JANUARY MEETING, 1911

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 26 January, 1911, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Henry Lefavour, LL.D., in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from the Hon. Arthur Prentice Rugg of Worcester and Mr. Edward Percival Merritt of Boston, accepting Resident Membership; from Mr. Edward Robinson of New York, accepting Corresponding Membership; and from Mr. John Pierpont Morgan of New York, accepting Honorary Membership.

Mr. Mark Antony De Wolfe Howe and Dr. Charles Pickering Putnam, both of Boston, were elected Resident Members.

Mr. William C. Lane exhibited reproductions of some pages of an ancient Irish manuscript belonging to Harvard College, recently made by the cameragraph, to show how accurately and inexpensively it is now possible to copy documents.

The Rev. Dr. William W. Fenn called attention to a book entitled Thomas Shepard, Pilgrim Father and Founder of Harvard, by the Rev. Alexander Whyte, D.D., Principal of the New College, Edinburgh; and read the following passage:

One midnight well on toward the end of his life Thomas Shepard was found lying on his face in his study in a swoon of sweat and tears, and with a copy of the New England Gazette crushed together in his lockfast hands. The reason of all that was afterwards discovered to be this. Mr. T. H.,432 Thomas Shepard’s bosom friend, was wont to have a sermon of his printed in the Gazette time about with a sermon of Shepard’s. And both the manager of the journal and all its readers were well known to Shepard to put his friend’s sermons far above his for their eloquence and for their English. It is not told how Mr. T. H. took that praise of himself and depreciation of his friend. But Shepard made no secret to God and to his own soul how he took it. For the copy of the paper that Shepard held crushed in his hands that midnight contained a specially beautiful sermon of Mr. T. H.’s. And as Shepard tried first not to see that sermon, and then turned in prayer to try to read it and could not, he quite lost all power over himself and actually fell on his face on the floor as if his New England study had been the Garden of Gethsemane (pp. 192–193).

As Dr. Fenn was unable to recall anything in Shepard’s writings that could give rise to such a scene, he wrote to Dr. Whyte asking his authority for the statement and received the following reply:

If you read between the lines you will easily see that the “anecdote” is a composition of materials gathered together out of Shepard’s so suggestive memoirs. I hope I have not gone beyond the bounds of literary liberty in taking this device for the purpose of setting this remarkable man more clearly before the eyes of a generation who do not know what they possess in Shepard.

It may not be improper to warn British readers that Shepard was not a “Pilgrim Father,” as that term is generally now employed in New England; that Shepard was not “the founder of Harvard,” as stated by Dr. Whyte in his title and on pages 104, 234, of his book; that no journal called the New England Gazette was published in New England certainly before 1783; and that no regular newspaper at all was published in New England until 1704 — or more than half a century after the death of Shepard.

Mr. Horace E. Ware made the following communication:

SUPPLEMENT TO “A FORGOTTEN PRIME MERIDIAN”

I desire to present certain historical facts relating to what was considered the longitude of Boston and the neighboring New England coast in the early part of the seventeenth century, of which I have become informed since I prepared the paper “A Forgotten Prime Meridian,” lately submitted to the Society.433

In Champlain’s account of his voyages published in 1613 there are two maps that he had made of New France, a larger map, dated 1612, and a smaller map, dated 1613. Of these two maps only the one dated 1613 has marks or numbers indicating longitudes. On this map such marks and numbers are on the upper and lower margins, there being also marks and numbers on the side margins to indicate latitudes. No parallels or meridians are laid down, but equal numbers are placed opposite each other across the map, so that straight lines connecting such numbers would answer the purpose of parallels or meridians. Under this arrangement, the longitude of what is now Boston appears to be about 306°. Calling the longitude of Boston in present use 71° west, its longitude reckoned continuously east from Greenwich would be 360°–71°, or 289°. Pursuing further the method used in “A Forgotten Prime Meridian,”434 it will take a starting point about 17° to the west of Greenwich to make the meridian of Boston about 306°, as on Champlain’s map. We find that the meridian of 17° west of Greenwich passes near to Ferro, the westernmost island of the Canaries.435 The meridian of Ferro being in considerable use in Champlain’s time, as indicated in “A Forgotten Prime Meridian,”436 we are justified, I think, in concluding that for the purposes of this map the longitudes given in the margin were based upon the meridian of Ferro as the prime meridian.

Champlain’s account of his voyages to New France, published in 1632, contains a large general map covering the coasts of Canada and of what is now the northeastern United States, to a point a little south of Chesapeake Bay. This map, like the smaller map referred to above, has marks and numbers for latitude and longitude on the sides and on the upper and lower margins respectively. On this map the longitude of Boston appears to be about 305°, and evidently is also reckoned from the meridian of Ferro.437 In confirmation of this conclusion, we may here recall that this meridian was prescribed by the King of France for his subjects in 1634, in accordance with the decision of a congress of scientists assembled at Paris by Richelieu in 1630.438

Coming now to Captain John Smith’s map of New England, an explanation is important regarding the various states of the plate or plates from which the different impressions of the map were taken. Justin Winsor finds that there were ten such states, and he notes their distinctive features in numerical and chronological order.439 Our associate, Mr. Wilberforce Eames, of the Lenox Library, makes the number of states nine instead of ten, identifying Winsor’s states VII and VIII with his own state VII. There are in the Lenox Library specimens of all these nine states, collected by Mr. Lenox and Mr. Eames, and the Massachusetts Historical Society has had photographic reproductions made of all the nine states as determined by them.

The first state of Smith’s map accompanied his book, A Description of New England, which he published in London in June, 1616. This state bears no date, but all states after the first are dated 1614. Regarding the last, or state X (Eames’s state IX), Winsor among other things says:

Under the compass these words appear: He that desyres to know more of the Estate of new England lett him read a new Book of the prospecte of new England & ther he shall have Sattisfaction. Although the old date, 1614, is still kept on the plate, this inscription shows that this state followed the publication of Wood’s New England’s Prospects, 1634, and it seems to have been made for the following work: Historia Mundi, or Mercator’s Atlas … Enlarged with new Mapps and Tables by the studious industrie of Jodocus Hondy. Englished by W(ye) S(altonstall). London, Printed for Michaell Sparke and Samuel Cartwright, 1635, folio.440

It therefore appears that all the states of Smith’s map were published between the years 1616 and 1635 inclusive. Smith’s portrait, dated 1616, occupies the upper left-hand corner of the plate in all its states.

Marks and numbers for parallels of latitude are shown on the right-hand margin in all states of this map, but the corresponding marks and numbers for latitude on the left-hand margin and for longitude in the upper and lower margins first appear in state IV. For both latitude and longitude, equal numbers are here placed opposite each other across the map without connecting lines, in the same way as on Champlain’s maps. These details remain unchanged in all the subsequent states. According to Winsor, state IV was supposed by Mr. Lenox to have been published with Smith’s Generall Historie, in 1624.441 It is reproduced at page 694 of Captain John Smith’s Works, edited by Arber. The meridian of 315° is not numbered at the top of the map because the space of the figures is occupied by the portrait, but the short vertical line which represents it is easily identified. By means of this and the corresponding numbered line at the bottom,442 we find that the meridian of 315° passes across Boston Harbor near its entrance, for I understand the latter to be the place where Charles River enters the open sea as on state IV of Smith’s map.

