ye Lords free people, joined them selves (by a covenant of ye Lord) into a church estate, in the felowship of the Gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known unto them (according to their best endeavours) whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something this ensewing historie will declare.31

And those later words when they were on the point of leaving for Holland where they described themselves as “a poor people of Lincolnshire who being enlightened by the word of God and urged with the yoke of subscription had been led to see further.”

The modesty and genuineness of these declarations are as noticeable as the honest strivings to gain further light. It is impossible to read the words now without being impressed with their advanced thought and with the willingness to accept whatever light the future might bring.

Now turn to Holland, when after their residence there of twelve years they had determined to seek a new home in America, and read John Robinson’s wise letter of advice to the adventurers in July, 1620:

Wheras you are to become a body politik, using amongst your selves civill governments, and are not furnished with any persons of spetiall eminencie above ye rest, to be chosen by you into office of government, let your wisdome and godlines appeare, not only in chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will promote ye commone good, but also in yeelding unto them all due honour and obedience in their lawfull administrations; not behoulding in them the ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods ordinance for your good, not being like the foolish multitud who more honour the gay coate, then either the vertuous minde of the man, or glorious ordinance of ye Lord.32

Following this counsel upon civil matters was Robinson’s well known sermon upon the eve of their departure from Leyden (or such part of it rather as has been handed down to us in Edward Winslow’s Briefe Narration) from the text “and there by the river Ahava I proclaimed a Fast that we might humble ourselves before our God and seek a right way for ourselves and for our children and for all our substance.” To appreciate its true spirit and to recognize the breadth of its tone I must venture in harmony with my subject to quote what has often been quoted before, for it is essential to those who would grasp the true inwardness of this Pilgrim departure. In part, as Winslow gives it, it reads:

He charged them before God and his blessed angels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ; and if God should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministry; for he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth out of his holy word.

And again:

You see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them; a misery much to be lamented; for though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole truth to them; and were they now living . . . they would be as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. . . . For . . . it is not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of such thick antichristian darkness, and that full perfection of knowledge should break forth at once.33

The breadth and liberality of these utterances of Robinson have often been commented upon, but to me the most remarkable thing connected with them is that this man, the most eminent scholar in the Pilgrim church, and upon whose counsel the Pilgrims both in Holland and America depended so much, a man who had been abused and harried in England, who had been driven from his native land and who through every discouragement had ministered in Leyden to his poor and struggling company, should have had it in his heart to give such broad and hopeful advice to the departing members of his congregation without a tinge of bitterness and with no reference to what they had borne and suffered.

A proper sequel is Bradford’s brief but pathetic account of the final departure from Delft Haven August 1, 1620:

They looked not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to ye heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. . . . The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, and their friends with them, where truly dolfull was the sight of that sadd and mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of ye Dutch strangers yt stood on the key as spectators, could not refraine from tears.34

So with these utterances from their hearts they embarked upon the stormy and dangerous voyage to a land they knew nothing of and to encounter all the perils and risk of settlement in the wilderness, but they were buoyed up by an implicit faith and by a courage that dared all obstacles.

Hardly had they anchored in the harbor of Provincetown when all the male members, other than apprentices and servants, joined in signing the immortal Compact in the cabin of the Mayflower November 21:

Haveing undertaken, for the glorie of God, and advancemente of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and countrie, a voyage to plant the first colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly and mutualy in the presence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame shuch just and equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience.35

Could there have been a more fitting conclusion of their voyage or a more masterly or concise statement of their determination that the new colony should be governed by law and that all should respect constituted authority? They attempted no elaboration of great principles, but laid the keystone of the democratic arch in this simple and conclusive manner.

These papers that I have cited express in few words the inspiration of the Pilgrims — patience, courage, faith and unshaken fortitude. As they looked back to their experiences of the previous three months, desperate as the future yet seemed, they could not but feel that a special Providence had guided them over the three thousand miles of sea in their overcrowded, ill-fitted and almost unseaworthy ship, and yet more recently in saving from utter wreck the small shallop which safely crossed the Bay from Provincetown to Clark’s Island midst a fierce storm which threatened every moment to swamp the frail boat. That boat truly bore Cæsar and all his fortunes, for in it were Carver, Bradford, Winslow, Standish and Howland, and if those men had perished it is unlikely that the Plymouth Colony would have been heard of in history.

Surely no other settlement has been undertaken in such a spirit and never under more discouraging and hopeless circumstances. The details of the Pilgrim life at Plymouth have been amply and eloquently told — it is needless for me to weary you with a story so well known; there was nothing to encourage those men except a single piece of good fortune that before their coming the Indians of the vicinity had been largely destroyed by disease, rendering them less exposed to hostile attack — other than that, and even of that. they knew nothing but rumors, the story is one of prolonged hardship and suffering, of distressing losses by sickness, of near famine and of the doubtful struggle to maintain life itself. But they refused to be daunted and in the end overcame all obstacles and secured a lasting triumph in seeing their colony grow and strengthen until, after they themselves had passed on, it united with the stronger colony of Massachusetts and became a part of the great development of this mighty Republic.

But let us not misinterpret the spirit of the Pilgrims as applied to the present times, it never meant that we should be content to stand where they stood — Robinson’s words apply now as they applied then, that men of our day should be “as ready and willing to embrace further light as that they had received;” to keep abreast of their spirit their descendants must also welcome the opportunity to “see further” and it is for them to show their rightful descent by enlarging and developing the spirit of truth and freedom. We of this age will deserve little credit unless the seed so carefully sown three hundred years ago shall ripen into a richer fruit. Even if our Pilgrim ancestors fell short of their highest ideals, as all men and nations have fallen and always will, they gave us at any rate their manly struggle with trying experiences and depressing hardships and their ever hopeful courage as bases on which to build a solid edifice of popular government and free and enlightened institutions.

What other than a renewal of the spirit of earlier days sustained the men of the Revolution in their long contest and enabled them to embody in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States the principles clearly shadowed forth in the Compact of 1620 — what other than that inspired the loyalty that preserved this great Union in 1861 and brought about the emancipation of the slave — what other than that spirit carried America into the recent world conflict and ranged her with no selfish aim on the side of imperilled civilization in Europe? And now when the storm has lulled what but that spirit with the added light of centuries of experience, of growing knowledge and developing wisdom will enable this Nation to gather in the full harvest of freedom and democracy?

But the preservation of the ancient spirit in its full force and the extension of its influence requires the most constant watchfulness — especially just now when, temporarily we believe, the public mind has lost something of its balance. The prevailing restlessness, the excited condition of the public, the abnormal situation in business affairs, the threatened financial disturbance, have combined to create a nervous tension which gives ominous signs of danger to great principles which lie at the foundation of republican institutions. This condition is not unusual as the result of war and was to have been expected after a war that swept in all the great nations of the earth. With us, it takes the form of a distrust of free thought and free discussion and we see an American Congress discussing the necessity of a return to alien and sedition laws which were tried in the infancy of our Republic and emphatically discarded by the intelligence of the people. What is needed now is not more laws but more respect for those we have and possibly a more judicious enforcement of them. Drastic legislation invading personal rights and so out of harmony with the general views of a very large section of the people as to require armies of officers and spies to enforce it, will not cure the disease attacked but is sure to increase the general ferment and bring into disrepute wise and salutary laws. It is the old story that well-meant reforms are apt to defeat their own ends if too hasty and sweeping and if forced upon a people unprepared for them and more than doubtful of their wisdom. Never more than now was calm judgment and deliberation needed in our public affairs. It is unthinkable that here in America we should fear the freest thought and widest public discussion, subject only to recognized limitations that no one can publicly advocate crime or incite or attempt the overthrow of our government. I have no fear that truth can be overcome by the ravings of ignorant or fanatical talkers, nor can I doubt that if speech becomes action or an obvious incitement to action an intelligent people will find ready means to protect itself.

An eminent Judge of the Federal Supreme Court has recently wisely said that it was better to let steam escape and be dissipated into thin air than to risk explosion by attempting to confine it. It was the foresight of the framers of the Constitution that forbade conviction for treason except upon the proof of overt acts by at least two witnesses — surely for lesser public crimes we can rely upon due process of law without imperilling the sacred right of free thought and of such free speech as does not degenerate into unbridled licence. To be sure we have the embarrassment now that results from the extraordinary liberality of our emigration laws and we feel rightly indignant that aliens who seek the protection of our laws should violate decency and law in the attempt to foment trouble among our people. They must be sternly dealt with and the government must exercise its right of protecting itself by withdrawing its permission that they should remain among us, but even those men are entitled to fair hearings.

There is danger to the public welfare too in the facility with which pseudo Americans are allowed to stir up ill blood against nations with which we are at peace and to proceed to the very verge of illegality in interference with the domestic affairs of other nations. The mark of the true American, to the manor born or American by adoption, should ever be that he always and ever places the interests of America before those of any other land and never forgets that his allegiance to America admits of no possible allegiance elsewhere.

Freedom of thought—freedom of speech, obedience to the law are in full harmony with the true Pilgrim spirit as developed by three centuries of progress, for the Pilgrim — though the radical of his day and though he realized how abhorrent his principles were to the rest of the world — maintained his freedom of thought and speech, never looked unkindly upon the land he had left but put away the remembrance of the persecution and abuse from which he had suffered — never conspired in any way against the government of his native land or against his neighbor, and above all things was impatient of any disregard of orderly government or of disrespect for constituted authorities; — he was a practical man of action, but his acts were the result of careful thought and deliberation and ever of a deep and abiding faith in God and a sure reliance upon his guidance.

We want now as humble a spirit, as deep a faith and as pure a motive as he possessed. We may look beyond his ideals as the centuries have given more light, but while we pride ourselves that we have advanced free thought and a spirit of toleration we must be equally sure that we are firm in maintaining that advance and are not shaken by temporary gusts of popular excitement or passion.

Only then can we properly celebrate the 300th anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims and lay claim to the descent of their spirit. We thankfully acknowledge what was praiseworthy in their lives and when we criticize their failings, we admit that we must prove by our actions that we of this generation have seen the “further light” and not only have seen it but have profited by it.

The Rev. Henry W. Foote read the following —

NOTES ON SOME MANUSCRIPT SERMONS PREACHED BY THE REV. SIMON BRADSTREET IN MARBLEHEAD, 1743–1769

A number of years ago I found, among some old family papers which had belonged to my great-uncle, the Rev. William Orne White of Brookline, a package containing a dozen eighteenth century sermons written in a crabbed hand, with no indication as to their authorship, but with notes showing that they had been delivered in Marblehead between 1743 and 1769. I put them aside, intending some day to look into a history of Marblehead to see who had been minister there during that period. But one day last autumn, being in the Treasure Room of the Widener Library in Cambridge, my eye was caught by a small copy of the first volume of William Ames’s Opera, published in 1658, which was lying in one of the exhibition cases. It had been placed there because it contained three autographs of interest, namely those of the second Simon Bradstreet (son of the Governor) and of his son and grandson, the third and fourth of the same name. The last of the three had added beneath his name “Avus, Pater, Filius et Nepos, 1742.” The Librarian’s explanatory card beneath the book added the information that the second Simon Bradstreet (H. C. 1660) had been minister at New London, Connecticut; that the third (H. C. 1693) had been minister at Charlestown; and that the fourth had graduated from Harvard in 1728 and had been minister in Marblehead. Making further inquiries I found that the fourth Simon Bradstreet was born June 23rd, 1709, and was minister at Marblehead from 1738 till his death there on October 5, 1771.

Returning home with this information I looked once more at my packet of old sermons. They are made up in the shape of little booklets, each containing from sixteen to forty pages, save one which is only a fragment, the last four pages of a sermon. The pages are stitched together, and range in size from 5 by 3½ to 6 by 4 inches. Each sermon is divided into two parts, or, rather, the same discourse served for both morning and afternoon services, the minister preaching to about the middle of his discourse in the morning and finishing it in the afternoon, though when he repeated a sermon he did not always divide it at the same point. On the last page of each sermon are memoranda as to its use. One was preached four (or five) times between 1751 and 1767; two were preached three times; the rest once each. The preacher generally noted the weather and attendance. After a sermon preached after the death of Judge Stephen Sewall there is a note on his character; another memorandum refers to the earthquakes of November, 1755; another to the young men recently returned from a fishing voyage; another to the writer’s birthday.

It was this last sermon which completed the identification of the author. Its first memorandum is as follows:

Mhead. June 23, 1751, A & P M — being my Birthday when I entred upon my 42^d year — Lord! I desire to praise & adore thee for all ye mercies of my past Life, & intreat thy forgiveness of all my past sins, & grace to improve ye future part of my Life to thy glory, ye good of thy people com̄itted to my Charge, and to my own eternal Salvation, Thro J. X. Amen.

It will be remembered that the fourth Simon Bradstreet was born June 23, 1709, so that he would have been forty-two on this day in 1751; thus, according to our computation, he would have been entering his forty-third rather than his forty-second year. The writer evidently liked his birthday discourse, with its text from Isaiah 32: 17, “And the work of rightousness shall be peace, and the effect of rightousness quietness and assurance forever,” for he preached it several times. The notes continue.

Marblehead. June 24, 1753. N S. A and P M.
Mhead July 8, N S. 1759. The week before was Birthday wn I enterd my 50^th year.
Sept. 13th 1767 A.M. [to the 19th page].
Sept. 20, 1767, A.M. [presumably the remainder of the discourse].

But this “birthday sermon” had yet other evidence to give. Across the upper corner of the first page, in another and more elegant hand appear the words,

To the

Mr. Broads

while across the corresponding corner of page 8 the same hand continues

Reverend

trate and Wife.

The frugal preacher had cut up for sermon paper the unused half of some invitation which had been addressed “To the Reverend Mr. Broadstrate and Wife.” Investigation disclosed the name of “Mr Broadstrate” written across a page in another discourse. The identification was complete, for of course “Broadstrate” was but the common pronunciation of Bradstreet.

The memoranda on the other sermons are as follows:

No. 1. Coloss. 4:2 Continue in prayer. (16 pp.) “Mhead. March 4, 1743/4 P.M.”

No. 2. Heb. 11; 6 But without faith it is impossible to please God. (16 pp.) “Mhd. May 5, 1745. A and P M Fair.”

No. 3. The “birthday sermon” described above.

No. 4. Psm. 37; 23–24. The steps of a good man are ordered by the Lord; & he delighteth in his way. Tho he fall he shall not utterly be cast down; for the Lord upholdeth him with his hand. (38 pp.)

“Marblehead 8^r 26, 1755. A and P M. A very fair & pleast day; dirty streets & a little coolish.”

“Marblehead, June 12, 1757, A and PM Fair, hot, pleast. L.D.O.M.”36

“8^br 9, 1768. A and P M Overcast like rain. N.B. Ye Doctrine to be consid^d in another Sermon.”

In the margin of p. 4 is written “[Mr. Henry],” presumably a reference to the works of Matthew Henry.

No. 5. A fragment, only the last four pages.

“Pc^d Marblehead 9^r 23, 1755 A and P M. Being ye Sabbath after a gt Earthquake, w^c happend on Tuesday morn, ab^t 4 of Clock; & was followed with several smaller Shocks yt morning & week, & one more consid^ble on Saturday night abt 9 of ye Clock. It rained & blowed very hard ys Sabbath morning, but was a clearing up Day interspersed. N.B. Was a very serious, affected & Attentive Audience and very full. Ye Lord bless his Word & Providence to lead ys people & ye whole Land to Repentance.”

The Lisbon earthquake occurred on Nov. 1, 1755, seventeen days before the first shock noted above.

No. 6. Heb. 7:25. Wherefore he is able also to save them to the utermost, yt come unto GOD by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for us. (32 pp.)

“Mhead Feb. 11, 1759 AM pleast. A full house.”

“Mhead. Jan. 10, 1762. A & P M Snowy, stormy, and full House.”

“Jan. 29, 1769 P M Fair, very cold & very windy.”

No. 7. 1 Pet. 5; 8, 9. Be sober, be vigilant; because your adversary ye Devil as a roaring lion walketh about seeking whom he may devour: Whom resist stedfast in the faith. (40 pp.)

“Mhead Feb. 17, 1760 A & P M. Cloudy, moder^t some snow, full House.”

No. 8. Jno. 16; 28. I came forth from ye Father & am come into ye [world], agⁿ I leave ye [world] to go unto the Father. (39 pp.)

“Mhead Sep^r 14, 1760 A M. Raining, dark uncomfortable W^r and very thin House.”

“Sep^r 21 1760 P M. Stormy Day & few at meeting.”

“These Sermons were occasiond by ye Death of ye Hon^ble Judge Stephen Sewal, who departed ys Life Sep^r 11, and was Interrd Sep^r 13,1760. He was a Gentleman greatly beloved & respected, & greatly lamented. And he deserved it. For he has left few or none behind him equal to him upon all accounts; being eminent both in Gifts & Graces; above others, & yet remarkable for his Modesty & Goodnature to all.”