For the reasons given in “A Forgotten Prime Meridian,” the meridian of 315° and the other longitudes on Smith’s map of New England are evidently reckoned from the meridian of St. Michael’s.

On Captain John Smith’s map of Virginia, dated 1606,443 there are marks and numbers for latitude and longitude in the margins, the same as in states IV–IX (X) of his map of New England. On this map the longitude of Cape Henry is in round numbers 309½°. On modern maps the longitude of Cape Henry is close to 76°, which subtracted from 360° would make the longitude of that Cape 284°, reckoning continuously from Greenwich toward the east. Proceeding 25½° west from Greenwich, we bring the 284° up to 309½° as above. In “A Forgotten Prime Meridian”444 we found that the meridian of 26° west of Greenwich came so close to the Island of St. Michael of the Azores that we concluded that Boston’s ancient longitude of 315° was reckoned from a meridian passing through that island; and as the difference is so slight between 25½° and 26°, I conclude that the longitudes on Smith’s map of Virginia, the same as on his map of New England, are reckoned from the meridian of St. Michael’s.445

With each of the 1634, 1635, and 1639 editions of William Wood’s New Englands Prospect, is the map of The South part of New-England bearing the date of the edition which it accompanies. On all these maps there are marks and numbers for latitude on the right hand margin only. The only marks for longitude are at the bottom. These are short, vertical lines, evidently at the intervals of 5 minutes; those for the degrees and half degrees being slightly longer than the others. The only number for longitude on any of the maps is the number 315, which is placed under that one of the longer vertical lines which, extended upward, would pass across Boston Harbor somewhat to the east of the city. A reproduction of the map of 1634 accompanies this paper.

There is a further instance of allusion to the longitude of Boston in the historical account of the discovery and settlement of Charlestown and the neighboring towns, which was compiled by John Greene in the year 1664 and now forms the beginning of the first volume of the Town Records of Charlestown.446 The reference to longitude occurs in the first paragraph of Greene’s account, which I quote in his own spelling.

Captⁿ John Smith haveing (in y^e Raigne of o^r Soveraigne Lord James by y^e Grace of God King of England, Scotland, ffrance, and Ireland Defendo^r of y^e ffaith) made A discovery of some p^ts of America lighted amongst oth^r places upon y^e opening bettwixt Cape Codd & Cape Ann scituate and lying in 315 degr^s of Longitude & 42 degr^s 20 min^ts of north Latitude where by sounding & makeing up hee fell in amongst y^e Hands, and advanced up into the Massachusetts Bay till hee came up into y^e River bettweene Mishaum (aft^rwarwards called Charlstowne) and Shawmutt (aft^rw^da called Boston) & haveing made discovery of the Land, Riv^rs Coves and Creekes in the s^d Bay, & also taken some observations of the natures, dispositions & sundry Customes of the numerous India[ns] or Natives inhabiting the same; hee returned to England wer[e] (it was reported y^t) upon his Arrivall hee p^rsented A mapp of th[e] Massachusets Bay to y^e King, & y^t the Prince (aftwards Kin[g] Charles y^e first) upon enquiery & perusall of the fores^d River & the scituation thereof upon the Mapp, appointed it to bee called Charles River.

We have seen that on Smith’s map of New England, Wood’s map of the South part of New-England, and in Greene’s historical account, the meridian of 315° is laid somewhat to the eastward of Boston. I think this is not inconsistent with the statement in the earlier almanacs cited in “A Forgotten Prime Meridian” that Boston’s longitude was 315°. For the purposes of navigation, after land had been sighted near the entrance to Boston Harbor, there was no further advantage in ascertaining slight changes in longitude in order to enter port and proceed up the harbor. The area from the entrance to Boston Harbor to Boston, and even to and including Cambridge, was undoubtedly considered in a general way to be in longitude 315°.

When we compare differences in longitude between certain places according to the above named older maps with such differences on modern maps in order to ascertain from what prime meridian the former longitudes were reckoned, we must not expect that such differences will agree exactly with each other. The means of ascertaining geographical positions have been vastly improved during the last three centuries, to say nothing of the additional knowledge gained from experience and observations. The consequence is that probably almost every important place now has a longitude more or less different from that assigned to it at the time of the ancient maps of Smith and others referred to. For instance, the former difference between the longitude of Ferro, or of St. Michael’s, and that of Boston, could only be expected to approximate the modern difference. But when we find such approximation, we have the further reasons as stated above and in “A Forgotten Prime Meridian” for believing that Boston’s meridian was reckoned from Ferro on Champlain’s maps, and from St. Michael’s on Smith’s map. And I may be permitted to say here that this paper should of course be read in connection with “A Forgotten Prime Meridian.”

In investigating matters connected with prime meridians founded on agonic lines — that is, lines of no declination of the compass — you may readily see that much assistance may be derived from the publications on the subject of terrestrial magnetism issued by the Coast and Goedetic Survey, which I have cited in the previous paper. It is a case where the principles of science may be applied to our better understanding of human undertakings in the past. By supplementing our study of history, of maps and of geographies, with a knowledge of the more prominent workings of terrestrial magnetism, we obtain a far more thorough comprehension of the reasons for the different prime meridians in question having been adopted, of their unsatisfactory character for the practical purposes of navigation or otherwise, and of the causes of their having been finally abandoned.

The data, then, taken from Smith’s maps of New England and Virginia and from Wood’s map of the South part of New-England go to sustain the conclusion reached in “A Forgotten Prime Meridian” that in Massachusetts during the period of somewhat over sixty years after the landing at Plymouth longitude was reckoned from the so-called meridian of St. Michael’s; and that during that period, and for the anterior period back to the time of Elizabeth, the same meridian was also made use of by most English navigators and geographers as a prime meridian.

NOTE ON THE COMMENDATORY VERSES INSCRIBED ON SMITH’S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND

In connection with Smith’s map of, New England I should like to make brief reference to the lines of poetry thereon and to John Davies, the author; but as this is somewhat aside from the purpose of the foregoing paper, I submit what I have to communicate in the form of an appended note.

On this map, under the portrait, are the following lines:447

These are the Lines that shew thy Face; but those

That shew thy Grace and Glory, brighter bee:

Thy Faire-Discoueries and Fowle-Overthrowes

Of Salvages, much Civilliz’d by thee

Best shew thy Spirit; and to it Glory Wyn;

So, thou art Brasse without, but Golde within.

If so; in Brasse, (too soft Smiths Acts to beare)

I fix thy Fame, to make Brasse Steele outweare.