No. 9. 1 Cor. 11; 26, For as often as ye eat ys bread and drink ys cup, ye do show the Lord’s death till he come. (32 pp.)

At page 16 this note is entered: “Aug. 1, 1762. A M. Sacrament Day, Fair and pleast. There was chh. Mr. Bass preached. The rest for ye next Sacrament if God permit.”

And at the end is this note: “Mhead Sep^r 5, 1762. A M. Sacrm^t. no Chh.” Some illegible Greek follows.

These memoranda indicate that it was the custom to observe the Lord’s Supper on the first Sunday of each month. “Chh.” refers to service in St. Michael’s Church, Marblehead, which was at that time without a rector. “Mr. Bass” must be the Rev. Edward Bass, the rector of the Episcopal Church at Newburyport, later Bishop of Massachusetts, who evidently came to Marblehead at least once to administer the sacraments for the congregation of St. Michael’s while they were without a clergyman. Simon Bradstreet took note of the doings at St. Michael’s. In this connection it is interesting to refer to a passage in the autobiography of John Barnard, referring to Bradstreet and to an earlier rector37 of St. Michael’s: “I and Mr. Bradstreet, of the other church in the town, maintained the strictest brotherly love and friendship with him.”38

No. 10.1 Cor. 11: 26, For as oft as ye eat ys bread and drink ys cup, ye do shew ye Lord’s Death till he come.

“Oct^r 3, 1762, AM.”

This seems to be the second part of another discourse following No. 9, for it begins “I have spoken of the first and proceed to the second.”

No. 11. Psm. 119: 9 Wherewith shall a young man cleanse his way? By taking heed yrto according to thy word. (24 pp.)

“Mh^d. Dec^r 30, 1764, PM. Very Cold and very slippery. Full House. L. D. O. M.”

Although not so noted this apparently was originally a sermon of twenty pages addressed to young men about to start on a fishing voyage, but it has an appendix of four pages, indicating that it was again preached to them on their return: “God has now blessed you with a safe and prosperous return.”

No. 12. Psm. 119; 126. It is time for thee, Lord, to work; for yy have made void thy Law. (35 pp.)

“Mhead. Dec^r 21, 1766, A. M. Dies Serena et plena.” (first half.)

“Jan 4, 1767, P M. snowy, Mod^te pleast.” (Second half.)

In addition to the information conveyed by these notes there are some further inferences which may be drawn from the sermons. They can hardly have been read in the pulpit. The writing is too small and difficult and full of abbreviations to have been read easily. The sermons will not lie open but would have had to be held in the hand. The discourses are not really long enough to have occupied the full sermon time; most of them would not require more than twelve to fifteen minutes to read. Finally, many of the headings are not developed, though some parts are written in full. In a word, what we have are outlines rather than finished discourses, so that it is probable that Bradstreet preached without manuscript, or read in part and extemporized the rest. The ground plans of the sermons are fairly well worked out in a series of headings, leading up in each case to the “Improvement,” or application of the theme to his hearers. I have noted references to Law, to Henry, to Fenton (twice), to Baxter, to Cicero, and to “Mr. Emlyn’s Fun. Sermon on his wife.”39

It must be admitted that for the most part the sermons are dry, hard reading, being theological discourses with scanty illustrations, even from the Bible, and with very few allusions to the daily life of the people before them. In the spoken discourses, however, these dry bones may have been clothed with life. The “earthquake” sermon shows the preacher taking advantage of the situation to preach the terror of hell upon his hearers:

What we have heard shows us how happy those pious and godly ones are who are departed this life, and so are got free from all the troubles and desolation of this world, and are safely housed in the blessed holy kingdom of their God. They are now where no danger can come to disturb and affright them. They are entered into rest and peace, their bodies sleep quietly in the dust; and their souls are joyful in heaven, praising God among the happy and righteous above. Let that comfort those that mourn for their departed friends and dear children. They are free from all fear and troubles forever. Let this also excite us to secure an interest in God, and then we may expect and wait for death as the end of all our miseries and as the beginning of our eternal joy and felicity. Earthquakes cannot affright the dead, nor disturb the peace and tranquillity of the righteous in heaven. Hell only is the place when earthquakes lose all their terror by being overmatched with infinitely greater terrors, compared to which the greatest earthquakes are nothing. How dreadful then must the case of those impenitent sinners be, who, by their wicked lives are preparing and ripening their miserable souls for such dismal torments as will make earthquakes desirable rather than dreadful. For the scripture tells us that the wicked will call to the rocks and the mountains to fall upon them and hide them from the face of Christ when he comes to judgment!

No. 11 contains a passage illustrating the educational conditions of the time:

Instead of idling away your time because you know not how to spend it, give your attention to reading, and learn all such good things as may accomplish you and fit you for use and service as you grow up. Learning will be of good use to you, especially learning in religion and God’s Word. How profitably might you spend the winter season if you had learning? And how easily and speedily might you acquire good learning if you would but give your minds to it? It is a grief to me to see so many persons who are of a good natural genius and capacity, so ignorant in the scriptures and so little acquainted with God’s Word, when by a little pains and care they might learn to read or to understand it to great advantage. O be prevailed upon to get all necessary learning, and try to get a love for the Word of God, and if you can’t read it get others to read it to you. And mind the reading of it in this house on the Lord’s Day. And let those that can read bring a Bible to follow the minister in his reading, which is the general practice in all the considerable places in the lands where the Word of God is read in the public assembly, as I have been informed.

And, finally, his preaching cannot have been altogether without savor who could pen these felicitous words in his sermon after Judge Sewall’s death:

Some not unfitly compare the saints of all ages to a fleet of mariners all bound for the same Ports, tho some arrive sooner and some later, and they who have been first there welcome those that come afterward with joy and great affection. And what tho our friends have outsailed us? ’T is likely we may come in with the next good wind and meet each other in the celestial Habitations, and then our love will be satisfied again.40

Mr. Henry H. Edes spoke of the third Simon Bradstreet, the father of the Marblehead clergyman. He succeeded the Rev. Charles Morton as the minister of Charlestown; was “a man of great learning, strong mind and lively imagination;” and when presented to Governor Burnet by Lieutenant-Governor Dummer, was introduced as “a man who could whistle Greek.”

1 Mr. Greenough’s paper, together with the illustrations, will appear in the Transactions of a future meeting.

2 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 258.

3 Notes relating to Rawlins, or Rollins, etc., p. 37.

4 Records of Families of the Name of Rawlins or Rollins, in the United States, pp. xi, 303.

5 xxvi. 619.

6 xxvii. 578.

7 ii. 578. The paragraph is headed “Friday, December 16.”

8 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 166.

9 College Book iv. 23, 24, 25.

10 Diary, ii. 134.

11 S. Sewall, History of Woburn, p. 586.

12 John Robinson (1650–1723).

13 W. S. Perry, Historical Collections relating to the American Colonial Church, iii. 98–99. On December 11, 1872, Bishop Perry wrote to Sibley stating that he had a copy of this letter and asking for information about Rawlins; and on December 27 he sent Sibley a copy of the letter, adding “I am very much obliged to you for the information you send.” The Massachusetts Historical Society owns Bishop Perry’s letters, but Sibley’s replies have not been preserved.

14 Andover Vital Records, i. 77. Dudley Bradstreet, the father, died on November 13, 1702 (ii. 397).

15 A. Abbot, History of Andover, p. 133; S. L. Bailey, Historical Sketches of Andover, p. 522.

16 Sewall, History of Woburn, pp. 214, 586.

17 Butler, History of Groton, pp. 165, 168. The date of ordination is sometimes wrongly given as June 16, 1706, and even as 1708.

18 Butler, History of Groton, pp. 166–167.

19 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xii. 298–302; S. A. Green, Groton Historical Series, vol. i. no. x. pp. 1–5.

20 Leverett’s Diary, p. 90.

21 Diary, iii. 13.

22 Diary, pp. 90–91. They are headed “m^r Dudley Bradstreet’s Orders. 1. Diaconatus. . . . 2. Presbyter at as;” are entered between Corporations meetings held on July 22 and September 16, 1714; and in the margin is written “Reg. Sept. 1. 1714.”

23 Letter-Book, ii. 32.

24 ii. 32.

25 A Sermon Preach’d before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts; . . . On Friday the 18th of February, 1714. . . . London: . . . 1715. Abstract Of the most material Proceedings and Occurrences within the past year’s Endeavours, p. 40. In his History of the Episcopal Church in Narragansett (1847, p. 452; 1907, iii. 63) Updike wrongly stated that Bradstreet was designed “for Marblehead or Narragansett,” and that he “died before ordination.” In the Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (1893, p. 852) Bradstreet is said to have “qualified for Newbury Mission.”

26 This title is taken from the British Museum Catalogue. The title is not in Sabin, and I have been unable to locate a copy. Mr. Rollins’s statement (p. 3, above) that Rawlins printed “Two Sermons; 1715” may be correct, but no authority is cited.

27 College Book iv. 259.

28 Overseers’ Records, ii. 1.

29 The date 1757 was first attached to Rawlins’s name in the 1848 Triennial Catalogue.

30 The so-called “Gilman-Belknap-Winthrop-Pierce Triennial Catalogue,” now owned by the Massachusetts Historical Society, where the entry occurs: “Episc. min. London. B. — ob^t 1763 aged 76 E. — Epis. min. in London. G. Brit. W.” “B.” stands for Jeremy Belknap, and “W.” for William Winthrop (H.C. 1770). In 1864 Sibley wrote: “To the Doctor’s [Dr. Belknap’s] memoranda are additions by another hand, probably that of the Rev. Dr. John Eliot, of Boston” (1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, viii. 45). Why Eliot gave that date remains unknown.

31 History of Plymouth Plantation (1912), i. 20–22.

32 In Bradford, History, i. 134.

33 In Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 396, 397.

34 History, i. 124–125.

35 Id. i. 191.

36 Laus Deo Optimo Maximo.

37 Peter Bours (H. C. 1747).

38 C. R. Batchelder, History of the Eastern Diocese (1910), i. 482. I am indebted to Mr. Percival Merritt for this reference and for the identification of “Mr. Bass.”

39 Richard Baxter (1615–1691), Thomas Emlyn (1663–1741), Matthew Henry (1662–1714), William Law (1686–1761).

40 Cf. A. H. Clough, Qua Cursum Ventus.

41 Belknap, History of New Hampshire (1792), ii. 169.

42 Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association Proceedings, iii. 392.

43 Temple and Sheldon, History of Northfield, pp. 99, 106.

44 Conant, Vermont Historical Reader (1907), p. 19.

45 New Hampshire State Papers, ix. 382–383, xxiv. 142, xxv. 115–123; Vermont Historical Gazetteer, vol. v. pt. ii. 251, 271, 274.

46 Massachusetts Province Laws, xii. 55–56.

47 xii. 197.

48 xiii. 34–35.

49 xviii. 44, 65. A plan of this grant is in Maps and’ Plans, xxxvii. 5, in the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth.

50 John Stebbins’s Narrative, in Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association Proceedings, i. 148; Vermont Historical Gazetteer, vol. v. pt. ii. 275.

51 Massachusetts Province Laws, xii. 275 and note.

52 iv. 466.

53 xviii. 44 (June 25, 1765).

54 Massachusetts Province Laws, xi. 619–620 (October 1, 1731).

55 xi. 664 (June 30, 1732).

56 A perch is equivalent to one rod, or 5½ yards. As a square measure, a perch is equal to 30¼ square yards. 160 perches make an acre.

57 xi. 699–700.

58 xii. 499.

59 Massachusetts Province Laws, xii. 523.

60 Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association Proceedings, i. 148.

61 Cf. Publications of this Society, xvii. 113, 115.

62 Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, 1670–1727, Massachusetts, iii. 12 (December 12, 1695). This is a volume of manuscripts in the Connecticut State Library at Hartford relating to the Massachusetts-Connecticut boundary for the years indicated. It is hereafter cited as “Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii.”

63 Connecticut Colonial Records, v. 399. The story of this survey and of the agreements arrived at is a long one. The documentary evidence in the Massachusetts Archives, in the Connecticut Colonial Records, and in the Connecticut Colonial Boundaries (iii), is extensive. Many of the important facts will be found in Clarence W. Bowen’s Boundary Disputes of Connecticut (1882).

64 Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 34–35c; Massachusetts Court Records, ix. 300–301; Massachusetts Archives, cxvii. 689.

65 Massachusetts Court Records, ix. 338–339; Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 43a–43c. A list of the tracts south of the line is in iii. 45b.

66 Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 43–45c.

67 iii. 44, 44b.

68 iii. 45b.

69 As in Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 54, 81c, 81d; Connecticut Colonial Records, v. 13; Massachusetts Archives, ii. 276–276a.

70 Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 58c–58d.

71 Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 54.

72 Massachusetts Archives, xlvi. 437; cxiv. 770.

73 Massachusetts Archives, ii. 277–283.

74 Massachusetts Archives, ii. 278; Connecticut Colonial Boundaries, iii. 194–199.

75 B. Hall, History of Eastern Vermont, p. 106.

76 Court Records, xvi. 70 (November 30, 1734); Massachusetts Province Laws, xii. 58 (December 2, 1734).

77 Massachusetts Archives, xlvi. 528.

78 xlvi. 521–522.

79 New Hampshire State Papers, xxv. i. 51–58, 130–138, 363–369.

80 Massachusetts Archives, cxiii. 425–427.

81 cxiii. 431–433.

82 Massachusetts Province Laws, xii. 142–143 (June 19, 1735), xii. 252 (March 27, 1736).

83 xii. 289.

84 xii. 294.

85 Vol. xxvi.

86 Massachusetts House Journal, 1735, pp. 221, 225, 227; Province Laws, xii. 225–227 (January 15, 1736), xii. 232 (January 16, 1736), xii. 307 (December 17, 1736); Court Records, xvi. 276–277, 282, 373 (January 15, 16, November 30, 1736).

87 Province Laws, xii. 292 (November 30, 1736).

88 For Phinehas (Phineas) Stevens, see Publications of this Society, vi. 260, 260 note, 261 note 2.

89 Cf. Publications of this Society, vi. 137–151.

90 Province Laws, xii. 342.

91 For a memoir of Young, see Publications of this Society, xi. 2–54.

92 The pamphlet is no. 9889 in Evans, under Young’s name; no. 42758 in Sabin, under Lydius’s name; and no. 1405 in Trumbull’s List of Books printed in Connecticut, 1709–1800 (1904), under the title. The title reads:

Some Reflections on the Disputes between New-York, New-Hampshire, and Col. John Henry Lydius Of Albany. Qui ab altero fere tuleris, re inferes ipse.

To these Reflections are added, Some Rules of Law, fit to be observed in purchasing Land, &c. New-Haven: Printed and Sold by Benjamin Mecom. 1764.

Title, 1 leaf; Reflections, &c., pp. 3–21. The copy in the Boston Public Library ends on p. 21, the verso of which is blank. The copies in the New York Public Library and in the Henry E. Huntington Library have an additional leaf, the verso of which is blank, while the recto (in verse) is headed: “From an Old Book. Rules of Law, fit to be observed in purchasing Land, &c.” Cf. Publications of this Society, xi. 26 note 1.

93 It is No. 49 on the map in Documentary History of the State of New York (1849), i. 556.

94 Some Reflections, etc., pp. 12–13.

95 Id. p. 4.

96 Id. pp. 4, 5.

97 Id. pp. 5–6.

98 This boundary was determined in July, 1764, and became known in New York the following February or March.

99 The New York law of 1691 establishing counties left the northern extension of Albany County east of the Hudson indeterminate: “The County of Albany [to containl] the Manour of Renslaerswyck, Schenectady and all the villages neighbourhoods and Christian plantacons on the East side of Hudson’s River from Roeloffe Jansens Creeke and on the west side; from Sawyers Creeke to the utmost end of Saraghtooga” (Laws of New York, 1894, i. 268).

100 Particularly in the Calendar of the [New York] Council Minutes, 1668–1783 (1902), pp. 414–466; and in the Calendar of the Sir William Johnson Manuscripts in the New York State Library compiled by R. E. Day (1909).

101 Calendar of the Council Minutes, p. 452.

102 Calendar of the Council Minutes, p. 452; Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts (1866), p. 719.

103 Calendar of the Council Minutes, p. 456.

104 Calendar of the Council Minutes, p. 457; Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts, p. 729.

105 Calendar of the Sir W. Johnson Manuscripts, pp. 136, 169.

106 Province Laws, xiii. 543; xiv. 79, 592; xv. 105, 281; House Journal, 1745, p. 179; 1747, pp. 21, 175, 179; 1748, pp. 14, 56, 67, 114; 1755, pp. 233, 239.

107 New York Colonial Documents, vi. 561, 569, 577, 650; vii. 456; ix. 1019–1020.

108 New York Land Papers, xxxiv. 10–11, in the Land Bureau of the Secretary of State of New York.

109 New York Land Papers, xvi. 396–405.

110 Military Patents, xvi. 418–421.

111 In or near Lincoln, Vermont.

112 Documentary History of New York (1851), iv. 956; Hall, Early History of Vermont, p. 169.

113 At a meeting of the Council held 1 April, 1920, the following minute was adopted:

The Council have learned with sorrow of the death of their honored colleague ANDREW McFARLAND DAVIS, the Senior Vice-President of the Society, and for many years a member of this Board. Although the state of Mr. Davis’s health has deprived us of his presence at our meetings during the past three years, his wise counsel has always been at our service, and his kind and cordial greeting has been sent to us on more than one occasion. We shall long miss him, and we deplore the loss of his advice and cooperation in the varied interests of the Society. Nor can we say farewell to our old associate without an especial tribute of gratitude and appreciation for his unfailing loyalty and help in the early days of the Society before it had attained the recognized position which it now enjoys.

114 Cf. our Publications, xiv. 268–281.

115 Oddly enough, “Ashworth” was also a ghost benefactor, the name evidently being an error for “Henry Ashurst:” cf. our Publications, xx. 201–202.

116 History of Harvard University (1833), p. 50.

117 History of Harvard University, i. 510.

118 Sketch of the History of Harvard College (1848), p. 166.

119 College Book, iii. 60.

120 iii. 83.

121 Donation Book, i. 19. This was compiled about 1773.

122 There was a William Trusedale in England, who never came to this country. He is supposed to have been a brother of Deacon Richard Trusedale and the father of the Richard Trusedale who died in 1676 or 1677: see 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, iv. 78.

123 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 335.

124 A. B. Ellis, History of the First Church, p. 328.

125 Hill, History of the Old South Church, i. 117–118.

126 Suffolk Probate Files, vii. 176, 177. That this Richard Trusedale was the deacon is shown by the fact that he is so called in several depositions and in the inventory.

127 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 885.

128 Suffolk Probate Records, v. 230, vi. 73.

129 Our Publications, v. 390, 391; W. C. Ford, Boston Book Market, pp. 43, 72; Memorial History of Boston, i. 469.

130 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 93, 101, 112.

131 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, Iii. 315.

132 Roberts, History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, i. 209, 210.

133 Diary, ii. 12.*

134 History of Printing in America (1874), ii. 207, 208, 242.

135 Ford, Boston Book Market, p. 12.

136 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 486.

137 Diary, iii. 14.

138 The Greene Family (1901), p. 50.

139 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 5574.

140 Collation: Title, 1 leaf; Dedication, 1 leaf; “Officia Sacrata: or, Devotional Offices. In Three Parts” (half-title), 1 leaf; “View of H. Duties” (half-title), 1 leaf; “A General View of the Christian Duties, the Compiler’s Preliminary to the Retired Acts thereof,” pp. [i]–vii; Contents, pp. [viii]–[xi]; “Daily Offices. Part the First” (half-title), p. [1]; text, pp. [3]–56; Appendix to these Retired Acts, pp. [57]–80; “Eucharistical Offices. Part the Second” (half-title), p. [81]; text, pp. [83]–119; “Occasional Offices. Part the Third” (half-title), p. [121]; text, pp. [123]–224.

141 It is also the book-plate that I have found in all copies of the Elliston books that I have seen. Both book-plates are reproduced in facsimile in A. B. Keep’s History of the New York Society Library (1908), the 1725 one on p. 38, the later one on p. 41.

142 I do not find the name of Robert Elliston in the index to any volume by or about Franklin.

143 For information about this library I am indebted to Mr. Isadore G. Mudge.

144 Before I had an opportunity of examining the copies in the library of this institution, Mr. George Dobbin Brown kindly sent me information.

145 Collation: Title, 1 leaf; Address Dedicatory, pp. iii–vi (misprinted iv); General Matters in the Religious Instructions, pp. vii–xi; Version of the Mottos, pp. xii–xiv; Cognitiones Christianismi, pp. 1–242; Ἐπίλογος φιλοχρήστου, P. 243; Narratus, etc., pp. [244–245].

146 P. [244] ends with this word.

147 “Some account of Robert Elliston, gentleman. He was born in Middlesex in the year of salvation 1680, in Haberdashers’ Hall, fourteen full years after the Great Fire of London and on that very day; and at the beginning of the next century he had been for a time one of the clerks under the Hon. Edward Harley, Esq., Royal Auditor; then up to 1742 he was Comptroller of his Majesty’s Customs in the port of New York in America. All praise be assuredly to the Most High!” The building in which Mr. Elliston was born stood on the present site of Haberdashers’ Hall at no. 33 Gresham Street and Staining Lane, behind the General Post Office, and was erected immediately after the Great Fire from designs by Wren. Wren’s building was in turn in large part burned in or about 1840. Cf. Brayley, Londiniana, 1829, iv. 149, 151–152; Wheatley, London Past and Present, ii. 176; W. C. Hazlitt, Livery Companies of London, p. 289; P. H. Ditchfield, City Companies of London, pp. 115–116. For the translation of this inscription and of the dedication below, together with the comments, I am indebted to Professor Kittredge.

148 Collation: Title, 1 leaf; Address Dedicatory, 1 leaf; Contents, 1 leaf; Enchiridium Polychrestum, pp. [1]–[84].

149 “M. & C.” is probably an abbreviation for “Medicinae et Chirurgiae.” “Hinc . . . Plurimae” is unintelligible. Exopatur would be an easy misprint for exoratur, but exoptatur seems more likely, since exoratur means not to “ask” but to “obtain one’s request.” Erint is somebody’s blunder (Elliston’s or his printer’s); sense and grammar require sint. With these corrections it is possible that Elliston’s Latin was intended to signify: “To Mr. John Dupuy, scholarly physician and surgeon, these Instructions of Christianity are inscribed by R. Elliston his father-in-law. Hence it is earnestly desired that very many [of these Instructions] may be acceptable to him.” Ipsimet is so emphatic a word that one is tempted to guess that Elliston meant it to refer to Christ; but it is to be noted that in the other inscription he employs ipse where a mere “he” would be expected in English.

150 This inscription is printed wholly in capital letters.

151 Doubtless a misprint for “Quidam” (see the inscription of 1742, above).

152 Corrected with a pen to “Computatori.”

153 W. Berrian, Historical Sketch of Trinity Church (1847), p. 322.

154 Id. p. 355.

155 Id. p. 340.

156 Id. p. 55.

157 Id. p. 55 note.

158 Id. p. 57; Keep, History of the New York Society Library, pp. 33–35.

159 “Robert Ellison, Esq; Collector of the Customs at New-York” (London Magazine, July, 1732, i. 207). A similar item appeared in the Gentleman’s Magazine for the same month (ii. 877).

160 The New York Weekly Post Boy of July 22, 1745, stated that “Last Night, died . . . Mr. John Dupuy, M.D. and man-midwife; in which last Character it may truly be said here . . . There is none like him” (in C. M. Dupuy, Genealogical History of the Dupuy Family, p. 20).

161 For references to Elliston, other than those already cited, see: New York Colonial Documents, v. 774 (where “R^ll Elliston” clearly stands for “Rt Elliston”); Calendar of New York Historical Manuscripts (1866), ii. 465, 543; Ecclesiastical Records State of New York (1902), iv. 2927; Memorial History of New York City, iv. 113–114; Calendar of [New York] Council Minutes (1902), pp. 288, 316; Abstracts of Wills (Collections New York Historical Society), iii. 97, 283, iv. 327, viii. 254, 295, 369; M. Dix, History of the Parish of Trinity Church, i. 220, iv 575; W. Berrian, Facts against Fancy (1856), p. 61; W. Berrian, Historical Sketch of Trinity Church, pp. 85, 334; Keep, History of the New York Society Library, p. 122; H. B. Dupuy, The Huguenot Bartholomew Dupuy and his Descendants (1908), p. 391 (where the name is wrongly given as “Ellister”); C. M. Dupuy, Genealogical History of the Dupuy Family (1910), pp. 16, 19, 21, 22, 24, 26, 155.

My particular thanks are due to Mr. Robert H. Kelby of the New York Historical Society, who has kindly sent me some data which were collected by his brother, the late William Kelby.

162 Pennsylvania Magazine, xiii. 207–215; also separately printed the same year.

163 Sketches of Printers and Printing in Colonial New York (1895), pp. 37–38.

164 These are: E. Pemberton, Sermon Preached . . . On Occasion of the Death of John Nicoll, M.D. (1743); D. Horsmanden, “Negro Plot” (1744); and E. Pemberton, Sermon Delivered at the Presbyterian Church in New-York, July 31, 1746 (1746).

165 Sketches, etc., p. 35.

166 Hildeburn (Pennsylvania Magazine, xiii. 209) assigns to Parker’s press the Rev. John Beach’s “Sermon on Eternal Life” (1745). According to Haven and to Evans this book was printed at Newport, R. I. I have found no copy of the 1745 edition in the libraries about here, but the title-page of a later edition reads in part: “A Sermon shewing, that Eternal Life Is God’s Free Gift, Bestowed upon all Men who obey the Gospel. . . . Newport: Printed by the Widow Franklin, at the Town-School-House. 1745. Newport: Re-printed at the Office of the Newport Mercury 1806.”

167 See J. Nichols, Biographical and Literary Anecdotes of William Bowyer, Printer, F. S. A. (1782), and J. Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century (1812), ii. 1–461. Elliston’s name apparently does not appear in either of these works.

168 A border frequently employed in the Officia Sacrata—it is found on pp. 18, 20, 23, 39, 41, 77, 99, 107, 112, 114, 158, 183, 207, 209 — appears to be identical with a border in Roger North’s Examen, printed by Bowyer in 1740 (Advertisement, signature b). It should be added that no copies of the Elliston books are in the British Museum, nor do I find them recorded in Watt or Lowndes.

169 The paper on which the Officia Sacrata is printed has no water-mark. The paper on which the Enchiridium Polychrestum is printed has a singularly distinct water-mark: a figure of Neptune and his trident, the words “Pro Patria,” and the name “J: Evers Vierevant.” Perhaps Vierevant was a Continental paper-maker. The water-mark of the paper on which the Cognitiones Christianismi is printed is not easy to read, but the words “Pro Patria” are clear.

170 The Enchiridium Polychrestum is entered in Evans’s American Bibliography (no. 4941), doubtless, as Mr. Evans writes me, on the authority of Hildeburn. Mr. Evans now thinks that the book must have been printed in England.

171 See the Columbian Magazine, December, 1788, ii. 673.

172 At this time the Board of Overseers was composed of the members of the Governor’s Council, and the teaching elders of Boston, Cambridge, Watertown, Charlestown, Roxbury, and Dorchester, with the Governor (Samuel Shute), the Lieutenant-Governor (William Dummer), and the President of the College (John Leverett).

173 See no. ii, pp. 89–90, below.

174 See p. 90 note 1, below.

175 See p. 95 note 1, below.

176 See the other plan (reproduced facing page 100) and the note in regard to it, p. 95, below.

177 Among the reasons set forth are that the number of resident students, graduates and undergraduates, amounted to 124, that the studies to receive them when the smaller building was finished would amount to but 116, or eight less than the number of students at that time, while the larger building would accommodate 134, or only ten more than the present number. These figures are puzzling. Why should the building when doubled in size contain only 18 additional studies? One would expect the number to be 32, for the building when actually completed in its larger form contained 64 studies altogether, or two in each of the 32 chambers. The explanation may be something like this. Harvard and Stoughton are supposed to have contained 72 studies. The fifty-foot building then under way, with four large square chambers on each floor, each having windows on two sides, may well have had three studies to each chamber, as proposed in Wadsworth’s draught plan. This would give us twelve studies on each floor, and if in the roof story only eight studies (two to a chamber) were provided, we should have the forty-four which, added to seventy-two, gives the 116 mentioned in the report. On extending the building to the 100-foot length, the plan was in fact changed so far as to give but two studies to each chamber, or 64 in all. This would give 136 for the three buildings, which is only two in excess of the number mentioned in the committee’s report.

178 On July 29, 1720, Judge Sewall recorded (Diary, iii. 259) that he waited “on the President, and Chuse a Chamber in the New-College for Cousin Quincey, and Sam. Hirst,” the latter his grandson. The youths were Edmund Quincy of the class of 1722 and Samuel Hirst of the class of 1723.

179 The address was printed in full, by special vote of the House, in rather handsome typography, in its Journal. It has been reprinted at the Harvard University Press in broadside form, following carefully the style of the original, for the Harvard Memorial Society, in honor of the two hundredth anniversary of the day on which it was first presented.

180 President Leverett’s Diary, p. 133.

181 President Leverett’s Diary, p. 134.

182 In President Leverett’s Diary (p. 135) this phrase reads: “the Slender Authority the College is capable of Exerting in the Town.” Cf. no. iii, p. 91, below.

183 This memorial is entered in Leverett’s Diary, pp. 134–136, but as printed in the text is copied from College Book iii. 164–163, which differs in some minor points of phrasing and spelling.

184 President Leverett’s Diary, p. 136.

185 Court Records, x. 188–189.

186 House Journal (1919), p. 249.

187 Court Records, x. 190.

188 Court Records, x. 195.

189 Court Records, x. 206. The same text is found in House Journal (1919), pp. 261–262.

190 Court Records, x. 207.

191 House Journal (1919), pp. 262–263.

192 House Journal (1919), pp. 263–264.

193 Court Records, x. 210.

194 House Journal (1919), p. 264.

195 A plan, reproduced facing page 94, made apparently by Benjamin Wadsworth, since the words and figures on it are in his hand, still remaining in the Library files (M3454F.4), may well be the draught mentioned in this vote. On the back of the plan is written, also in Wadsworth’s hand, the following:

Some model for a College

A College 98 Feet Long 43 wide. Walls 2 & half bricks thick. Two Entryways, each 7 feet wide. one solid brick afoot thick athwart in ye middle. Three stories high, 8½ feet each, and so 8 foot in y^e clear between y^e floor & cieling. 8 chambers in a story, each of them 20 feet square, excepting what’s taken up by ye chimneys. 3 studies in every front-chamber, by borrowing 3 foot 4 Inches out of y^e Entry way; and two studies in each of y^e Rere-chambers viz 60 in all. Every studie to be five feet long, four & an half wide, or there may be three studies in each of y^e Rere-end chambers, by reason of y^e end-lights, then y^e whole number will be 66. The * or stars are studies. D.L. is a Door way in y^e first story, & Lights in y^e higher ones.

If y^e middle, as well as y^e end, chambers, in y^e Rere, have three studies each, yn y^e whole will be seventy two. And if it be thus contriv’d, each chamber (besides Lights for y^e studies) may have one window 6 foot deep, 4 foot 4 Inches wide, which will have more than 16 square feet of Glass, and yt surely will be enough to Inlighten one chamber.

Another plan (reproduced facing p. 100, below), more like the building finally erected, is in Harvard College Papers, i. 16. On the face of the plan is written in ink “A Plan for the New College,” and in pencil “This is the hand of Thomas Prince J W.” The latter words were written by the late Justin Winsor. On the back of the plan is written in ink “Plan of the New College” — these words being also in the hand of Thomas Prince. Exactly when Prince made these endorsements it is impossible to say, but presumably it was after October 1, 1718, on which day he became an Overseer by virtue of his ordination as colleague pastor of the Old South Church, Boston.

The lettering of this plan is identified by Mr. Albert Matthews as doubtless in the hand of President Leverett. At first glance this plan would seem to be designed for the smaller building, which was all the House would consent to at first. In fact, however, the outline of the whole building is given, but only one half is filled in. The disposition of the chimneys agrees with the building as carried out.

196 House Journal (1919), p. 265.

197 House Journal (1919), p. 269.

198 Court Records, x. 220–221.

199 House Journal, p. 19.

200 Id. p. 21.

201 Court Records, x. 267.

202 House Journal, p. 33.

203 Court Records, x. 283.

204 This relates to the trouble caused by Ebenezer Pierpont in 1718 and the various meetings of Corporation and Overseers held to consider it.

205 Diary, pp. 152–153.

206 For the memorial, see no. xxiii, pp. 101–102, below.

207 William Dummer.

208 Leverett’s Diary, pp. 153–154, 156–159.

209 In regard to the number of studies, see p. 85 note 1, above.

210 College Book, iii. 162–161. The memorial is also given in Leverett’s Diary, pp. 154–156.

211 Paul Dudley.

212 Diary, iii. 402–403.

213 House Journal, p. 45.

214 House Journal, p. 56.

215 House Journal, pp. 3–4.

216 The house in which President Leverett lived was taken down.

217 Court Records, x. 350–352.

218 College Book, iv. 66.

219 Leverett’s Diary, pp. 173–174.

220 College Book, iv. 67.

221 Leverett’s Diary, p. 178.

222 House Journal, p. 10.

223 House Journal, p. 6. The Council concurred on November 5th (Court Records, xi. 41–42).

224 House Journal, pp. 31–33.

225 In a private note of the same date Lord Bryce says: “The Pilgrim Fathers Celebrations have passed off with keen interest and great success in many parts of England, and a remarkable display of fraternal feeling towards America in general, and New England in particular.”