Thine, as thou art Virtues,

John Dauies. Heref:

It is interesting to read the foregoing in connection with the lines written by Ben Jonson and inscribed on the page opposite Shakespeare’s portrait at the beginning of the Shakespeare Folio of 1623. I submit those lines also in order to facilitate the comparison:448

To the Reader.

This Figure, that thou here seest put,

It was for gentle Shakespeare cut;

Wherein the Grauer had a strife

with Nature, to out-doo the life:

O, could he but haue drawne his wit

As well in brasse, as he hath hit

His face; the Print would then surpasse

All, that was euer writ in brasse.

But, since he cannot, Reader, looke

Not on his Picture, but his Booke.

B. I.

John Davies, poet and writing master, was born at Hereford in or about the year 1565. He died in London in June or July, 1618, and was buried in the Church of St. Dunstan, July 6th of that year. Davies was wont to place an addition to his signature to indicate that he was of Hereford, probably that he might be distinguished from Sir John Davies (1569–1626), sometime Attorney General for Ireland, who was also an author of poems, and perhaps also from John Davies, D.D. (1570?–1644), clergyman, scholar and author.

Among Davies’s pupils in penmanship was Henry, Prince of Wales, who died in 1612. Davies wrote a great number of pieces of poetry, including some three hundred epigrams and divers commendatory verses prefixed to publications. Among the epigrams are one to Shakespeare and two to Ben Jonson. The epigram to Shakespeare is as follows:449

To our English Terence Mr. Will: Shakespeare.

Some say good Will (which I, in sport, do sing)

Had’st thou not plaid some Kingly parts in sport,

Thou hadst bin a companion for a King;

And, beene a King among the meaner sort.

Some others raile; but raile as they thinke fit,

Thou hast no rayling, but, a raigning Wit:

And honesty thou sow’st, which they do reape;

So, to increase their Stocke which they do keepe.

Davies also wrote a sonnet on Smith, which was printed in the Description of New England.450

Thomas Fuller in his History of the Worthies of England, first published in 1662, pays high tribute to Davies’s penmanship and briefly alludes to his poetic accomplishments. I quote his language in order that you may catch the spirit of humorous hyperbole in which he writes:451

John Davies of Hereford (for so he constantly styled himself) was the greatest master of the pen that England in his age beheld; for, 1. Fast-writing; so incredible his expedition. 2. Fair-writing; some minutes consultation being required to decide, whether his lines were written or printed. 3. Close-writing; a mystery indeed, and too dark for my dim eyes to discover. 4. Various writing; Secretary, Roman, Court, and Text.

The poetical fiction of Briareus the giant, who had a hundred hands, found a moral in him, who could so cunningly and copiously disguise his aforesaid elemental hands, that by mixing he could make them appear a hundred, and if not so many sorts, so many degrees of writing. Yet, had he lived longer, he would modestly have acknowledged Mr. Githings (who was his scholar, and also born in this county) to excel him in that faculty; whilst the other would own no such odious eminency, but rather gratefully return the credit to his master again.* Sure I am, when two such transcendant penmasters shall again come to be born in the same shire, they may even serve fairly to engross the will and testament of the expiring universe. Our Davies had also some pretty excursions into poetry, and could flourish matter as well as letters, with his fancy as well as with his pen. He died at London, in the midst of the reign of King James; and lieth buried in St. Giles in the Fields.452

* So informed by Master Cox, Draper in London, his executor.

Mr. Henry H. Edes read the following paper:

In an autograph dealer’s catalogue, which was sent to me last summer, I noticed an item described as a profession of faith of the Rev. Andrew Eliot. I bought it and soon after submitted it to our associate Dean Fenn. As Dr. Fenn expressed the hope that I would carry out my purpose of communicating this paper to the Society, I feel no hesitancy in offering it for consideration to-day. The text follows.

I bles god that I haue bene born under the gospel and doe hear of a sauour and saluation by him: it pleased the lord to work upon my heart by the conuictions of his spirit and to shew me that I had something to doe in order to my own souls eternal saluation and blesednes in a nother world but I went on contrary to conuictions and stifiled them uery much for a long time but at length I was so much awakened and terifyed in my self that I could not resist any longer then I complyed in some measure with these conuictions that I had in me by the spirit of god and thought with my self I would not any longer stand out and fight against god but after some time I fell much from my resolutions and became cold and careles in the ways of godliness but it pleased the lord to stir me up again and to bring me to consideration of what adreadful condicion I was in while I thus continued in a state of coldness in the ways of religion and then I was brought into dreadful doughts and fears about my sencerity in the ways of religion but I haue great hopes that it was in love to my poor soul that god dealt with me after such a maner and that it was to humble me and to shew me that my own strength and all my own righteousnes was but as filthy rags and worse then nothing and that the rightousnes of the lord Jesus christ was that in which I must apear in at the day of Judgment and my hopes in this is because that by search I haue found that I did put two much trust upon my own strength but now by these fals that I haue mett with I haue seen in me a mear fountain of sin and iniquity and a wrethed body of death wthin me so that from what I haue experinced of it in me I can cry out with the apostle who shall deliuer me from this wrethed body of sin and death and by these fals I haue been almost brought to dispair of any hopes of my sencerity but god by his infinite power and through his infinite wisdom has keept me in a little hopes all along and by this hope that was in me I was keept from laying down my duty totaly though it was keept up in much coldnes and indiferency and now desire to come to the lords table and to pertake of the benifites that christ has purchased for his chosen and hope that I shal receiue of the benifites that christ has to giue to all those that wait upon him there in sencerity because he has apointed it for weak and doughting christians and desire the prayers of all gods people for me that I may have all my wants supplyed and my doughts resolued att this holy ordinance of the lords super and that my life and conuersation may shew forth that I doe adorn the profesion that I now make before the lord this day

I beleiue that there is one god in three persons father son and holy goast I beleiue that Jesus Christ is the son of god and that he took upon him our nature and came into the world and dyed a miserable and cruel death for the sins of the elect I beleiue that this was in acouenant between the father and the son from the dayes of eternity and that in fulnes of time it was all fulfiled that christ dyed and rose again the third day and asended into heauen and siteth at the right hand of god the father to make intercesion for those whom he had dyed to redeem I beleiue in the holy goast that he is god and proceedeth from the father and son and is equil with them both in wisdom and power I beliue that christ ordained churches in the world for the edifying and comforting of his chosen and to s[o] unite their hearts in love to god and also to one a nother for the strengthing and establishing of them in the ways of holynes and comfort and building them up in their most holy faith I beleiue that there is anumber of elected ones chosen in christ before the foundation of the world for which number christ dyed I beleiue that in these churches that he has ordained in the world he ordained the ordinances that is in them and sacriments which are two namly baptism and the lords super the one for the sealing to beleiuers the benifites of christs death and mediation the other to shew forth christs death and for the renewing that solemn couenant which they make in the former which they renew in the latter sacriment I beleiue that at the end of the world christ shal come to Judge the world and that the righteous shal go into life eternal but the wicked into hell to be punished with unquenchinable fire with the deuil and his angels for euer

Andrew Eliot

[Endorsed]

Andrew Eliot

In commenting on this document Dean Fenn says:

The writer was evidently a Calvinist believing, however, in “means” and in a limited atonement. So far as one can gather from running through Eliot’s sermons, the writer’s views as to the Lord’s Supper and “means” are in harmony with his, but the limited atonement is puzzling. Certainly, at the end of his life Eliot would not have subscribed to the doctrine, although he may have done so earlier.