226 Our Publications, vol. xxii. pp. lv–lxii.

227 Though not entitled, strictly speaking, to be called Dr. Briggs until 1855, I have uniformly applied that title to him.

228 Cf. our Publications, xxiii. 600–603, 710–712.

229 Our Publications, vol. xxii. pp. lx–lxi.

230 These two, if I have read them correctly, are thus entered:

1851 Prize Diss. Christ with the Doctors.
1890 Privilege of life to-day in unity.

231 Most of the sermons were preached more than once, many of them several times. Thus no. 238 was preached twenty-five times between 1840 and 1862, no. 3 twenty-seven times between 1852 and 1863, and no. 55 twenty-nine times between 1845 and 1863. Dr. Briggs frequently preached elsewhere than in his own pulpit. He pretty well covered the eastern part of Massachusetts, and sermons are recorded as having been preached in Baltimore, Brooklyn, Buffalo, Chicago, Cincinnati, Keene, New York, Portsmouth (N. H.), Providence, St. Louis, and Washington (D. C.).

232 Many clippings in (C) are taken from The Christian Inquirer (New York) for 1848, and from these it appears — though his name is nowhere mentioned — that Dr. Briggs was editor of that paper for about three months in that year. A brief editorial in the issue of April 15th, headed “Our Present Number,” states that “The present editor has been unable to give as much attention as he hopes to bestow, in future, to the paper of this week. A part of the copy was made up before his arrival. Perhaps it might be proper to apologize for what he has done, rather than for what he has not inserted. The entire charge of the paper, in future, for a few weeks, will devolve upon himself.” Then follows a long “Introductory,” beginning as follows: “The temporary editor of the Christian Inquirer would have greatly preferred to enter upon his brief service, without any special introduction. Indeed, he did not fully realize that he should have any claim to the title of editor until he found himself thus announced. The readers of the paper, therefore, may begin to imagine, though they cannot really apprehend his dismay as he read the Valedictory of his predecessors.” A long valedictory in the issue of July 8th, headed “Editorial,” begins with this paragraph:

“In consequence of the somewhat oppressive kindness of our predecessors’ introduction of us to the readers of the Inquirer, we were compelled to take the editorial chair in form three months ago, instead of sliding into it, unobserved, as we had hoped. The same original sin of our friends makes it necessary, now that our brief engagement has closed, distinctly to state that fact also. Our connection with the paper does not entirely close; but as we cannot be an Editor in New York, while on the sea-shore in Massachusetts, the special charge of its columns will pass into other hands.”

Clippings from every issue of the Christian Inquirer from July 15th to December 30th, 1848, are pasted into (C), but how many of the articles were written by Dr. Briggs himself it is impossible to say, as none are signed with either his name or his initials. But an article entitled “Present Experience of Immortal Life,” in the issue of July 29th, has at the bottom “G. W. Briggs” written in ink in his own hand.

233 Thus (D) contains only pp. 23–49 of no. 1; only pp. 25–36 of no. 21; and only pp. 41–52 of no. 54. See pp. 126, 132, 139, below.

234 Pasted into (C) is a clipping from the Microcosm of September 9, 1825, giving an account of the Commencement exercises at Brown University on September 7th. From this it appears that no. 7 on the programme was “A Greek Oration on Grecian Literature. By George W. Briggs.”

235 For the title of the sermon preached on this occasion, see no. 1, p. 126, below.

236 See our Publications, xxiii. 591–596.

237 The sermon preached on this occasion was published with the following title:

A Sermon, preached at the Installation of Rev. George W. Briggs, as Pastor of the First Church in Salem, January 6, 1853. By John Hopkins Morison, Pastor of the First Church in Milton. Salem: . . . 1853.

Title, 1 leaf; Sermon, pp. [3]–28; Right Hand of Fellowship, by Rev. Dr. Flint, of Salem, pp. [29]–32; Notices of the First Church in Salem and its Ministers, 1629 to 1853, by a Member, pp. [33]–62; Index, p. [63].

The cover reads: “Sermon at the Installation of Rev. George W. Briggs, as Pastor of the First Church in Salem, by Rev. Mr. Morison, of Milton. Right Hand of Fellowship, by Rev. Dr. Flint, of Salem. With Notices of the First Church and its Ministers by a Member.” The Notices were written by Daniel Appleton White, as appears from Dr. Briggs’s Memoir of Judge White, p. 43: see no. 63, p. 140, below.

238 “On Wednesday evening last, the installation of Rev. George W. Briggs, D.D., as pastor of the Cambridgeport Parish (Austin Street Unitarian Society) took place at the church” (Cambridge Chronicle, Saturday, April 6, 1867, p. 2/1). Dr. Briggs remained sole pastor until April 11, 1889: “The installation of the Rev. John Tunis as associate minister of the Third Congregationalist Society took place Thursday evening at the church on Austin street, . . . Rev. George W. Briggs made the address to the people” (Cambridge Chronicle, Saturday, April 13, 1889, p. 3/1). Cf. General Catalogue of the Divinity School of Harvard University (1910), p. 122.

239 This account is based on Professor Briggs’s sketch of his father cited in the next note. Cf. General Catalogue of the Divinity School of Harvard University (1910), p. 44.

240 LeB. R. Briggs, “George Ware Briggs, 1810–1895,” in Heralds of a Liberal Faith, III, The Preachers (1910), pp. 37–40.

241 See no. 62, p. 140, below.

242 Our Publications, vol. xxii. pp. lx–lxi.

243 In this list, the items are arranged by date of delivery, not necessarily that of publication.

244 That of George Latimer: see H. Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, i. 477–480.

245 Samuel Hoar (1778–1856; H. C. 1802) had been appointed agent by Governor Briggs on October 11, 1844: see Memorial Biographies of the New England Historic Genealogical Society (1883), iii. 113.

246 Possibly this is an error for Fairhaven, where Dr. Briggs delivered the “Address to the Society” at the ordination of the Rev. Thomas Dawes on October 30, 1844 (The Monthly Religious Magazine, December, 1844, i. 427).

247 The book was advertised in the Christian Register of December 20, 27, 1845, January 31, March 7, October 24, 1846, etc., xxiv. 203, 207, xxv. 19, 40, 171. It is described from the only copy I have seen, kindly loaned to me by Miss Catherine E. Russell of Boston.

248 William Thomas.

249 Zephaniah Willis was born at Bridgewater February 24, 1757; graduated at Harvard College in 1778; was ordained at Kingston October 18, 1780; withdrew in 1828; and died at Kingston March 6, 1847.

250 There is pasted into (C) the “Plymouth School Report for 1850,” no doubt taken from a Plymouth newspaper, though the name and date have been cut off. The School Committee consisted of “G. W. Briggs, R. Tomlinson, Adiel Harvey.” Following the Report is a letter signed “G. W. B.,” undated, which begins as follows: “Mr. Editor. —When the School Committee presented their Report for the last year, all of the School Registers had not been returned. Will you permit me to communicate through your paper, some of the statistics of the schools, which have been since obtained, for the information of the town?” Perhaps this Report was written by Dr. Briggs, but it is excluded from the list of his writings merely because it is not included in (A).

251 The Unitarian Book and Pamphlet Society was formed in August, 1827. Its Constitution, with the names of members, was published in Boston in 1829. Nos. 23, 34, 51, 56, 57, and 62, are reports of sermons or addresses.

252 Reprinted from The Monthly Religious Magazine for December, 1853, x. 558–568.

253 James Flint was born at Reading December 10, 1779; graduated at Harvard College in 1802; was settled at East Bridgewater October 29, 1806, resigning in 1821; was settled in the East Church, Salem, September 19, 1821; and died at Salem, March 4, 1855.

254 Also printed in the Essex County Mercury of June 4, 1856.

255 See W. Cushing’s Index to the Christian Register (1879), pp. 88, 139.

256 See also Boston Daily Advertiser, September 19 (p. 1/6), 21 (pp. 1/6, 1/8, 4/1), 22 (p. 1/6, where the “probable number of drowned” is given as 419, pp. 2/1, 2/3), 23 (pp. 1/8, 4/1).

257 See Report of the Treasurer of the Committee of Relief for the Sufferers by the Fall of the Pemberton Mill (1860); Final Report of the Treasurer, etc. (1861); J. F. C. Hayes, History of the City of Lawrence (1868), pp. 99–127; H. A. Wadsworth, History of Lawrence (1880), pp. 161–162.

258 Frederic West Lander was born in Salem December 17, 1822, and died in West Virginia March 2, 1862.

259 Also printed in the Salem Gazette of March 11, p. 2/2.

260 The name originally chosen was apparently Salem “Unconditional League:” see Salem Register, February 26 (p. 2/2), March 2 (p. 2/1), March 9 (pp. 2/3, 2/7), March 12 (p. 2/2), March 19 (pp. 2/2, 2/7).

261 Pickering Dodge Allen was born at Salem May 20, 1838, and died at Brashear City, Missouri, June 2, 1863. His father was John Fisk Allen.

262 Reprinted from Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, February and March, 1864, vi. 1–24, 49–71.

263 The square brackets are in the original.

264 Nathaniel Hall was born at Medford August 13, 1805; ordained at Dorchester July 16, 1835.

265 The centennial celebration in New York of Washington’s inauguration took place on Tuesday, April 30, 1889.

266 In this list, the dates are those of delivery, not necessarily of publication.

267 Proceedings, lii. 285–312.

268 Sephardi is the name by which a Jew of Spanish or Portuguese origin is usually designated.

269 Rovigo is a small city on the present railway between Padua and Ferrara.

270 Our Publications, vol. xxii. p. li.

271 Sketches of Mr. Ball are printed in Hurd’s History of Worcester County (1889), ii. 907–908, 920–921 (where will be found a portrait); in the Unitarian Year Book, 1903, pp. 156–157; and in the General Catalogue of the Meadville Theological School (1910), p. 2. See also our Publications, xxiii. 715, 716; Leominster Vital Records, p. 12; Bolton Vital Records, p. 109; C. F. Walcott, History of the Twenty-First Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers (1882), pp. 16, 50, 92, 167, 235, 430; W. A. Emerson, Leominster, Historical and Picturesque (1888), pp. 95, 110; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxii. 86, 87.

272 Actually written “Sergeant Joseph Ryde Ryder.” The name “Ryde” coming at the extreme right hand of the page, there was no room for the final letter and so “Ryder” was written on the line below.

273 To this point the entry is crossed out.

274 To this point the entry is crossed out.

275 “Josiah” is preceded by “Major,” crossed out.

276 To this point the entry is crossed out.

277 This name is clearly “Iyde” or “Jyde.” In the Plymouth Colony Records occur the following: Nicholas Hyde (or Hide), ii. 123, 126, iii. 4, 66, iv. 15, 151, v. 19, 278; Nicholas Ide (or Iyd or Iyde), iii. 158, v. 146, 209, 234, 237, vi. 8, 62, 86, viii. 100, 121, 201, 209; Jyde, iii. 119, iv. 84. According to Savage, there was no Nicholas Hyde in New England in the seventeenth century. On the other hand, there were several persons named Nicholas Ide. Presumably, therefore, “Hyde” as printed in the Plymouth Colony Records, is a misreading of “Ide” or one of its variants.

278 This entry is crossed out.

279 This name is crossed out.

280 This name is crossed out.

281 This entry is crossed out.

282 This name is crossed out.

283 This name is crossed out.

284 To this point the entry is crossed out.

285 This name is crossed out.

286 This name is crossed out.

287 This name is crossed out.

288 This name is crossed out.

289 This name is crossed out.

290 This name is crossed out.

291 This name is crossed out.

292 To this point the entry is crossed out.

293 To this point the entry is crossed out.

294 To this point the entry is crossed out.

295 To this point the entry is crossed out.

296 To this point the entry is crossed out.

297 This name is crossed out.

298 This name is crossed out.

299 This name is crossed out.

300 This name is crossed out.

301 To this point the entry is crossed out.

302 To this point the entry is crossed out.

303 This name is crossed out.

304 This name is crossed out.

305 This name is crossed out.

306 Presumably this word was “Propounded:” cf. Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 42, 62, 86, etc.

307 “For I determined not to know any thing among you, save Jesus Christ, and him Crucified.” On p. 1 the text is wrongly attributed to 1 Cor. ii. 6.

308 Title, 1 leaf; Dedication, pp. i–iv; Sermon, pp. 1–18. The headline on each page reads, “A Sermon Preached in the College, &c.”

309 Our Publications, xii. 220, 227–231.

310 For a sketch of him, see A. C. Potter and C. K. Bolton, Librarians of Harvard College, 1667–1877, Library of Harvard University, Bibliographical Contributions, No. 52 (1897), p. 16.

311 Here the word “thereof” or “whereof” is crossed out.

312 This is a portrait seal.

313 Faculty Records, iii. 42; Boxford Vital Records, p. 21; S. Perley, History of Boxford (1880), p. 353.

314 Faculty Records, iii. 118. Cf. our Publications, xvii. 277, 281.

315 Faculty Records, iii. 100, 150, 152, 155, 173, 183.

316 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxiv. 56, 59, 60, 61.

317 Faculty Records, iii. 41.

318 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxx. 34.

319 Faculty Records, ii. 241; Andover Vital Records, i. 161; Ellen F. Barker, Frye Genealogy (1920), p. 54.

320 Faculty Records, iii. 50, 67–68, 105–106, 152, 154.

321 Faculty Records, iii. 41; Grafton Vital Records, p. 75; F. B. Dexter, Yale Biographies and Annals, ii. 122; C. A. Downs, History of Lebannon, N. H., p. 151, etc. In C. H. Bell’s Bench and Bar of New Hampshire (p. 455) it is wrongly stated that Hutchinson was born in Connecticut and graduated at Yale College in 1770.

322 Faculty Records, iii. 118; J. Chapman, Leonard Weeks of Greenland, New Hampshire, and Descendants, 1639–1888 (1889), p. 20; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxix. 37. In the last two works Clement Weeks is stated to have died January 4, 1829. This is an error for January 6, 1830. An obituary notice appeared in the New Hampshire Gazette of January 12, 1830, p. 3/3.

323 The last two or three letters are uncertain.

324 Here something is crossed out.

325 Altered from “2^d.”

326 The words “2^d Lieut.” are written above “Ensign,” crossed out.

327 Altered from “Clark.”

328 The first figure is somewhat uncertain.

329 Here the words “Rice ter^t 4 Sargent Lane” are crossed out.

330 P. 347.

331 William Wetmore was born at Middletown, Ct., October 30, 1749; was for many years an attorney in Salem; was in Boston in 1787, and died there November 19, 1830. (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 313 note.)

332 Solomon Vose was born at Milton February 22, 1768; practised law at Northfield; removed to Augusta, Maine, in 1803, and died there in 1809. (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 339 note.)

333 Collection of College Words and Customs, ed. 1851, pp. 156–157; ed. 1856, pp. 247–248. Cf. 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, viii. 69 note.

334 Harvard Book (1875), i. 42, ii. 375. Cf. A. S. Pier, Story of Harvard (1913), p. 78.

335 Faculty Records, iii. 118; History of Hingham (1893), ii. 23; J. Thacher, American Medical Biography (1828), i. 143–144.

336 Faculty Records, iii. 119; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 281; Thacher, American Medical Biography, ii. 238–241. Cf. our Publications, xix. 286, 288, 289 note.

337 Faculty Records, iii. 119; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxi. 149.

338 For a sketch of him, see our Publications, xxi. 280–283.

339 Faculty Records, iii. 118; Haverhill Vital Records, i. 235, ii. 452; I. Osgood, Genealogy of the Descendants of John, Christoper and William Osgood (1894), pp. 46, 91–92.

340 Faculty Records, iii. 169; Newbury Vital Records, i. 378, ii. 682.

341 Faculty Records, iii. 169; Sturbridge Vital Records, p. 110; A. H. Ward, Genealogical History of the Rice Family (1858), pp. 81, 145–146.

342 Faculty Records, iii. 119; Ipswich Vital Records, i. 343; Newburyport Vital Records, ii. 789.

343 Faculty Records, iii. 119; Martha J. Tenney, Tenney Family (1904), pp. 51, 86–87; Biographical Congressional Directory, 1774–1911 (1913), p. 1047; Thacher, American Medical Biography, ii. 117–121.

344 Faculty Records, iii. 119; Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii. 1007.

345 Faculty Records, iii. 118.

346 Haverhill Vital Records, i. 312; New Hampshire Town Papers, xiii. 434; Biographical Congressional Directory (1913), p. 1105. In the last cited work the date of his death is wrongly given as August 11, 1811. An obituary notice appeared in the Columbian Centinel of June 29, 1811, p. 2/4. This Phillips White (1729–1811) was the son of William and Sarah (Phillips) White of Haverhill.

347 College Book, i. 43, 45; our Publications, xv. 26, 31.

348 C. A. Bristed, Five Years in an English University, 2d ed., 1852, p. 13. See also B. H. Hall, Collection of College Words and Customs, 1856, p. 192.

349 College Book, i. 182–183; our Publications, xv. 135.

350 College Book, iii. 42; our Publications, xv. 209.

351 College Book, iii. 40; our Publications, xv. 207.

352 This name is somewhat obscure: perhaps it is “Langhorn.” So far as it is known there was no Thomas Langham here at that time. There was, however, a Thomas Longhorn (or Longhorne) then at Cambridge, though, since he was a butcher and town drummer, it does not seem likely that he could have been the man. Nor could his son Thomas have been the fellow-commoner, since he died in infancy.

353 John Ven was one of the patentees named in the Massachusetts charter of 1629 (our Publications, ii. 10, 11, 12, 13), and his son Thomas was here in 1644 to look after his father’s interests: see Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 76, iii. 8.

354 See p. 170, below.

355 Presumably Edward Pelham: see p. 174, below.

356 As there were between 1642 and 1678 no fewer than nine graduates whom these initials would fit, the identification of this I.B. is hopeless.

357 The only alumnus — graduate or temporary student — whose name fits these initials is William Whittingham of the Class of 1660.

358 Speaking of the Rev. Samuel Parris, of unhappy memory in the witchcraft episode at Salem, Savage says that he “was educated at Harvard but left before graduation” (Genealogical Dictionary, iii. 345–346). No evidence is known to support this notion, and perhaps Savage confused Samuel Parris with the “M^r Parish” for whose study glass was furnished on March 5, 1644 (College Book, i. 3). On the extreme right of the page is written in pencil (of course very much later) “his son 1659.” If this is correct, the Mr. Parish who was living at the College in some unknown capacity was Thomas Parish, father of the Thomas Parish who graduated in 1659. There is some reason for believing that the Rev. Samuel Parris and the Thomas Parish who was in the Class of 1659 were brothers.

359 College Book, i. 79; our Publications, xv. 62.

360 College Book, i. 78; our Publications, xv. 60.

361 This line, and the note after the third line, were evidently written in at a different time.

362 See p. 175, below.

363 See p. 175, below.

364 This was Thomas Shepard of the Class of 1653.

365 See p. 174, below.

366 College Book, i. 85; our Publications, xv. 73.

367 College Book, iv. 192; our Publications, xvi. 651.

368 UAI 3. 5.

369 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 403–408; F. B. Dexter, Historical Papers, pp. 1–5.

370 They show, for instance, that the French, German, and Italian instructors were not accommodated in University Hall, but that Francis Sales had his classes in No. 5 Hollis Hall, Charles Follen in No. 7 Massachusetts Hall, and Pietro Bachi in No. 5 Stoughton Hall.

371 The numbers within square brackets indicate the corresponding numbers on the plates accompanying this paper. For an explanation of the numbers within parentheses, preceded by the letters “M. F. A.,” see p. 171 note 3, below.

The plates accompanying this paper, facing pp. 166 and 172, show eleven pieces of silver, which, with the names (where known) of their donors or owners, are as follows:

Plate I

1. 1 Bowl: Edward Holyoke
2. 2 Tea-pot: William Kneeland
3. 3 Cup: Samuel Browne
4. 4 Tankard
5. 5 Tankard

Plate II

1. 6 Tankard: John Vassall. Cf. No. 11
2. 7 Candlestick: Henry Flynt. Cf. No. 10
3. 8 Cup: William Stoughton
4. 9 Salt: Richard Harris
5. 10 Candlestick: Henry Flynt. Cf. No. 7
6. 11 Tankard: William Vassall. Cf. No. 6

372 College Book, i. 3, 10. The earlier account is dated March 5, 1644.

373 Cf. Publications Cambridge Historical Society, iii. 14–15.

374 Cf. p. 89, above.

375 Nearly all of the early silver owned by the College was included in an exhibition of American silver at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts in 1906, and is described and figured in its catalogue “American Silver: the Work of Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Silversmiths, exhibited at the Museum of Fine Arts, June to November, 1906.” The numbers in this catalogue are here noted within parentheses, preceded by the letters “M. F. A.,” after each piece described there.

376 “Item I give to Harvard College in Cambridge, sixty pounds to be Improved for purchasing an handsom piece of Plate for y^e College, with my Coat of Arms on it” (College Book, iii. 105; our Publications, xv. 282).

377 E. D. Hines, Browne Hill and what has happened there, in Essex Institute Historical Collections, 1896, xxxii, 214.

378 College Book, iv. 93.

379 Cf. our Publications, xix. 8.

380 The name of Benjamin Browne is found in the list of temporary students printed in our Publications, xvii. 271–285, but not the names of Edward Paige, Langham, or Ven. Mr. Matthews tells me that the last three names were in his manuscript list but were excluded from the printed list because the facts in regard to them were so obscure.

381 Harvard Graduates, i. 549, 573. I am indebted to Mr. S. F. Batchelder for calling my attention to these references.

382 Peirce, History of Harvard University, pp. 313–314.

383 In the University Archives (UAI 3.200) is a copy of notes relating to the Harris salt and other pieces of silver, written by Librarian Thaddeus W. Harris in 1847 for President Everett’s use at the Commencement dinner of that year; also typewritten notes on the College silver by J. H. Buck, an Englishman in the employ of the Gorham Manufacturing Co., made in 1886. An illustrated article by Mr. Buck was printed in The Curio, September, 1887, i. 20–22.

Thomas’s History of Printing in America (ed. 1874, ii. 383–390) gives various documents connected with the lawsuits between the Glover heirs and President Dunster. In the inventories several pieces of silver are mentioned, but there seems to be no reason to connect any of them with the silver mentioned in the early College lists.

384 Several years ago Professor Le Baron R. Briggs called the attention of Mr. Matthews to a medal which was then owned by the daughters of the late Dr. Jonathan Greely Stevenson, who graduated at Harvard in the class of 1816. The medal, which is now in the collection of the Massachusetts Historical Society, is in the shape of a star with fourteen points, and bears on one side the inscription:

Fide et Amicitia

K. P. S.

1809

And on the other side is inscribed:

J. Greely Stevenson M.D.

Boston

b. 1790. d. 1835.

The significance of the letters “K. P. S.” eluded Mr. Matthews’s research, but the book-plate exhibited by Mr. Potter makes it reasonably certain that they stand for “Knights of the Pudding Stick.” The date 1809 undoubtedly indicates the year in which the society or club was started. Dr. Stevenson in 1813 became a member of the Knights of the Square Table —a fact which tends to corroborate Mr. Potter’s conclusion that the older club was merged in the younger one, both being later absorbed by the Porcellian.

385 Parkman became a member of the Knights of the Square Table in 1810.

386 Land in Rowley was bequeathed to the College by the Rev. Ezekiel Rogers, who died in 1661. For many years the land was leased, but in 1733 the College obtained from the General Court permission to sell it. The portion sold to Daniel Hale in 1738 consisted of “Four freehold Rights or Com̄onages in Mill Swamp pasture in y^e lower Com̄: in Rowley,” etc. The deed is signed by the President, Fellows, and Treasurer of the College.

387 This is one of the earliest seals attached to such a document now extant.

The impression is unfortunately a poor one, but the word “Christo” is very clear.

388 The Rev. John Wilson (1621–1691; H. C. 1642) of Medfield was the son of the Rev. John Wilson (1588–1667) of Boston.

389 Apparently altered from “4^th.”

390 By cousin is here meant nephew. The Rev. John Danforth (1660–1730; H. C. 1677) of Dorchester was the son of the Rev. Samuel Danforth (H. C. 1643) of Roxbury, who married Mary Wilson, a sister of the Rev. John Wilson of Medfield.

391 This John Wilson (1660–1728) is said (cf. our Publications, xvii. 275, 285) to have been a temporary student at Harvard. He taught school at Medfield, preached at New Haven, returned to Medfield where, owing to the opposition of the town, he failed to succeed his father as pastor, and removed to Braintree, where he practised medicine from 1692 to his death. See New England Historical and Genealogical Register, lxi. 38–41, 127–129; W. S. Tilden, History of Medfield, pp. 520–524.

392 This was the mother of the Rev. John Danforth of Dorchester. After the death of her husband the Rev. Samuel Danforth of Roxbury, she married Joseph Rock.

393 It is a pamphlet of forty-eight pages, bound in a blue paper cover, dated “No. I. August, 1833.”

394 The location of Harvard’s grave is not known, but he was probably buried, with other early settlers, in or near what has since been known as the City Square, in which the first meeting-house was built.

395 Cf. Harvard Book, ii. 201–204; Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, xv. 457–458, 531–533.

396 This paper was read in a somewhat different form at the annual meeting of the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the State of California, held at San Francisco, November 22, 1919.

397 Evidently a misprint for “fruitful.” The Latin verse is: Faelix frugiferis sulcis, simul aequore faelix.

398 Perhaps a misprint for trigonas.

399 He was a son of William Crosby (H. C. 1794).

400 In the preparation of this paper, I have derived much assistance from Mr. Lane and Mr. Albert Matthews, the former of whom has supplied several extracts from the Bernard Papers. The papers here cited as the Bernard Papers, filling thirteen volumes, are among the Sparks Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library. Cf. J. Winsor, Calendar of the Sparks Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library (Library of Harvard University, Bibliographical Contributions, No. 22, 1889), pp. 4–6.

401 For Bernard’s genealogy and family history, see J. Nichols, Literary Anecdotes, ii. 235n–237n; Lipscomb, History of Buckinghamshire, i. 519; Mrs. Napier Higgins, The Bernards of Abington and Nether Winchendon, vols. i and ii. The exact date of Bernard’s birth is not known, but he was baptized on July 2, 1712.

402 Antonii Alsopi Aedis Christi olim Alumni Odarum Libri Duo. Londini, MDCCLII. “This little volume,” says Nichols, “was dedicated by Mr. Francis Bernard, the ingenious editor, in an elegant copy of Verses, to Thomas Duke of Newcastle” (Literary Anecdotes, ii. 233–234).

403 A week earlier the Court had granted also twelve townships east of the Penobscot: see p. 204, below.

404 Lincoln Deeds, iv. 80; Bangor Historical Magazine, vi. 20.

405 Royal Commission on the Losses and Services of the American Loyalists, 1783 to 1785 (Roxburghe Club, 1915), p. 264.

406 Burrage, Maine in the Northeastern Boundary Controversy (1919), pp. 10–18.

407 Gov. Shirley in a letter to Secretary Willard, June 24, 1752, recognized the importance of these works with reference to province bounds. See Massachusetts Archives, liv. 204–207; Documentary History of the State of Maine, xii. 180.

408 Burrage, Maine in the Northeastern Boundary Controversy, p. 16.

409 W. H. Kilby, Eastport and Passamaquoddy (1888), p. 45.

410 Documentary History of the State of Maine, xiii. 391.

411 Bernard was a clever draughtsman and, as Hutchinson says (History of Massachusetts, iii. 105 note), “a very ingenious architect.” He was the architect of the present Harvard Hall.

412 A letter from Abraham Somes to Eben Parsons, dated April 20, 1816, the original of which is in the Boston Public Library, refers to these settlers. In that year Somes, who was the first permanent settler on Mount Desert, was called upon to defend his title and this letter was one of several written to his lawyer. The following is copied from the original:

“sometime before the French War was over I received a letter from Sir Francis Barnard inviting me to go to Boston for in it he wanted to see me — Accordingly I went to see him, He asked me if I did not want a farm on the Island of Mount Desert I excepted the proposal he likewise requested me to procure as many Setlers as I could to go with me to setle the Land. I accordingly came down immediately after the War was over and peace ratified between Great Britain and the French & Indians — so that I could be safe in moving into the Wilderness; I came to this place which was in the Autumn of the year 1761 and made a pitch on this Lot I now live and in June the year following I moved my family and setled on the same lot, . . .

“In the year 1763 or 4 the said Sir Francis came in person . . . to this Island and remained here some Considerable time, and I attended on him, and piloted him and assisted him in making discoveries of Natural privile[ges] if any there might be. At that time he gave me this lot with all the priviledges thereunto belonging, and advised me to build mills and clear up my farm, for said he you never shall be interrupted, I accordingly proceeded, and have been in the peaceable possession of the premises for the full term of fifty two years before any difficulty.”

In another letter in the same collection, also dated April 20, 1816, Somes says that he and Ebenezer Sutton of Ipswich visited Southwest Harbor in 1755 when Somes bought Greening’s Island from the Indians for a gallon of “occopy” (rum), while Sutton’s purchase of the island which still bears his name cost him two quarts. The Indian governor from whom the purchases were made drew the deeds on a piece of birch bark, but Somes and Sutton “not understanding neither the description nor the worth of the Islands, never attended to the Subject nor took care of the birch bark and left them to drink their Occopy and to take the good of their bargain.” To Mrs. Fannie Hardy Eckstorm of Brewer, Maine, I am indebted for deciphering this Indian word for rum. She has pointed out that Somes’s occopy is the aoukoubi as given by Rasle (Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, New Series, 1833, i. 437). Cf. J. L. Locke, Sketches of the History of the Town of Camden, Maine, p. 47.

413 Bernard Papers, x. 21–27.

414 Documentary History of the State of Maine, xiii. 391.

415 Documentary History of the State of Maine, xiii. 391–392.

416 See Bernard’s memorial, pp. 212–215, below.

417 Massachusetts Province Laws, xvii. 168.

418 Cf. Bernard Papers, x. 199–200.

419 Bernard Papers, x. 299–301.

420 The postscript of June 11 is not in the Bernard Papers, and is copied from the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 246.

421 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, iv. 457–458.

422 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 186–189.

423 Massachusetts Historical Collections, lxxiv. 69. Cf. Massachusetts Province Laws, xvii. 168, 169–177.

424 Palfrey, History of New England, v. 232 note, 248 note.

425 Originally written “Dec 31 1762,” but the “3” in “31” has been erased. In their letter of March 11, 1763, the Lords of Trade and Plantations speak of Bernard’s “letter to our Secretary, dated the first of December:” see p. 230, below.

426 Bernard Papers, x. 45–47.

427 Documentary History of the State of Maine, xiii. 296–302.

428 Bernard Papers, x. 91–94.

429 This date is somewhat uncertain: perhaps “1729.” Probably the year 1726 is meant: see Publications of this Society, xx. 128–147.

430 Cf. p. 248 note 3, below.

431 Bernard Papers, x. 83–88.

432 Bernard Papers, x. 83–88.

The House Journal for 1762 has at the end, filling pp. i-xix, “Appendix to the Votes Of the House of Representatives, For the Year 1762. A brief State of the Title of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay to the Country between the Rivers Kennebeck and St. Croix.” On p. xix is the following:

The Committee appointed to prepare a State of the Title of the Province to the Country between the Rivers Kennebeck and St. Croix, have prepared the foregoing, which is submitted in the Name and by Order of the Committee.

January 18, 1763. T. Hutchinson.

The report was read and accepted in Council on January 20, and in the House on February 1, and consented to by Gov. Bernard.

433 For the second letter, see pp. 228–230, below.

434 Documentary History of the State of Maine, xiii. 308–311.

435 Bernard Papers, x. 37.

436 Bernard Papers, x. 38–39.

437 Id. x. 41–42.

438 Bernard Papers, x. 67–73.

439 This copy is in Bernard Papers, x. 89.

440 Bernard Papers, x. 75–81.

441 See p. 210 note 3, above.

442 Bernard Papers, x. 63–65.

443 Bernard Papers, x. 163.

444 Id. x. 175.

445 Id. x. 179–180.

446 Id. x. 189.

447 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, vi. 359, iv. 614.

448 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, vi. 369–371.

449 Id. iv. 615.

450 G. E. Street, who prints the document in full (Mount Desert, 1905, pp. 118n-120n), says that the appeal was “dated October, 1764” (p. 118), but the document is undated.

451 In the Bernard Papers are two interesting documents. One (x. 226–228), dated September 8, 1764, is entitled “Proposals for settling a Colony of Germans at a Town in the Island of Mountdesert,” and has been printed in the Bangor Historical Magazine, v. 1–2. The other (x. 207–208) is as follows:

Proposals for a fishery at Mount Desert, October 5, 1764.

The Governor at the desire of some of the Settlers there, has undertaken to provide two small Schooners & two large Whaleboats, with all proper fitting, To be employed in a fishery in the following Manner.

There shall be ten people employed in fishing, that is; two on board each Schooner, & three on board each Whaleboat, & one Shoresman with such assistants as he shall want & procure, who shall live at the flakes.

The Flakes with a house for the Shoresman, & a Storehouse for the fish, shall be built on a point of land which forms the West Side of the Strait which leads out of the South West harbour into the long Sound; all the persons concerned in the fishery shall assist in erecting the Same; The Governor finding doors Windows & Nails & boards & Slate for the roof, & therefore having the property of the building.

All the fish that shall be caught in the said Boats, shall be brought to the flakes, there to be cured & kept in common; or in such Divisions partnerships as the fishermen shall choose to divide themselves: provided, that every boat at least shall be in partnership.

Towards the Close of the year, & at the ending of the fishery, at one or two times as shall be thought most convenient; all the fish so made shall be divided into five parts, & one fifth part, without any deduction or charge soever, except the proportion of Salt, shall be reserved to the Governor for the use of the Boats &c; the other four fifths shall remain to the fishermen in such Divisions & partnerships as they shall have agreed upon.