Dr. Andrew Eliot’s son, Ephraim Eliot, has portrayed the character of his father. The following passage, written in 1822, is of present interest:

In principle he was what has been styled a moderate Calvinist. The doctrines laid down in the “Assembly’s Shorter Catechism” he held in high estimation. These he inculcated zealously upon the youth of his congregation, and upon his children, as long as he lived. That part of the clergy, who style themselves the liberal clergy, now take pains to disseminate an opinion that he was an Arminian. Upon this the writer does not pretend to decide; but thinks it is incorrect, or that the doctor himself did not know it; or peradventure these gentlemen are not competent judges. The creed commonly called the Apostles’ he assented to, with the exception of that part, which affirms that Christ descended into hell. For this he did not think there was scriptural authority. This part he taught his children to leave out, when they repeated that and the Lord’s prayer to him, after catechising them, which was his constant practice every Sabbath evening; and he advises in one of his printed sermons, that it should always be left out.453

As the Records of the New North Church give an unusually full account of the proceedings of the communicants in relation to the choice of a successor to the Rev. Peter Thacher as colleague to the Rev. John Webb, and as they evince the deepest interest in the doctrinal position of candidates, the following extracts are here printed for the first time from the original:

July 9^th 1739

[230]

At a meeting of y^e Brethren regularly warned: after solemn Supplications to y^e great Head of the Cћћ, for his gracious presence and Direction, the following things were proposed to the Brethren and acted upon

I. Whereas the Church, at a meeting May 28^th past, made choice of y^e Rd. Thomas Prentice454 & M^r John Burt,455 to preach with us, each three sermons upon Probation; w^ch they have already done:

It is proposed, whether the Cћћ will now proceed to to take any further step or steps towards the settlement of one or other of the worthy Persons above-mentioned, or of any other suitable Person, in the pastoral office over us.

Voted in the Affirmative.

II. Since the settlement of a Pastor, is an affair wherein the Honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Salvation of precious souls is most nearly concerned; and since for these Reasons, it is the indispensable Duty of every Church to introduce no man into the Pastoral Office over them, but one that, with other desireable Qualifications, is sound in the Faith of ye Gospel, and of a good conversation in Cht Jesus:

It is proposed; That y^e Person upon whom the Lot may fall, be strictly examined concerning his Principles in Christianity, both doctrinal and disciplinary; and that proper care be taken to enquire into his Christian conversation: and that the Cћћ receive reasonable and Christian satisfaction in the premises, before they fully confirm said choice.

Voted in the Affirmative.

[231] VIII. Inasmuch as sevral of y^e great & important Doctrines of Chtianity are vigorously opposed at this Day by Deists, Socinians, Arians & Arminians, and the Faith of many professors in great danger of being suburted by this means:

Voted, That it is y^e Desire and Expectation of the Cћћ, That the Committee abovementioned take more especial care to enquire of y^e Rd M^r Thomas Prentice concerning his soundness in these present Truths; and to desire of him the most explicit confession of his Faith concerning them.

IX. Voted, That the Rd. M^r Prentice be desired to preach one part of y^e Day with us till the Committee have made the enquiries above-mentioned, and reported to y^e Cћћ upon them.456

July 22^nd [1741]

[237]

At a Meeting of the Brethren regularly notified:

[238] II. Upon a Proposal made: Voted, That a Day of Prayer be kept to seek Light and Direction from the Great Head of the Cћћ with respect to the Call and Settlement of a suitable Person in y^e Pastoral Office over us.

III. Voted, That August 12th insuing be the Day Appointed and kept for y^e End abovementioned.

IV. Voted, That Mess^rs Daniel Rogers,457 Andrew Eliot, and Jonathan Helyer458 three candidates for the Evangelical Ministry, be Desired to preach with us the three following Sabbaths.

August 18th

At a Meeting of the Brethren regularly notified: After solemn Supplications to the great Head of the Cћћ for his gracious Direction,

Voted, That Mess^rs Andrew Eliot & Janathan Helyer, be Desired to preach, and continue preaching with us till a Number of the Brethren shall desire another Meeting to take y^e supply of the Pulpit into further Consideration

November 2^nd

A Number of the Brethren (agreeable to the Vote of August 18^th) having desired a Cћћ. meeting: A Meeting was notified, and the Brethren met regularly on this Day, and after solemn supplications to the glorious Head of the Cћћ for Light and Direction: The supply of y^e Pulpit was taken into further Consideration, and after some Debate,

I The Question was put whether the Supply of y^e Pulpit for some time sh^ld be by one Candidate alone, or by Two in their Turns? Passed in the Affirmative for one only.

II. The Brethren were desired to bring in their written votes, for one Candidate to supply y^e Pulpit for some time, and on counting y^e votes when bro’t in, it appear’d that M^r Andrew Eliot, was chosen by a considerable majority.

III. Voted, That said Eliot be desired to preach with us the eight following Sabbaths.

December 28, 1741.

[239]

At a Meeting of the Brethren, regularly notified, for the further Supply of the Pulpit.

After solemn supplications to the Great Head of the Cћћ for Light & Direction.

I. Voted, To chuse a fit Person to Preach with us the two following Sabbaths.

II. Voted, That M^r Andrew Eliot be desired to preach one part of the Day the two next Sabbaths.

III. Voted, To proceed to the choice of a suitable Person to settle with us in the Pastoral Office, on Monday January 11^th next ensuing.

IV. Voted, That this Meeting be Adjourned to said Day, The Brethren to meet at 11 o’th Clock A. M. and that our Brethren of the congregation be desired to meet at y^e Meeting House at 3 o’clock in the Afternoon on said Day, That the Church may communicate their choice to them and (if it may be) obtain their concurrence with us in said choice.

January 11^th 1741, 2.

The Brethren being met by adjournment at 11 o’Clock A. M. agreeable to their own vote of December 28^th for the choice of a Pastor:

After solemn Supplications to the Great and Glorious Head of the Cћћ for Light & Direction; and a Short Exhortation to the Brethren to act agreeable to their holy Profession in an Affair of so great Importance:

I. The Brethren proceeded to give in their written votes for the choice of a Pastor: and upon numbering and sorting the votes, it appeared that M^r Andrew Eliot, had a majority of 63 out of 82, to be our Pastor.

II. But before the vote was published to the Brethren they were desired by a handy vote to express how far they were disposed to sit down easy by the Majority on whomsoever the Lot should fall, whereupon (as far as we could discern) there was (excepting * one) a unanimous lifting up of y^e hands of y^e Brethren.

* Laterly Gee459 who voted for M^r Eliot

[240] III. Voted, That the Committee to be chosen to treat with M^r Eliot about his settlement with us in the work of y^e Ministry treat with him according to y^e Rules agreed upon by y^e Brethren, relating to the Settlement of a Pastor, at their Meeting July 9. 1739. and not receive an affirmative answer, till said Eliot had complied with the Desire of the Brethren exprest in them.

IV. Voted, That the Pastor, Elders & Deacons with our Brethren Mess.^rs Peleg Wiswal, William. Parkman and William Owen, be a committee of the Cћћ on this occasion, and make their Report to the Brethren in convenient time.

At 4 o’Clock P. M.

The Brethren of the Congregation met at the Desire of Cћћ; and after solemn Supplications &c The Pastor laid before them the choice the Cћћ had made of M^r Eliot to be their Pastor; and then desired said Brethren to express how far they cou’d concur with y^e Church in said choice: and upon bringing in their written Votes, it appeared that 72 out of 80 Voters, exprest their ready Concurrence with their Brethren of the Chh in this important Affair; and no one present exprest y^e least uneasiness at y^e Transactions of y^e Day.460

February 21^th

The Brethren being desired to tarry after the Congregation was dismissed; The Pastor communicated to them a Confession of Faith he had received from M^r Andrew Eliot, in compliance with the Desires of the Church: which Confession was distinctly Read, and accepted as satisfactory to the Brethren, by a unanimous Lifting up of their Hands.

February 28^th

M^r Andrew Eliot gave us an Answer in the Affirmative to the Invitation we had given him to settle with [us] in the Evangelical Ministry.

March 23^d

A Day of Prayer kept by the Cћh and Congregation for the more plentifull Out-pourings of the Holy Spirit on ourselves and others.

April 14^th 1742.

The Reverend M^r Andrew Eliot ordained to the Pas-[241]toral office over us in the Lord. The Cћћs sent to, and assisting in this important Affair, were the Old-Church, The Old North-Cћћ, the Old South-Chh, The Cћћ meeting in Brattle-Street, and the Cћћ meeting in the New-Brick meeting House in middle-Street, all in Boston; and the first Cћћ of Christ in Cambridge.

Mr. Eliot was born in Boston 25 December, 1719, was educated at the Boston Latin School, graduated at Harvard College in 1737, and died in Boston 13 September, 1778. The Records of the First Church in Cambridge, under Admissions, contain this entry:

1738 Aug. 13 Sir Eliot Andrew, — Student461

In the Records of the New North Church, under Admissions to Full Communion, we find:

1742 March 14 Rd. Andrew Eliot by Dismission from Cambridge462 (p. 20).

Whether the paper which is now before us was read to the Church in Cambridge when Mr. Eliot was admitted to its fellowship in 1738 or to the New North Church on his admission to it in 1742, or whether it is the “Confession of Faith” referred to above as having been “distinctly Read, and accepted as Satisfactory to the Brethren” on 21 February, 1741–12, is a question which may appropriately be referred to the clerical members of the Society.

Mr. John W. Farwell made the following communication:

I wish to bring to your attention an old document which may interest you, as it has me, because of its form as well as for the names of so many interesting people mentioned in it. Though I do not remember to have seen before a bond of this form, our associate Professor Kittredge kindly informs me that it is in the regular old form of such bonds for loans. It will be noted that the forfeiture is about double the sum borrowed. It is the kind of document which Shakspere had in mind when he made Macbeth say: “I’ll make assurance double sure, and take a bond of fate.” The document follows.

Know all men by these presents that Wee Uriah Leonard of Taunton in the County of Bristol in New England Bloomer as Principall, and Stephen Marick of Taunton afores^d Husbandman, and Nathanael Hall of Boston in New England aforesd Physitian as Suertyes, are held and stand firmely bound and Obliged unto Peter Sergeant of Boston aforesd Esq’ Benjamin Browne of Salem in New England aforesaid Merch^t and Obadiah Gill of Boston afore’s^d Shipwright as Executo^rs to the Last will and Testament of Capⁿ Thomas Smith, Late of Boston aforesd Marriner dec^d in the ffull and just summe of One hundred and Ninetyone pounds Current money of New England To be paid unto the said Peter Sergeant, Benjamin Browne, and Obadiah Gill as Exe^rs aforesd or to either or any of them their or either or any of their Certaine Attorney Executo^rs Administo^rs or assignes to and for the only proper Use and behoofe of the Children of the s^d Thomas Smith dec^d, To the which payment well &. truely to be made Wee bind ourselves and each & every of us by himself joyntly and severally for the whole and in the whole our and each & every of our heires Executo^rs and Administo^rs firmely by these presents Sealed with our seals Dated the Seaventeenth day of January Anno Domⁱ 1695/6 Annoq^r RR^s Gullieɫ tertij Anglicæ &c Septimo

The Condition of this present Obligac̄ōn̄ is such that if the Above-bound Uriah Leonard, Stephen Marick and Nathanael Hall or either or any of them their or either or any of their heires Executo^rs or adm^rs shall and doe well and truely pay or cause to be paid unto y^e abovenamed Peter Sergeant, Benjamin Browne and Obadiah Gill as Ex^rs afores^d; or to either or any of them their or either or any of their heires Ex^rs adm^rs certaine Attorney or assignes in Boston aforesd for the Use aforesd, the full and just summe of Fifty and Nine Pounds in the Now p^rsent Current money of New England in manner and Forme following That is to say three pounds thereof on or before the Seaventeenth day of January Which will be in the Yeare of our Lord 1696/7 and the Summe of Three pounds more thereof on or before the Eighteenth day of January which will be in the Yeare of our Lord 1697/8 and the remaining Summe of Fifty three pounds thereof on or before the Seaventeenth day of January Which will bee in the yeare of our Lord One thousand Six hundred Ninety and Eight/9 without fraud coven or farther delay That then this present Obligac̄ōn̄ to be utterly, Void and of none Effect, Butt if default happen to be made in any or either of the sd payments Contrary to the True intent hereof Then to abide and remaine in Full force strength and Virtue.

Signed Sealed & Deliu^d in p^rsence of us	Uriah Leonard [Seal]
William Hubbard	Stephen Marick [Seal]
Eliezer Moody Scr:	Nath Hall [Seal]

Uriah Leonard was of that family of Leonards of whom it was said, “where you can find Iron works there you will find a Leonard.” They were interested at Lynn, Rowley Village, Braintree, Taunton, and later at Canton. They were strong, long-lived and successful men. James, father of Uriah, was at Lynn in 1651 and at Braintree in 1652; and with his brother Henry he established the forge at Taunton (now Raynham), having obtained permission from the town in 1652.463

Uriah was born April 10, 1662, and married June 1, 1685, Elizabeth Caswell, born January 10, 1664–65, daughter of Thomas Caswell of Taunton, by whom he had several children.