We whose Names are underwritten do agree to these proposals, & do promise & engage to conform thereto, & to observe the Same, In Witness whereof We have hereunto set our hands.

452 Bernard Papers, x. 216–219.

453 See p. 244 note 7, below.

454 See p. 231, above.

455 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, iv. 576–579.

456 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 434–436.

457 cxviii. 379. Some words, as indicated in the footnotes, are written in.

458 The next eleven words are written in.

459 This entire sentence is written in.

460 A copy of this printed broadside is in the Massachusetts Archives, cxviii. 378. It is entitled “A State of the Earl of Stirling’s Title, to that Part of New-England, now commonly called Sagadahook.”

461 Massachusetts Archives, cxviii. 377.

462 Council Records, xvi. 347.

463 Only two examples of this verb, dated 1696 and 1726, are given in the Oxford English Dictionary.

464 Massachusetts Archives, cxviii. 380–381; cf. Council Records, xvi. 349.

465 Massachusetts Archives, cxviii. 382–383.

466 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, iii. 225–226.

467 The title became extinct by the death of the sixth Baronet, Sir Thomas Tyringham Bernard, May 8, 1883.

468 A copy of this petition is in Bernard’s Select Letters, London, 1774, p. 89.

469 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, iii. 246 note. See the Letters of Dennys De Berdt, Publications of this Society, xiii. 293–461.

470 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, v. 220.

471 Id. iii. 282–283.

472 Id. vi. 484.

473 Id. vi. 504.

474 In a letter to me Professor Charles M. Andrews, after pointing out that Bernard’s petition to accept his grant of Mt. Desert was on July 17, 1764, sent back by the Board of Trade to the Privy Council with the request that the Council should “consider whether the Province of Massachusetts Bay have, or have not a Right to make Grants of Land within the territory of Sagadahock” (see p. 233, above), goes on to say: “Evidently this return of the report to the Board involved considerable investigation and probably a sending of the question, which was a legal one, to the standing counsel of the Board, at that time Sir Matthew Lamb. We know that Lamb was dilatory in getting his opinions back to the Board, and I presume that if we could get at the Board of Trade papers we should find that the delay was due to Lamb’s procrastination. Lamb died in 1768 and I know that he left a large number of colonial laws unreported, and it is more than likely that this matter of the jurisdiction of Massachusetts was among the matters that had not been examined. At any rate Bernard petitioned again towards the end of 1769, and his petition was received by the Privy Council and on December 13 was sent down to the Board of Trade. Just what the Board did with it I cannot say, as Lamb was dead and his successor, Richard Jackson, was not appointed until the middle of the year 1770 (the interim was November 26, 1768, to May 1, 1770). It may be that Lamb’s report had come in or that the Board acted without legal advice, though the latter would be most unusual, or that they waited till Jackson came in. However, on May 4, 1770—the date looks as if Jackson had got down to business at once, and he was a very learned man—the Board sent in its second report on the petition, proposing that ‘the grant be ratified, without prejudice to the rights of the Crown in and over the Territory of Sagadahoc,’ a position corresponding to that taken by the Board in 1732 in the case of the petition of Samuel Waldo for land between the Kennebec and the St. Croix Rivers. It may be that all the Board did was to instruct its secretary or clerk of the reports to look up its own records, in order to find out what precedent had been established.”

475 Commissions, Proclamations, Pardons, etc., 1767–1775, pp. 207–209 (Massachusetts Archives). Cf. Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, v. 220.

476 Palfrey, History of New England, v. 408 note.

477 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 966–967.

478 An interesting account of his last moments will be found in Hutchinson’s Diary and Letters, ii. 318–319.

479 Street, Mount Desert, p. 127.

480 Id. pp. 128–130.

481 Advertisements relating to the sale of the portion owned by the de Gregoires, inserted by them and by others, will be found in the following issues of the Massachusetts Centinel for 1790: May 19, p. 3/1; May 22, p. 2/1; June 2, p. 3/3; June 2, supplement, p. 4/3; June 5, p. 3/2; June 12, p. 4/3; June 19, p. 3/3; July 28, p. 3/4; August 4, p. 4/4; August 11, p. 4/2; August 18, p. 4/4; August 25, p. 4/2; September 1, p. 3/3. The sale was to be at auction on September 2. Mr. Percival Merritt kindly called my attention to these references.

482 3 Collections Maine Historical Society, i. 150.

483 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, vi. 484.

484 Cf. 1 Collections Maine Historical Society, vii. 199–206; 3 Collections Maine Historical Society, i. 147–157; Sprague’s Journal of Maine History, ii. 219.

485 Vergennes.

486 The inscription is printed in full in 1 Collections Maine Historical Society, vi. 337–338.

487 Works, iii. 304.

488 In J. L. Sibley, History of the Town of Union, Maine (1851), p. 23 note.

489 This account is based on data furnished by Mr. Matthews. For further details, see his paper on “The Portraits of Sir Francis Bernard,” published by the Club of Odd Volumes (1922).

490 The words “by Copley” are interlined in pencil. For the extracts from the Club records I am indebted to Mr. Merritt.

Under date of November 21, 1888, there is mention in the records of “an engraving to be made by Wilcox after the portrait in England, a photograph of which, loaned by a former member Dr. C. E. Banks, is now in the hands of the Engraver being engraved;” and it was voted that the plate “be cancelled, and hung on the walls of the club room.” On February 20, 1889, proofs of the portrait were shown to the members; and on April 24, 1889, it was announced that the plate had been cancelled.

491 With the permission of the Club of Odd Volumes.

492 Mrs. Higgins, The Bernards, ii. 235.

493 Massachusetts Historical Collections, lxxi. 223.

494 i. 51.

495 ii. 206. It was perhaps through Dr. Banks that Mr. Daniels learned of the painting at Christ Church. In January, 1888, the Rev. Henry W. Foote spoke of the Daniels print before the Massachusetts Historical Society, and in February presented a copy of the print to the Society. (2 Proceedings, iv. 61, 66.)

496 v. 31.

497 As the Daniels print was purely a commercial venture, Mr. Daniels naturally wished to have its authenticity placed beyond the possibility of a doubt. Hence he had the letter facsimiled, and presumably sent a copy of the facsimile with each copy of the print sold. The letter in the text is printed from such a facsimile found by Dr. Banks in a New York print shop in February, 1921.

498 Boston Gazette, August 7, 1769, p. 2/2.

499 Thomas Hubbard.

500 College Book, vii. 145. Cf. Donation Book, i. 81; J. Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii. 485.

501 Boston Evening Post, December 19, 1768, p. 1/1.

502 College Book, vii. 184. At a meeting of the Overseers on November 25, 1768, “A Vote of the Corporation at their Meeting this day Viz That the Picture of Governor Bernard with the other pictures in the Hall be placed in the Philosophy room . . . read and consented to” (Overseers’ Records, iii. 13).

503 Boston Evening Post, May 8, 1769, p. 1/3.

504 Cf. New Hampshire State Papers, xxvi, 20–22, 627–628.

505 Lucy C. Kellogg (History of the Town of Bernardston, 1902) says:

“The fact that the place was named for a Tory Governor has, at times, aroused the ire of some of her citizens, but some measure of consolation may be gleaned from the truism that the man could hardly have been held alone responsible for the age in which he lived, nor yet for having been born a British subject. May not the circumstance of his being considered by his king worthy to assume such a position, serve in some degree to mitigate this feeling?” (p. 2).

A search among the printed accounts of Bernardsville, New Jersey, has failed to reveal any criticism of the naming of the town.

506 A Most Excellent Instruction for the Exact and perfect keeping Merchant Bookes of Accovnts, by way of Debitor and Creditor, after the Italian manner: . . . By I. C. Gent . . . . London: . . . 1632. It is a folio, containing pp. i–viii, 1–152. The author was I. Carpenter.

507 Paddy’s will is printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 355.

508 This paper will be printed later in our Transactions.

509 “As soon as the Grenadiers & Light Infantry perceived the 1^st Brigade drawn up for their support, they shouted repeatedly, and the firing ceased for a short time” (Diary of Lieut. Frederick Mackenzie, in 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 392).

510 The erroneous idea that the Brigade received Smith’s fugitives within a hollow square at Lexington apparently originated with Stedman the British historian in 1794 (History of the American War, i. 119). Percy states in his report to Gage that he “drew up the Brigade on a height” (Letters, 1902, p. 50). Lieut. Mackenzie gives us the authoritative account of the disposition of the troops at Lexington and makes it clear that they stood in line of battle throughout the halt. He states that the Grenadiers and Light Infantry “retired and formed behind the brigade” (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 392).

511 This blunder is thus described in a letter dated Boston, July 5, 1775:

“The general ordered the first brigade under arms at four in the morning; these orders the evening before were carried to the brigade major’s; he was not at home; the orders were left; no enquiry was made after him; he came home late; his servant forgot to tell him there was a letter on his table; four o’clock came; no brigade appeared; at five o’clock an express from Smith desiring a reinforcement produced an enquiry; the above discovery was made; at six o’clock part of the brigade got on the parade; there they waited expecting the marines; at seven no marines appearing, another enquiry commenced; they said they had received no orders; it was asserted they had; in the altercation it came out that the order had been addressed to Major Pitcairn who commanded the marines and left at his quarters, though the gentleman concerned ought to have recollected that Pitcairn had been dispatched the evening before with the grenadiers and light infantry under Lieut. Col. Smith. This double mistake lost us from four till nine o’clock, the time we marched off to support Col. Smith” (Detail and Conduct of the American War, 3rd ed., London, 1780, p. 10). This letter is found in an earlier but undated edition of the same pamphlet, entitled A View of the Evidence relative to the Conduct of the American War, etc., London, p. 72.

512 This refers to the atrocity perpetrated upon a wounded British soldier at the North Bridge in Concord. Gage in his “Circumstantial Account” addressed to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut says: “When captain Parsons returned with the three companies over the bridge, they observed three soldiers on the ground, one of them scalped, (his head much mangled, and his ears cut off,) though not quite dead; a sight, which struck the soldiers with horrour” (2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 226).

The Rev. William Gordon, who had the facts from the Rev. William Emerson of Concord, wrote in his letter of May 17, 1775: “A young fellow coming over the bridge in order to join the country people, and seeing the soldier wounded and attempting to get up, not being under the feelings of humanity, very barbarously broke his skull, and let out his brains with a small axe, (apprehend of the tomahawk kind,) but as to his being scalped and having his ears cut off, there was nothing in it. The poor object lived an hour or two before he expired” (Force, 4 American Archives, ii. 630).

This event made a profound impression upon the soldiers, nearly one hundred of whom saw the victim, and gave rise to the conviction that the Americans scalped the wounded. In an intercepted letter written by a private soldier we find this comment: “These people . . . are full as bad as the Indians for scalping and cutting the dead men’s ears and noses off, and those they get alive, that are wounded, and cannot get off the ground” (Force, 4 American Archives, ii. 440).

513 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxi. 382.

514 “Let the mark of British tyranny made in this house of God, remain till time itself shall consume the fabrick, and it moulders into dust” (Faith in Divine Providence, the great support of God’s People in perilous times. A Sermon, etc., 1780, p. 26).

515 “They appeared most numerous in the road near the Church, and in a wood in the front and on the left flank of the line where our Regiment was posted. A few Cannon shot were fired at those on & near the road, which dispersed them” (Mackenzie, 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 392).

516 History of the American War (1794), i. 118.

517 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 392.

518 Id. p. 393.

519 May 31, 1775 (Writings, ed. Ford, ii. 475).

520 Percy’s report to Gage says “We arrived at Charlestown, between 7 & 8 in the even, very much fatigued with a march of above 30 miles, & having exhausted almost all our ammunition” (Letters, p. 50). Evidently Percy had ammunition enough but none to spare. He avoided real peril by following the short route home.

521 As a result of research among the muster rolls in the Massachusetts Archives, Mr. Frank W. Coburn of the Lexington Historical Society estimates the number of provincial reinforcements entering the fight at Arlington as 1779 (The Battle of April 19, 1775, in Lexington, Concord, etc., 1912, p. 135). He gives the total number of Americans engaged during the day as 3760. Percy after joining with Smith had a force of 1500 men, but it is not certain that Smith’s men should be rated as effectives on the retreat to Charlestown. Their ammunition was exhausted when they reached Lexington, and as the Brigade went out with only thirty-six rounds there could hardly have been any redistribution of powder and ball during the halt. Percy states in his report to Gage that he sent off the Grenadiers and Light Infantry in the van and “covered them” with his Brigade, – a hint that these troops may have been more of a hindrance than a help on the retreat. Probably the looting was in large measure due to them.

522 De Berniere (General Gage’s Instructions, 1779, p. 20; 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 218–219) gives the casual ties among the officers as 2 killed and 13 wounded. Of these 4 occurred at the North Bridge, 1 near Concord, 8 near Lexington, and 2 in Menotomy. Probably Lieut. -Col. Bernard wounded and Lieut. Knight killed in the last named place were the only officers to fall after Percy began his march.

523 De Berniere (General Gage’s Instructions, 1779, p. 20; 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 218–219) gives the casual ties among the officers as 2 killed and 13 wounded. Of these 4 occurred at the North Bridge, 1 near Concord, 8 near Lexington, and 2 in Menotomy. Probably Lieut. -Col. Bernard wounded and Lieut. Knight killed in the last named place were the only officers to fall after Percy began his march.

524 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 394.

525 Diary of a British Officer in Boston, in Atlantic Monthly (1877), xxxix. 400. The authorship of this diary is somewhat in doubt. In the Atlantic Monthly (xxxix. 389) the author is said to have been either Lieut. Peregrine Francis Thorne or Lieut. David Hamilton; but the late Rev. E. G. Porter showed in our Publications (v. 49–55) that the author was doubtless John Barker.

526 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 393.

527 Jacob Rogers’s petition, in Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston, p. 372.

528 June 9, 1775, in Percy’s Letters, p. 54 note.

529 “They kept up a constant fire upon us for upwards of 15 miles, yet only killed of us about 40 men” (Percy to Henry Reveley, May, 1775, in Letters, p. 55). Gage’s first report (London Chronicle, June 13, 1775, xxxvii. 554) gave the British loss for the whole day as 65 killed, 180 wounded, 27 missing, a total of 272. This was subsequently amended (General Gage’s Instructions, Boston, 1779, p. 20; 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 218-219) to read 73 killed, 174 wounded, 26 missing, a total of 273. Percy’s killed during the retreat aggregated a little more than half of the fatal casualties for the day.

530 Cf. our Publications, vii. 27–30.

531 The Rev. Dr. David McClure, writing April 19, 1775, seems in a measure to support this theory: “A waggon loaded with provisions was sent from Boston, for the refreshment of the retreating army, under an escort of 6 Granidiers, They got as far as this place, [Menotomy], when a number of men, 10 or 12, collected, and ordered them to surrender. They marched on, & our men fired, killed the driver & the horses, when the rest fled a little way, & surrendered. Another waggon sent on the same business, was also taken that day. It was strange that General Gage should send them through a country, in which he had just kindled the flames of war, in so defenceless a condition” (Diary, ed. F. B. Dexter, 1899, p. 161; cf. 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 158).

532 Essex Gazette, April 25, 1775, p. 3/2-3. Also printed in the Massachusetts Spy of May 3, 1775, p. 3/2; and reprinted in Almon’s Remembrancer, 1775, i. 33; Force, 4 American Archives, ii. 439, etc.

533 Government corrupted by Vice, and recovered by Righteousness. A Sermon, etc. (Watertown, 1775), p. 8.

534 Narrative, pp. 7–8, appended to his “Fate of Blood-thirsty Oppressors, and God’s tender Care of his distressed People. A Sermon,” etc., Boston, 1776.

535 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii. 322.

536 April 20, 1775, in Letters, p. 53. The italics in the extracts which immediately follow are mine.

537 “General Gage’s Instructions, Of 22d February 1775, . . . With a curious Narrative. . . . Also an Account,” etc., Boston, 1779, p. 19. Cf. 2 Massachusetts Historical Collect ions, iv, 218.

538 April 23, 1775, in Memoir and Letters (ed. G. D. Scull, Oxford, 1879), p. 54.

539 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 393, 394.

540 April 19, 1775, in Atlantic Monthly, xxxix, 400.

541 April 23, 1775, in Atlantic Monthly, xxxix. 544. Confirmation of the character of the fighting is found in intercepted letters of British private soldiers printed in Force. One man writes, April 28: “They did not fight, us like a regular army, only like savages, behind trees and stone walls, and out of the woods and houses, where in the latter we killed numbers of them” (4 American Archives, ii. 440). Another writes, April 28: “When we found they fired from the houses, we set them on fire, and they ran to the woods like devils” (id. p. 440). A soldier of the Royal Welsh Fusileers in addressing his “Dear Parents” April 30, records the following: “As we came along they got before us and fired at us out of the houses, and killed and wounded a great number of us, but we levelled their houses as we came along” (id. p. 440).

542 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xi. 306.

543 American Annals (1805), ii. 327; (1829) ii. 206.

544 Military Journal during the American Revolution (1823), p. 19.

545 History (1788), i. 482.

546 “We do not censure him [Percy] for any warlike attacks upon our troops, or for firing upon any dwelling within which our soldiers had taken refuge, or from which they assailed the king’s troops. So far he would be justified by the laws of war” (1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii, 322).

547 Cf. p. 270 note 1, above.

548 Gage’s defence penned to Governor Trumbull May 3rd, 1775, is as follows: “The troops disclaim with indignation the barbarous outrages of which they are accused, so contrary to their known humanity. I have taken the greatest pains to discover if any were committed, and have found examples of their tenderness, both to the young and the old but no vestige of cruelty or barbarity. It is very possible that in firing into houses, from whence they were fired upon, that old people, women, or children may have suffered, but if any such thing has happened, it was in their defence and undesigned.” (Trumbull Papers, ii. 298–299.)

549 The provincial losses are given by Phinney (History of the Battle of Lexington, 1825, pp. 27–30) as 49 killed, 36 wounded, 5 missing, a total of 90.

550 In Elias Phinney, History of the Battle of Lexington (1825), pp. 34–35.

551 (1868), p. 202; (1913), i. 175.

552 History of Middlesex County (1880), ii. 26.

553 Placing Pitcairn in command of the troops near Munroe’s Tavern is a mere conjecture, as his name is not mentioned by any of our witnesses after Percy took command. Possibly Bernard was in command at this point and Pitcairn may have been assigned to the Marine battalion that came out with the Brigade. Whoever commanded the Marines seems to have borne the brunt of the afternoon’s fighting. If we estimate the strength of the battalion at four or five companies, or not more than 175 men, we cannot be far from the truth. Two other companies may have gone out with Smith. The official report giving the total regimental losses in killed and wounded indicates that 27 per cent of the casualties were suffered by the Marines. If we confine ourselves to the killed, the Marine percentage was 37. This is an extraordinary showing when compared with the 14 per cent of the King’s Own Regiment, a larger unit and the next heaviest sufferer. These figures suggest that nearly 50 per cent of Percy’s casualties on the retreat occurred in the Marines.

554 In 1880: see p. 280, note 3. But in 1868 Hudson had merely called him “infirm” (History of Lexington, p. 202; Genealogical Register, p. 189).

555 (1913), ii, 552. Cf. Lexington Vital Records, p. 62.

556 In the roll of Parker’s company given in the first (1868) edition of Hudson’s History is found the name of John Raymond (p. 383).

557 P.9 note.

558 Paige, History. of Cambridge, p. 413.

559 Id. p. 413 note.

560 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 394.

561 Sermon, pp. 8–9 notes.

562 Cf. p. 272, above.

563 May 16, 1775, in Journals of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress (1838), p. 677.

564 Samuel Cooke (1708-1783; H. C. 1735) was long the minister of the second precinct, Cambridge (now Arlington).

565 In 1864 the Rev. Samuel A. Smith gave us this account of Deacon Adams’s activities. He “knew that his life would be in danger, both on account of his name, and also for his reputation for patriotic zeal, but thinking that they would not harm women and children, as the troops came in sight left his house, . . . and fled across the fields. He was hotly pursued, and, as he was running under cover of the stone walls, he heard the bullets whistle over his head. He kept on, however, and had just time to cover himself over in the hay-loft in Rev. Mr. Cooke’s barn, . . . when his pursuers came up and began to search for him, sticking their bayonets here and there into the hay. They did not dare to remain long, and he escaped” (West Cambridge on the Nineteenth of April, 1775, p. 34).

Deacon Adams was a prominent man in the community, was precinct treasurer for nineteen years and selectman of Cambridge for four years.

566 Born April 1, 1775. Her name is given as Ann by Paige (History of Cambridge, p. 478), as Ann or Anne by Cutter (History of Arlington, pp. 185, 260), but as Anna in Cambridge Vital Records, ii. 10. She married James Hill (1773–1852) on October 11, 1796. In 1831 Hannah Hill, daughter of James and Ann (Adams) Hill, married Thomas Hall.

567 This is the story as repeated in 1854 by Mrs. Hill, then in her eightieth year, to Samuel Griffin Damon: see Christian Register, October 28, 1854, xxxix. 169.

568 S. A. Smith, West Cambridge on the Nineteenth of April, 1775, p. 37.

569 Sermon, p. 8 note.

570 See p. 272, above.

571 May 19, 1775, in Journals of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, p. 678.

572 Jason Winship was baptized in Cambridge June 28, 1730 (Paige, History of Cambridge, p. 697). Jabez Wyman was baptized in Woburn December 26, 1736 (Bond, Genealogies and History of Watertown, ii. 976). (The statement in Paige’s History of Cambridge, p. 412, that Wyman was born July 24, 1710, is clearly an error.) Wyman married Lydia Winship (sister of Jason) in Cambridge January 13, 1767 (Cambridge Vital Records, ii. 437). On March 23, 1773, Jabez Wyman of Cambridge, “laborer,” and wife Lydia, deeded land in Arlington to Ammi Cutter. The Rev. John Marrett states (in S. Dunster, Henry Dunster and his Descendants, 1876, p. 88) that Wyman at one time worked for the Rev. Mr. Cooke.

573 In S. Dunster, Henry Dunster and his Descendants, pp. 88, 89. The letter was written by Marrett to his uncle the Rev. Isaiah Dunster.

574 For further information concerning Samuel Whittemore, see S. A. Smith, West Cambridge on the Nineteenth of April, 1775, pp. 42–44; Cutter, History of Arlington, pp. 75–77, 317; Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 414–415, 688; Columbian Centinel, February 6, 1793, p. 3/2.

575 See p. 272, above.

576 From the inscription on the old stone in the precinct burying ground, said to have been written by the Rev. Mr. Cooke.

577 S. A. Smith, West Cambridge on the Nineteenth of April, 1775, pp. 37, 37–38.

578 Cutter, History of Arlington, p, 69.

579 Id. p. 69.

580 April 20, 1775, in Letters, p. 52.

581 Remembrancer, 1775, i. 80.

582 Force, 4 American Archives, ii. 441.

583 April 20, 1775, in Letters, pp. 52, 53.

584 On July 2, 1775, Lieut. Carter wrote: “Never had the British army so ungenerous an enemy to oppose; they send their Rifle men, (five or six at a time) who conceal themselves behind trees, &c. till an opportunity presents itself of taking a shot at our advanced centries, which done they immediately retreat. What an infamous method of carrying on a war!” (Genuine Detail, etc., 1784, p. 7).

585 S. R. Lushington, Life and Services of General Lord Harris (1845), p. 40.

586 Pp. 217–226.

587 Id. p. 225.

588 Id. p, 223.

589 Magnalia (1702), bk. iv. pt. i. § 5, p. 130. As is of course well known, much of the Magnalia had already appeared in print before the publication of the volume in London in 1702. The portions not previously printed must have been written before June 8, 1700, when Mather wrote: “I this Day putt up my Church-History, and pen down Directions about the publishing of it. . . . A Gentleman, just now sailing for England, undertakes the care of it; and by his Hand I send it for London” (Diary, i. 353).

590 Bk. iii. pt. ii. ch. xxiii. § 12, p, 141.

591 Bk. iv. pt. ii. ch. v. § 11, p. 188.

592 The writer should have said “the day after Commencement.”

593 P.250. That this account is drawn from the Magnalia is sufficiently obvious, but is made certain by the statement on the same page: “Whilst Mr. Winthrop was travelling in the low countries, he endeavoured to persuade Johannes Amos Commenius to become President; ‘but the influence of the Swedish embassador,’ (says Mather, from whose Magnalia this account is principally taken,) ‘proving too strong, this incomparable Moravian became not an American.’” This gives us a reference to the alleged offer of the presidency to Comenius before the one dated 1860, which was cited by me (our Publications, xxi, 147) as the earliest after the publication of the Magnalia.

594 Harvard Register (1827), p. 302.

595 The first newspaper was the Courier de Boston, April 23 to October 15, 1789. It was printed entirely in French, and was published weekly for Joseph Nancrede, instructor in French at Harvard College from 1787 to 1800. I acknowledge my indebtedness to the Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690–1820, by our associate Mr. Clarence S. Brigham (proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xxv. 208, 209).

596 Columbian Centinel, November 21, 1792, p. 3/1–2.

597 December 12, 1792, pp. 1/ 4–2/1, 2/4. The Argus of December 11, 1792 (p. 3/1), contained a satirical article under the heading of “The French Revolution Defeated.” It read in part: “TWENTY-FOUR FRENCHMEN, in and near the town of Boston, have entered a PROTEST, in the office of a Notary Public in Boston, against the French Revolution . . . . But, as these PROTESTORS have a Gazette of their own, under the PRIEST, which will be out within a day or two, we will refer the readers to that for the wonderful effects of this new experiment in ‘Val’, and Politicks.”

598 Identified by Mr. Ford as probably a M. d’Hauteval.

599 Writings (ed. Ford), i. 125.

600 Columbian Centinel, December 26, 1792, p, 3/2; January 9, 1793, pp. 1/2, 2/1; Argus, January 8, 1793, p. 3/3.

601 January 19, 1793, p. 3/3.

602 December 10, 17, 24, 31, 1792; January 7, 14, 1793. On December 12, 1792, the Rev. William Bentley made this entry in his Diary: “The Courier de l’Univers, a second french & english paper appeared in Boston this week. Its duration may not exceed the other, which had but small encouragement” (i. 415).

603 Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xxv. 209.

604 Mr. Brigham kindly sends me the following letter from the Isaiah Thomas Papers in the American Antiquarian Society:

Boston, November 18, 1792

SIR,

Inclosed are proposals for a new weekly french paper, of which I am to be editor. It will probably be published in a few weeks; and upon the receipt of mine, I request you to forward me one of yours in exchange. In a few days you will see the same proposals printed in English in the newspapers from Boston, which, I hope, will give you more ease to find me so many subscribers as you could in your town. Three dollars are to be paid by subscribing, and the names of the subscribers taken upon a private [torn]. My design is to allow you five per cent upon every [subscri]ption you will receive. I desire you consequently to do for my paper what I would be very happy to do for yours. As soon as you will have found some subscriptions, let me know the quantity and the names of the subscribers, if you are willing to oblige him who is very sincerely,

Sir,

Your most humble and obedient servant,

L. de Rousselet, P.C.

My direction is the Rd Mr. L. de Rousselet, at Mr. Joseph Bumstead’s printing-office, Union-Street, Boston.

Isaiah Thomas, Esq.

While the meaning of the letters “P.C.” following de Rousselet’s signature is not absolutely certain, they probably stand for the words “Prêtre Catholique.”

605 Our Publications, xii. 220, 227–231.

606 See pp. 156–159, above.

607 Our Publications, xvii, 275, 284.

608 A sketch of Brown will be found in the Dictionary of National Biography. The book was originally published in 1757 and went through several editions.

609 Mr. Woodbury has given the volume to the Harvard College Library.

610 Memoirs of the Life of the late Reverend Increase Mather, . . . With a Preface by the: Reverend Edmund Calamy, D.D., London, 1725, pp. 35-36. cr. C. Mather, Parentator, Boston, 1724, pp. 93-96. The forged letter itself is printed in full in the Mather Papers (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 104-107) and in the New England Historical and General Register, xxxix. 23-25. An abstract appears in the Calendar of State Papers, America & W. Indies, 1685-1688, no. 1915, pp. 613-615. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Albert Matthews for several of these and later references.

611 See the Mather Papers, pp. 407–11; Palfrey, History of New England, iii 556–558; and allusions in Robert N. Toppan’s Edward Randolph (Prince Society).

612 Observator, no. 176, Monday, December 1, 1684.

613 In his Mercurius Aquaticus, 1643.

614 Intelligencer, no. 1, August 31, 1663.

615 E.g., see the Intelligencer, no. 23, March 21, 1663–4, p, 192. -

616 Mercurius Britanicus, no. 49, August 26-September 2, 1644, p. 387.

617 Weekly Pacquet, no. 34, April 16, 1683, p. 271.

618 Nathan Dane Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society).

619 George Cabot (1751–1823), United States Senator, President of the Hartford Convention, etc.

620 Joseph Lee (1744-1831), born in Salem.

621 Moses Brown (1748-1820), born at Waltham; H. C. 1768; raised and commanded a company which left Beverly August 9, 1777; present at the battles of Long Island, Trenton, and Harlem Heights.

622 Israel Thorndike (1755–1825), son of Andrew and Anna (Morgan) Thorndike.

623 Josiah Batchelder, Jr. (1737–1828), representative to the General Court; member of Congress; innholder; surveyor of the port of Beverly.

624 William Bartlett (1745-1809), fourth in descent from William Bartlett of Frampton, Dorset, England.

625 William Homans (1749–1837), born at Marblehead, died in Beverly.

626 Thomas Davis, born September 25, 1755, son of Thomas and Abigail (Stephens) Davis of Salem.

627 William Leach (1758–1838).

628 Livermore Whittredge, born February 24, 1740; descended from William Whittredge, who came over in 1635 and settled in Ipswich.

629 Thomas Woodberry, born May 10, 1743, son of Thomas and Lucy (Herrick) Woodberry.

630 For the newspapers of Salem, see Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xxv, 463-476.

631 John Manly died February 12, 1793: cr. Publications of this Society, v. 274 note.

632 Captain’s pay per month, £ 4; 1st lieutenant, £ 3; 2nd lieutenant, £ 2.10.0; surgeon, £ 2.10.0; master, £ 2.0.0; boatswain, £ 1.10.0; steward, £ 1.10.0.

633 In some cases there seems to have been actual distribution of the cargo instead of a sale at auction and division of the proceeds. The following deposition is from the Nathan Dane Papers:

“I James Fuller Lakeman of Lawful age do Testify, in the Summer of the year One thousand, Seven hundred and eighty I went a Voyage from Gloucester to Bilbao in a Ship called the Gloucester Packet, William Coy, commander. I acted as Mariner on board and in the passage from Bilbao we took a Prize. She was a British brig of more than a hundred Tons, Loaded with salt and I was put on board of her with the Prize Master and four Men to Bring her and we arrived safe at Gloucester in the month of July Where the said Cargo was Divided and I Received thirty Bushels of it for my share. I exchanged my Share of said Salt at two Bushels of corn for one bushel of Salt and Corn was then one dollar a Bushel, hard money.”

634 Massachusetts Archives, clxxx, 974.

635 The following advertisement appeared in a Boston paper of May 17 1776: “To be sold by William Bartlett, Agent for the United Provinces, at public auction, the seventh day of May to be held in Beverly and to be continued from day to day until the whole is sold, the following vessels and cargo, Ship Concord, 150 tons, Jinny, 350 tons, Polly, 80 tons, Brigantines, Nancy 250 tons Hannah 250 tons; Sloops, Sally, 60 tons, Betty, 60 tons.” These vessels were condemned at a court held at Ipswich by Judge Pickering March 18, 1776.

636 Journals of the Provincial Congress (1838), pp. 412–413.

637 Henry Herrick, son of Henry and Joanna (Woodberry) Herrick, was born October 25, 1716, and died December 16, 1780.

638 Joseph Wood, son of Joseph and Ruth (Haskell) Wood, was town clerk of Beverly for thirty-seven years, selectman, assessor, representative, and member of the Committee of Public Safety and Correspondence. He died January 21, 1808.

639 In the New York Gazette of April 22, 1780, is an advertisement offering 12 and 13 pound carronades, imported direct from the Carron foundry, for use in privateers. “They can be discharged,” says the advertisement, “every three minutes, which doubles the strength against an enemy of equal force. The carronade weighs one third as much as a long gun of the same calibre and the powder charge is only one twelfth the weight of the ball.” The long gun could be discharged once in six minutes.

640 Eleazar Giles was born in Danvers, but removed to Beverly; commanded several privateers during the war and lost his leg in action on board the Saratoga; died in Liverpool, England.

As a rule the names of only the commanders or captains of vessels are mentioned in the text. For the names of other officers, see section viii, pp. 405–424, below.

641 George Child, an Englishman, on the St. Lucie, from Jamaica for Bristol, had a private adventure on board which Capt. Giles generously restored to him.

642 The Rover, Capt. Adam Wellman of Beverly, was captured in 1780.

643 The Beverly Historical Society owns a printed handbill reading: “Now fitting for a Privateer, In the harbor of Beverly, the Brigantine Washington. A strong, good vessel for that purpose and a prime sailer. Any Seaman or Landsman that has an inclination to make their Fortunes in a few months may have an opportunity by applying to John Dyson. Beverly, Sept. 7, 1776.”