King Philip had a summer place near the forge, and the Rev. Peres Fobes, in his description of Raynham, says: “Philip and these Leonards, it seems, long lived in good neighbourhood, and often traded with each other: and such was Philip’s friendship, that as soon as the war broke out, which was in 1675, he gave out strict orders to all his Indians, never to hurt the Leonards.” But for all that, when about thirteen or fourteen, —

Uriah Leonard … as he was riding from Taunton to the forge in this place, was discovered and fired upon by the Indians. He instantly plucked off his hat, swung it around, which startled his horse, and in full career, he reached the forge dam without a wound; but several bullets were shot through the hat he held in his hand, and through the neck of the horse near the mane, from which the blood on both sides gushed and ran down on both legs.464

In the cellar under the old Leonard house the head of King Philip was deposited for a considerable time. James, the father, died in 1691 and Uriah sold his portion of the iron works in 1699.

Stephen Merrick was the son of William Merrick, who came from Wales to Charlestown in the spring of 1636. Stephen was born in Eastham, May 12, 1646, where he married December 28, 1671, Mercy, daughter of Edward Bangs. In 1672 he moved to Norwich, Connecticut, where he bought a plantation and where he was constable in 1681 and county sheriff in 1685. His wife died and he married January 25, 1691–92, Anna Wilbore at Taunton. He was a man of importance in Taunton and left a large property, when he died there in 1705. He had many dealings with the old iron works, and the old books show that he received iron for money in the settlement of his accounts and as dividend on his share in the works. His will was made in 1696 and among the preliminary statements he says, “but purposing to goe forth to walk in the present expedition on foot against the Indian enemy.” In his will, besides devising the personal property, he says: “As to all my land and priviledges lying within the Township of Norwich I give it to my three daughters.” He, however, provides that his wife may sell any part or the whole of those lands, in case of necessity.465

Nathaniel Hall,466 baptized in Yarmouth February 8, 1646, was son of John Hall, who came from Coventry in Warwickshire to Charlestown in 1630. John was on the list of church members in Charlestown, July 30, 1630; made a freeman May 14, 1634; and was a resident of Barnstable in 1640. He was constable in Barnstable and highway surveyor and member of the grand inquest in Yarmouth, where he died at an advanced age in 1696.

His son, Nathaniel, married Anna, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Thornton of Yarmouth. He was a corporal in the first expedition against the Indians at Mount Hope in June, 1675. In the second expedition, in 1676, he was a sergeant under Captain John Gorham; and was severely wounded at the Great Swamp Fight. For this, the Court, July 7, 1681, allowed him a pension of fifteen pounds and all fines imposed on persons in Yarmouth who were convicted of selling spirituous liquors by retail. June 9, 1683, five pounds were allowed him for his continued lameness; and it is recorded June 5, 1684, that forty pounds had been paid to him in money, and he was offered an annual pension of £5. In final settlement of his claim, £30 more were raised and an annual pension of £6 per annum for life was offered, which he accepted June 2, 1685.467

He was granted by the Court —

the sole liberty and priveledge of keeping a house of public entertainment in Yarmouth, to retail all sorts of strong drink, without further license during the natural life of said Hall, with one half of all the fines taken of any English person for retailing strong drink, without license, in said Yarmouth.

He was constituted an agent to prosecute all offenders, and all others were forbidden to sell wines or spirituous liquors. It was only at his house that travellers could obtain a lodging and, in consequence, it was thronged with customers and became the resort of the intemperate and undesirable. In two years he became dissatisfied, and his very pious wife disgusted, with the business, so on September 17, 1690, he sold out to Joseph Taylor, who was later complained of and fined four pounds. This led to litigation between Hall and Taylor, but through a legal quibble Hall finally prevailed.

In February 1886–87, when Hall was contemplating a removal to Boston, Richard Henchman, the schoolmaster in Yarmouth, in a letter to Dr. Increase Mather, says:

There is in this town one Mr. Nathaniel Hall, a man descended of eminently religious parents: who were very happy in all their children, being nine sons, men whom this Nathaniel is reckoned to excel, who, in the late wars, received a wound (the bullet remaining in his body) that has taken away, in a great measure, the use of one of his arms.

Being unable to do any business requiring physical strength, aided by his father-in-law the Rev. Mr. Thornton (who was a physician as well as a minister), he spent his spare time in studying surgery and medicine. He became quite skilful and performed several difficult operations with success. In 1687 he had recovered in a great measure from the effects of his wounds and proposed to remove to Boston and establish himself as a physician in that town. In 1689 he was captain of a body of troops about Casco Bay and on September 21, 1689, under Major Benjamin Church, he “fought with great bravery” in the defence of Falmouth.468 In this engagement, his company was first engaged and did efficient service and lost most men. When Church was about to return home, —

It is Ordered that Cap^t Nathaniell Hall is to take Charge as Commander in Chief of those fforces that are left for the defence of the abovesaid three Townes [Falmouth, Scarborough, and Saco], Those Soildiers that belong to ffort Loyall only to be under the Commander of s^d ffort.469

In a petition to Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, the Council and General Court, held at Boston, June 13, 1695, he says that he was greatly importuned by Sir William Phips to serve in an expedition to Pemaquid, when the fort was building there, when the Governor (Phips) and Major Richards promised him not less than six pounds per month, but that, after twenty-six weeks service, on his return, with leave and order, he has not received more than five pounds per month. This he considered grievous. He also says that he —

had served with his own Medicines in the Cure of many sick & wounded seamen & soldiers on their Return from Canada, he made conscience to charge in his Account as reasonably as could be afforded, & the Surgeons that were appointed to audite his Accompt, found it reasonable: Yet notwithstanding, he received but twenty two pounds, whereas his account amounted to twenty seven pounds odd money … by an Act of a General Court holden at Plimouth, [he] formerly had a Pension allowed him during life, in compensation for the loss of the use of one of his Armes, which was occasioned by a dangerous wound he received at the Narraganset-ffight, but has fallen short of five pounds 򧡑 year of said Pension, ever since the arrival of Sir Edmond Andross; yet has he not been backward to pay all rates and taxes imposed on him, nor would he now appear, if he could comfortably comply with what his rates and engagements are.

His account was —

ffor Wages at Pemaquid	£13 00
ffor what he did for sick & wounded men	05 00
By Arreares of Pension 9 yeares	45 00
	£63 00470

The petition was read November 30, 1695, and it was voted —

That Cap’ Nath: Hall shall haue fifty pounds paid out of the Treasury of this Province in ffull for his Wages at Pemaquid (yet due) & for what he did for Sick and wounded men, and for all he demands for his stypend or pension of fiue pounds a yeare duering his life (or in Plymouth late Colony) — But his Lycence granted him to keep an Ordinary in Yarmouth in the County of Barnstable by y^e late General Court in Plymouth is Still to Remaine to him & his Assigns According to that Courts Grant.471

He was a practising physician in Hingham very early in the eighteenth century and probably succeeded Dr. John Cutler, who removed before 1700.472 In 1713 he sold his home in Hingham, between South Street and the meeting-house of the First Parish, to Joshua Tucker, and moved to Lewes, Sussex County, Pennsylvania, where he was said to be living in 1716. He had no children. His name appears in the Boston tax lists in 1691 and as an inhabitant in 1695.473

Peter Sergeant, merchant, came in 1667 from London. On September 25, 1677, “Libertie was granted to Mr. Pet^r Serjeant to set vp a Lime kilne vpon the clay hill neere Fox hill, If it be done with the aduice & approbation of Deacon Eliott;” and August 30, 1680, it was ordered that Peter Sergeant “be paide for six halfe barr^lls of powd^r made vse of, for blowinge vp of houses in the last greate Fire.”474

He was a strong opponent of Andros and was one of a committee which sent to the Governor a paper, dated at the Town House, April 18, 1689, saying that they were —

surprised with the people’s sudden taking up arms; in the first motion whereof we were wholly ignorant, being driven by the present accident, are necessitated to acquant your Excellency, that for the quieting and securing of the people inhabiting in this country from the iminent dangers they many ways lie open and exposed to, and tendering your own safety, we judge it necessary you forthwith surrender and deliver up the Government and Fortifications, to be preserved and disposed according to order and direction from the Crown of England, which suddenly is expected may arrive; promising all security from violence to yourself or any of your gentlemen, or soldiers in person and estate; otherwise we are assured they will endeavor the taking of the Fortifications by storm, if any opposition be made.475

He was appointed one of the Commissioners for the special Court of Oyer and Terminer for the trial of the witches for the counties of Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, June 13, 1692. He occupied many other positions of trust and responsibility. He built and occupied the building, afterward purchased by the Province, as a residence for the governors, later known as the Province House. His first wife died November 10, 1700, and he married October 9 of the following year Mary, widow of Sir William Phips; and December 19, 1706, he married, third, Mehitable, widow of Thomas Cooper. He died February 8, 1714.476

Benjamin Brown was the son of William Brown. He married Mary, the daughter of John Hicks, a nonconformist minister in England, in 1686, in which year she came with the Rev. Charles Morton and settled in Charlestown. Her father, who had a brother, George Hicks, D.D., of a Yorkshire family, and Dean of Worcester, was executed at Revington Green April, 13, 1686, on the charge of being concerned in Monmouth’s Rebellion. Benjamin Brown was a man of much influence in Salem and was selectman, deputy to the General Court several times; justice of the court of sessions and one of the assistants, 1701–1703. His wife and two children died before he did. He died December 7, 1708, and left a large property, estimated at £30,000. Felt says, “He lived to be useful. He was an ornament to his town and country.”477

Obadiah Gill was a man of prominence in the Colony and served in various offices: constable, surveyor of highways, selectman, assessor, etc.; until, when elected selectman March 11, 1700, he declined to serve. After the great fire of 1676, a fire engine had been imported from England, the first in Boston, and on January 27, 1678–79, he was appointed a member of the first company which had charge of it. With others, February 8, 1687–88, he was fined one silver mark for refusing to lay hands upon the Bible in swearing and on March 30, 1688, he was imprisoned for not paying the fine, but he paid it and “lay not one night in prison.”478

Thomas Smith married Rebecca, daughter of Habakkuk Glover and Hannah Eliot, daughter of the Apostle Eliot, who were married May 4, 1653.479 Glover was a tanner and a man of good estate, made freeman 1650. On February 19, 1673, Habakkuk Glover and wife Hannah deeded to Thomas Smith and Rebecca, wife of Thomas Smith, mariner, one half of his house, now in possession of said Smith, and a portion of a garden plot, near the Castle Tavern (corner of Elm Street and Dock Square). He reserved the other half of the house, then in his possession, for his own use.480

On May 1, 1685, Sewall records: “Mr. Tho. Smith from Barbados brings the Honourable Francis Bond, one of His Majesty’s Council for that Island, and of a great Estate, also one Mr. Middleton; Former comes to recover his health.” Again September 15, 1685: “Mr. Bond . . . sails in Mr. Smith.” April 22, 1686, he writes: “Mr. Tho. Smith comes to Nantasket; was much feared to be lost.” November 8, 1688, again: “Capt. Tho. Smith dies about 5. mane; buried Nov. 10. Where the Corps was set was the room where first my Father Hull had me to see the manner of the Merchants, I suppose now above twelve years agoe.… Mr. Serj^t and Benj. Brown led the widow; buried in the old burying-place.”481

His will, dated October 30, 1688, contains many bequests.482

William Hubbard came to Boston in 1630 with his father William, who settled in Ipswich in 1635, where he was one of the wealthiest and most respectable of the first inhabitants. William was born in England and graduated in the first class from Harvard in 1642. In 1656 he became the colleague of the Rev. Thomas Cobbet, minister in Ipswich. He continued to officiate until 1703, but the church records show that on August 2, 1702, “The Rev’d Mr. Hubbard detained the Brethren of the Church and signified and declared his inability (thro age) to carry on the work of the ministry any longer among them, and desired that they would take care and procure help to carry on sd work.”483 Of his History of the Indian Wars, it has been said, “If, in the seventeenth century, was produced in America any prose work which, for its almost universal diffusion among the people, deserves the name of an American classic, it is this work.”484 His History of New England remained in manuscript until 1815. John Dunton, in writing to his wife, describes him thus: “His writing of the History of the Indian Wars shews hime to be a person of good parts and understanding. He is a sober, grave and well accomplished man — a good preacher (as all the town affirm, for I did n’t hear him) and one that lives according to his preaching.”

He married first Margaret, daughter of the Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, and secondly Mary Pearce, widow of Samuel Pearce. The latter marriage was very objectionable to the church, because they did not consider her of sufficient distinction to be the minister’s wife. He expended his patrimony, which was large, and left his widow in indigence, at his death, September 14, 1704. At a town meeting, March 14, 1709–10, it was voted that £20 money be added to town rates for supplying Mrs. Hubbard in her distressed condition. She died the next year.