644 John Dyson (1742–1828) was born in England.

645 Massachusetts Archives, ccxv. 442.

646 Robert Haskell, son of William and Mary (Lovett) Haskell, was born April 2, 1736, and died June 17, 1789.

647 The privateer schooner Hawk of Marblehead. On her arrival at Bilbao she was complained of as an illegal privateer. The prime minister of Spain, the Marquis of Grimaldi, decided that the Hawk was within her rights and ordered that American vessels, privateer or merchant, should be treated like any neutrals.

648 Benjamin Lovett (1756–1804), Bon of Benjamin and Hannah (Kilham) Lovett.

649 From December 25, 1777, to April 29, 1780, she bore the following names: Cent Pied, Santape, Cent. Pede, Cent. Pea, Cent. a Pede, Santipe, Sentipe, Cent. Peid, Centipede, Centi Pea, Saint te Pie, Centipie.

650 Lark in Thorndike (1730–1786) was captain of the minute-men who marched to Concord in 1775.

651 The Pilgrim was owned by John and Andrew Cabot, Joseph Lee, George Cabot, Moses Brown, Samuel Cabot, Francis Cabot, Jonathan Jackson, Joshua Wood, and Stephen Cleveland. Andrew Cabot owned a little less than one-half in 1780. Salem gentlemen owned 16/96ths. (Nathan Dane Papers.)

652 A portrait of Hugh Hill faces p. 320, above.

653 The Boston Gazette of June 24, 1782, stated that the previous Monday, the prize brig Neptune had been taken by “the Privateer Ship Pilgrim, Capt. Robinson, of Beverly!” (Publications of this Society, xvii. 365 note).

654 The Penobscot expedition.

655 Wages on vessels in 1779 are quoted at £ 15 to £ 20 per month for ordinary seamen. While not so stated, this probably means letter of marque vessels.

656 The Defence was a vessel built by Mr. Cabot to take the place of the brigantine Defence lost in the Penobscot expedition.

657 Diary of Moses Brown.

658 The Island of St. Eustatius was the great neutral port of the West Indies. When taken by Lord Rodney it was crowded with French, English, and American vessels and the booty was immense. It was captured before the governor had received news of war between England and Holland and he made no resistance, though 600 American seamen, crews of privateers and letters of marque in port, offered their services in defence of the city.

659 James Lovett (1749–1789), son of Benjamin and Eleonora (Cleaves) Lovett.

660 Herbert Woodberry (1745–1809), son of Jacob and Abigail (Thorndike) Woodberry.

661 Complaints against John Leach, commander of the schooner Dolphin, that he took 30 pounds of rice and 45 quarts of brandy from some Nova Scotians. (Massachusetts Archives, ccxxvii. 210.) On January 20, 1780, the General Court passed this resolve:

“Whereas it appears to the court that several small privateers have committed many robberies above high water mark on the inhabitants of Nova Scotia. Therefore resolved that this court do highly disapprove the conduct of any persons belonging to and commissioned from the State in the business of privateering and also resolved that when any commission shall be given out in future to small armed vessels they give good and sufficient bonds for the purpose of preventing such evils again taking place.”

It is perhaps not strange that ignorant men did not appreciate the difference between robberies above and below high water mark.

662 Schooner Hero, 26 tons, 9 guns (short guns) and 20 men. May 27, 1782, George W. Babcock, commander. This is the only case noted by me where short guns (carronades) were used on a privateer.

663 “A number of Frenchmen at Nantes have united to build six brigantines carrying from ten to eighteen guns, three of which are ready for sailing, the best calculated vessels for the American purpose I ever saw. I am confident they will sail fast and they are as sharp as a wedge. They will clear for the French West Indies.” (Auckland Manuscripts.)

664 E. D. Poole’s Annals of Yarmouth and Barrington (Nova Scotia) in the Revolutionary War (1899) contains a very interesting account of these Nova Scotians during the war.

665 There was also a brig Rambler captured by the English frigate Harriet Selvyl in 1779.

666 The Snapper, Capt. Taylor, was a famous letter of marque from Liverpool, and had taken many American vessels.

667 Mr. Cabot had at one time a ship, a schooner, and a sloop all named Sally.

668 Cf. Publications of this Society, x, 116–134, xx. 163–190.

669 The first salt works were established at Dennis, Cape Cod, in 1776. Afterwards several towns went into the business, Gloucester having three. Cf. 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xv. 224.

670 E. M. Stone, History of Beverly (1843), p. 83.

671 John Tittle (1735–1800).

672 Elisha Whitney was born at Watertown March 11, 1747; moved to Beverly in 1792; died February 22, 107.

673 Ichabod Groves, born in 1744, was a son or John and Catherine (Leach) Groves.

674 See p. 423 note 1, below.

675 Richard Ober (1745–1821), son of Richard and Lydia (Chapman) Ober.

676 Elias Smith (1744–1817).

677 Benjamin Ober (1751–1780) died abroad.

678 Asa Woodberry (1749–1830), son of Thomas and Lucy (Herrick) Woodberry.

679 Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters (1841), p. 82.

680 Id. p. 87.

681 Ezra Ober (1747–1794), Bon of Richard and Lydia (Chapman) Ober.

682 William Tuck (1740–1784), son of William and Eliza (Sewall) Tuck.

683 “Lucas Johnson, midshipman on board His Majesty’s Ship Charlestown, being sworne declares that in the latter end of July last on their passages from Halifax to Spanish River in company with the Allegiance, Vulture and Jack and some transports under their convoy, being off of Spanish River, Seeing two French frigates, L’Astrea & Hermionné to Leward, Captain Evans . . . order’d the Deponent on board the Jack with orders to Capt. Tonge, . . . that the Jack was obliged to strike to the French frigates, and Deponent and the whole crew belonging to the Jack, were made prisoners and carried into Boston, that the Jack at that time carried ten nine pounders and four sixes, and was manned with sixty seven men, Richard Peter Tonge Commander, that the Deponent had seen the ship called the Jack (taken by Captain Crymes) . . . & knows her to be the same ship taken by L’Astrea & Hermionné” (Essex Institute Historical Collections, xlv. 182–183).

684 “Lucas Johnson, midshipman on board His Majesty’s Ship Charlestown, being sworne declares that in the latter end of July last on their passages from Halifax to Spanish River in company with the Allegiance, Vulture and Jack and some transports under their convoy, being off of Spanish River, Seeing two French frigates, L’Astrea & Hermionné to Leward, Captain Evans . . . order’d the Deponent on board the Jack with orders to Capt. Tonge, . . . that the Jack was obliged to strike to the French frigates, and Deponent and the whole crew belonging to the Jack, were made prisoners and carried into Boston, that the Jack at that time carried ten nine pounders and four sixes, and was manned with sixty seven men, Richard Peter Tonge Commander, that the Deponent had seen the ship called the Jack (taken by Captain Crymes) . . . & knows her to be the same ship taken by L’Astrea & Hermionné” (Essex Institute Historical Collections, xlv. 182–183).

685 A Relic of the Revolution, . . . By Charles Herbert, of Newburyport, Mass. Who was taken prisoner in the Brigantine Dolton, Dec, 1776, and served in the U. S. Frigate Alliance, 1779–80. 1847. This was compiled by R. Livesey, though his name is not on the title-page. In a later impression, dated 1854, the title was changed to “The Prisoners of 1776; A Relic of the Revolution. Compiled by the Rev. Richard Livesey from the Journal of Charles Herbert, of Newburyport, Mass., who was taken prisoner in the brigantine Dolton, Dec. 1776, and confined in Old Mill Prison, Plymouth, England.” The text of the two impressions appears to be identical, though the pagination is different.

686 The following extract from the Nathan Dane Papers, dated Beverly, December 2, 1781, shows that one man at least from Beverly served on the Bon Homme Richard and Alliance:

I, John Carrisco of Beverly, in the County of Essex, State of Mass., Mariner, constitute and appoint Nathan Dane my Attorney and hereby empower him to receive my wages and prize money due to me as a mariner on board the Good Man Richard, J. J. Jones, Commander, and also on board the Alliance, Peter Landais, Esq., Commander.”

Larkin Thorndike		Witnesses
John Thorndike

his

John Carisco

mark

687 Narrative of Remarkable Occurrences, In the Life of John Blatchford, Of Cape-Ann, Commonwealth of Massachusetts, . . . Taken from his own mouth. M, DCC, LXXX, VIII. In 1865 Charles I. Bushnell published an edition, with notes, entitled “The Narrative of John Blatchford, retailing His sufferings in the Revolutionary War, while a Prisoner with the British. Aa related by himself.”

688 On April 2, 1777, Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane wrote to the English ambassador at Paris calling attention to the fact that American prisoners were being employed in English ships to fight against their own people and also sent to distant ports where they stood little chance of being exchanged.

689 Edited by Charles I. Bushnell in 1865.

690 Some other accounts may be mentioned.

An Account of the Interment of the Remains of 11,500 American Seamen, Soldiers and Citizens, who fell victims to the cruelties of the British, on board their prison ships at the Wallabout, During the American Revolution. 1808. This was reprinted with notes by Dr. Henry It. Stiles in 1865 in The Wallabout Prison Ship Series, No. 2.

Memoirs of Andrew Sherburne (2d ed., 1831), pp. 81–98, 109–119.
The Old Jersey Captive: or a Narrative of the Captivity of Thomas Andros (now pastor of the church in Berkley,) on board the Old Jersey Prison Ship at New York, 1781. 1833.
Review. The Tomb of the Martyrs, who died in dungeons and pestilential prison-ships, in and about the City of New-York, during the seven years of our Revolutionary War. By Benjamin Romaine, . . . 4th July, 1839.
The Adventures of Christopher Hawkins, . . . With an Introduction and Notes by Charles L Bushnell. 1864. (Written in 1834.)
Letters from the Prisons and Prison-Ships of the Revolution. With Notes by Henry R. Stiles, M. D. (The Wallabout Prison-Ship Series, No. 1.)
A Memoir of Eli Bickford, a Patriot of the Revolution. 1865. (Contains “The Prison-Ship Jersey. By Charles I. Bushnell,” pp. 13–15.)
1888. A Christmas Reminder. Being the names of above eight thousand persons, a small portion of the number confined on board the British prison ships during the War of the Revolution. With the Compliments of the Society of Old Brooklynites. 1888.
Horrors of the Prison Ships. Dr. [Charles E.] West’s Description of the Wallabout Floating Dungeons. How Captive Patriots Fared. 1895.
1776 Prison Ship Martyr Captain Jabez Fitch His Diary in Facsimile (1897 or 1903?)
Historical Society, Eliot, Maine, January, 1900. Old Mill Prison. Henry W. Fernald, Boston, Mass.
American Prisoners of the Revolution. By Danske Dandridge, . . . Charlottesville, Va., 1911. This is a book of ix, 504, pages, a bibliography being printed on pp. 503–504.

See also the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xix. 74–75, 136–141, 209–213 (List of Americans committed to Old Mill Prison during the War), xxxii. 42–44, 184–188, 305–308, 395–398 (Journal of Samuel Cutler).

691 It is doubtful whether these bonds were often enforced, and, even if collected, they were too small for the purpose. The bond of the schooner Hammond, for example, was for £ 300 signed by Jacob Oliver as principal and Robert Shillaber as surety, that all prisoners taken at sea would be brought back into port for exchange. (Revolutionary Rolls, viii. 4.)

692 Massachusetts Archives, clxxvii. 301.

693 Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 226.

694 Force, 5 American Archives, iii. 602.

695 Revolutionary Rolls, ix. 74.

696 Genealogical and Personal Memoirs of Families of Boston.

697 Revolutionary Rolls, ix. 68.

698 Massachusetts Archives, cliii. 67.

699 New York Gazette and Mercury, February 2, 1778.

700 Massachusetts Archives, cxxv. 149.

701 Revolutionary Rolls, ix. 49.

702 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xix. 74.

703 Massachusetts Archives, clxxxiv. 34.

704 Massachusetts Archives, cxxv. 419.

705 Samuel Cressy (1751–1782), son of Benjamin and Mehitable (Brown) Cressy.

706 Massachusetts Archives, clxxvii. 63.

707 The officers and petty officers of the Pilgrim August 14, 1780, were as follows: Joseph Robinson, Salem, commander; Jesse Allen, Manchester, 1st lieutenant; Benjamin Warren, Salem, 2nd lieutenant; Nicholas Garven, Boston, master; George Sugden, Beverly, master’s mate; John Dean, Salem, 2nd mate; J. L. Hammond, Salem, 3rd mate; Samuel Blanchard, Boston, surgeon; Nathaniel Otis, Salem, chaplain; William Curtis, master of marines; Moses Vose, John Harris, Francis Horton, Joseph Hudson, John Kelly, John Marsh, and Thomas Hogkins, all prize masters; Jonathan Glidden, Beverly, carpenter; William Foot, Salem, cooper; Joseph Johnson, Salem, doctor’s mate; John Turner, gunner; James Lyons, Marblehead, sailmaker; Jonathan McDowell, boatswain; Joseph Standly and William Vose, stewards. Of the crew only two, James Elliot and Richard Allen, were Beverly men. There were ten boys, one eleven, two twelve, two thirteen and five seventeen years or younger. Most of the crew were of foreign birth.

708 This report of the capture of the Pilgrim was probably incorrect. At all events the vessel, if captured, was not the Pilgrim of Beverly.

There is in existence a log kept by Dr. Josiah Bartlett while surgeon on the Pilgrim of Beverly from April 19, 1781, to July 23, 1782. This log will be printed in Vol. xxv. of the Publications of this Society.

709 With the exception of John Vickory, who was probably a Marblehead man, all the officers and most of the crew were from Beverly.

710 “Elsinore May 27, 1783. Yesterday arrived the first commercial ship which has appeared in our seas. She came from Boston bound for Riga” (Salem Gazette, August 1, 1783). As Capt. Fearson in the Buccanier sailed from France for the Baltic as soon as peace was declared, it is possible that this is the vessel meant and that Andrew Cabot had the honor of first showing our flag in those waters. In 1784 the Commerce, Capt. Tuck, reached St. Petersburg before the Light Horse and beat her on the return voyage.

711 The letters “L.M.” indicate “Letter of marque.”

712 There is some confusion between the names Langdell and Langden which the writer has been unable to unravel.

713 Boston, Beverly, and Salem are all given as the residence of a John Leach, and it is difficult to distinguish between them.

714 He was not installed until 1786.

715 Dartmouth Manuscripts. For permission to have the letter copied, I am indebted to the present Earl of Dartmouth.

716 Half Moon, at the junction of the Hudson and the Mohawk Rivers, is now Waterford, New York. For its location, see the map in our Publications, vii. 260.

717 Massachusetts Province Laws, xv. 682.

718 Massachusetts Province Laws, xvii. 188.

719 See pp. 165–175, above.

720 “At a Meeting of y^e Presid^t & Fellows Agreed that George Ball be admitted a Fellow-Commoner,” August 18, 1730, Faculty Records, i. 30.

721 It is sometimes said that Ball was born in Cambridge, but of this there is no proof and the statement is probably due to a misapprehension. The Class of 1734 was placed on September 22, 1730, when Ball was assigned to the fourth place. (Faculty Records, i. 32.) His age is given as 14, and his place of residence at entrance (but not necessarily of birth) as Cambridge. In an interleaved Triennial Catalogue he is said to have been a Captain in the British Navy during the Revolution. (Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, xxvi. 565.)

722 The fourteen incorporators of the Society are those whose names are found under the year 1892 on p. 469, below.

723 The Certificate of Change of Corporate Name is dated March 3, 1893.

724 The date in this column is that given on the title-page. If a volume was not distributed until the following year, the fact is stated in a footnote.

725 Volume I was distributed in the autumn of 1896.

726 Massachusetts Royal Commissions, 1681–1774.

727 Land-Bank and Silver-Bank Papers; Bibliography of the Massachusetts House Journals, 1715–1776; Bibliography of the Massachusetts Laws, 1641–1776.

728 Check-List of Boston Newspapers, 1704-1780.

729 Volume X was distributed in May, 1908.

730 Volume XVII was distributed in January, 1916.

731 Volume XIX was distributed in April, 1919.

732 Plymouth Church Records, 1620–1859, Part i.

733 Volume XXII was distributed in January, 1921.

734 Plymouth Church Records, 1620–1859, Part ii.

735 Volume XXIV contains the Transactions from January, 1920, to January, 1922, both included.

736 Harvard College Records (Corporation Records, 1636–1750).

737 Volume XXV begins with the meeting of February, 1922.

738 Massachusetts Royal Instructions.

739 For a note on the place of residence, see p. 469, below.

740 An asterisk (*) denotes death while a member; a dagger (†) indicates that membership has ceased either through resignation, removal to or from the State, or otherwise; a double dagger (‡) means transfer to another class of membership. The place of residence given is that where the member lived at the time of his election. The place of residence of each of the fourteen incorporators of the Society, though not given in the Transactions, is recorded in the Records of the Society. Curiously enough, however, the place of residence of no member elected in 1893 and of scarcely a member elected in 1894 is recorded either in the Council Records or in the Records of the Society, nor is it given in the Transactions. Hence the place of residence of those elected in 1893 and 1894 is somewhat conjectural.

741 Corresponding Member, 1899.