Eliezer Moody appears to have been an assistant to John Hayward, “Scr.,” for we find him witnessing legal documents with him, as early as 1677, as servant.485 Later he generally signs himself as servant, sometimes as servant to John Hayward Scr., occasionally as Eliezer Moody, and at times adding a final “e” to his name. Some time in 1684 he seems to have left the service of Hayward, after which he subscribes himself Eliezer Moody Scr. In addition to other duties, he appears to have given lessons in writing, for under date of May 14, 1688, Sewall records, “Put Sam to Eliezer Moodey to learn to write.”486 He was made a freeman in 1690 and March 11, 1694–95, he was appointed constable, but refused to serve and paid his fine. On March 12, 1696, he witnessed an agreement of Samuel Bridge to build a shop under the Town House.487

The Rev. Charles E. Park spoke as follows:

Two mural tablets have recently been placed in the nave of the First Church in Boston — one to the memory of Thomas Oliver,488 a ruling elder under the Rev. John Cotton; the other to the memory of Robert Treat Paine, a signer of the Declaration of Independence. The inscriptions on these tablets are as follows:

THOMAS OLIVER

Arrived in Boston 5 June 1632

A Ruling Elder in this Church

1632–1657

Died 1 January 1657–58

Aet. 90

Respected as Town Officer

Trusted as Chirurgeon

Beloved as Neighbor and Friend

His Memory has been Honored

by many

Illustrious Descendants

ROBERT TREAT PAINE

1731–1814

Patriot Statesman Jurist

Delegate from Massachusetts

to the

Continental Congress

he signed the

Declaration of Independence

1776

Attorney-General of the Commonwealth

1777–1790

Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court

1790–1804

His Loyalty

to the Cause of Civil Liberty

led him to share in

the Boldest Action of his Time

Learned in the Law

he helped to establish the

Sound Judicial Traditions of the

Commonwealth

and gave to her service

The Best Years of a Long Life

When the inscription on the Paine tablet was being written, a question arose as to the authorship of a “Sketch of the Character of the late Hon. Robert Treat Paine, LL.D., extracted from a Sermon, delivered at the First Church in Boston, the Sabbath after his decease,” which appeared in a leaflet of four pages without a title-page. This question was settled by the finding of the following paragraph in the Columbian Centinel of Wednesday, May 18, 1814:

The funeral Sermon of the late venerable Judge Paine, preached by the Rev. Mr. M’Kean, on Sunday, had for its text a passage of scripture most happily appropriate to the character of that distinguished Patriot and Judge — Job XXIX. 14 — “I put on righteousness and it clothed me, my judgment was a robe and a diadem” (p. 2/4).

Mr. Justice Paine was born March 12, 1730–31, in Boston, where he died May 11, 1814, in his eighty-fourth year.

The following letter, drawn from the Harvard College archives, gives an interesting account of the ownership of the portrait of the Rev. Samuel Willard, Vice-President of Harvard College from 1700 to 1707. The writer was that Robert Treat Paine who was known in his family as “the astronomer.” He was born in 1803, graduated at Harvard in 1822, and died in 1885. He was a grandson of Robert Treat Paine (H. C. 1749) the Signer, and a son of Robert Treat Paine (H. C. 1792) the poet, — Mr. Justice Paine’s second son, who died in 1811. Two daughters of Judge Paine — Mary, wife of Elisha Clapp, and Maria Antoinette, wife of Samuel Greele — died early in 1842, which accounts for the fact stated in the letter, that the portrait of Mr. Willard came in that year into the possession of the Judge’s grandchildren.

The text of the letter follows:

Boston, May 23, 1842.

For the President and Corporation of Harvard College.

Gentlemen:

A portrait of the Rev. Samuel Willard for many years the pastor of the Old South Church in this city and from 1701–1707 the President of Harvard College having recently come into my possession, I take the liberty hereby to tender the same to your acceptance.

According to the information uniformly given me, this portrait was the property of his eldest daughter, Mrs. Abigail Treat, who about the time of her death, which took place in 1747, gave it to her grandson, the late Judge Paine; in 1814 it became the property of his children and within a few weeks last past, his grandchildren.

I have been the more inclined to offer you this portrait in consequence of having been informed that no other of President Willard is known to exist.

Believe me Gentlemen

most respectfully

your obedt sevt.

Robert Treat Paine.

Mr. Farwell exhibited a copy of the Rev. Samuel Willard’s book entitled The Fountain Opened, printed at Boston in 1700 by Bartholomew Green and John Allen for Samuel Sewall, Jr.

1 See pp. 94–95.

2 History of Massachusetts (1795), ii. 222–223.

3 It will be seen later that News from the Moon does not deal with the currency. Still another pamphlet classified as a currency pamphlet, viz. “English advice to the freeholders, etc. of the Massachusetts-Bay,” may be cast out from this assignment. This latter pamphlet is to be found in the Library of Congress.

4 Dictionary of Books relating to America, xiii. 322.

5 Evans gives the date of the Review, Tuesday, May 2, 1810. As the pamphlet is classified under date of 1721, this typographical error is of no importance.

6 This list also includes, on page 393, “A brief account of the state of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-England, civil and ecclesiastical. By a lover of his country [Cotton Mather?] Boston: T. Crump, 1717. 8 p. 8°.” The assignment of this pamphlet to a place among the currency pamphlets is an error, and the query whether it might have come from the pen of Cotton Mather may be answered in the negative. It is to be found among the works of the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton (1672–1717), and seems to be merely a brief review of the form of government instituted under the province charter.

7 A reprint of News from the Moon will be found in Colonial Currency Reprints (Prince Society), ii. 266–270.

8 The bibliographers of the Review state that at first it was a weekly, then two copies were issued each week, and finally three.

9 The identity of the name of the compiler of this list with that of his father, the famous Librarian of the American Antiquarian Society, will explain the confusion which exists as to the authorship of the Catalogue.

10 See Duniway’s Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, p. 94.

11 Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515–1685, compiled from the Colonial Records and other Original Sources by Major-General J. H. Lefroy, sometime Governor of the Bermudas. London, 2 vols., 1877–1879. All references in my footnotes are to this work unless the contrary is indicated.

12 Lefroy thinks this letter was written to the Rev. Nathaniel Bernard (i. 535), but see pp. 60–69, below, where also the date of the letter is discussed. On Stirk’s Scottish nationality cf. also another letter of Wood’s, probably of 1632 (i. 532), which alone might not be decisive. Our associate, Mr. Charles K. Bolton, has called my attention to a mention of Mr. Stirk in C. A. Hanna’s Scotch Irish, ii. 6. Hanna adds nothing to Wood’s testimony.

13 i. 536.

14 See p. 52, below.

15 Stirk’s MS. petition, Manchester Papers, No. 422 (Public Record Office, London), printed below (p. 49) for the first time: “The booke of Orders sayeth. Article 154. That the Ministers shall haue soe much yearly, as the Company, & they shall agree vpon. And in the Court twelue yeares agoe, they agreed vpon 100 markes, & w^th this condition sent ffower Ministers w^th Capt Bernard of w^ch I was one.”

Lefroy formerly dentified Mr. Stirk with an unnamed minister sent to the Bermudas in 1619 in the Sea-flower. Captain John Smith writes that, shortly after the election of Captain Nathaniel Butler to the governorship, the Company “tooke the opportunitie of a ship, called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia, and by her sent [to Bermuda] a Preacher and his Family, with diuers Passengers, and newes of a new Governor” (Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles, 1624, book v. p. 190). Smith is following Butler’s History: “The Company of Adventurers in England, presently vpon Captaine Butlers election, tooke the opportunitie of a shyp that was to goe for Virginia, and vpon her shypped diuers passengers for the Sommer Hands, and among the rest, a preacher and his family,” etc. (Historye of the Bermudaes, edited by Lefroy, Hakluyt Society, 1882, pp. 141–142). In his edition of Butler’s work Lefroy corrected his own previous identification of the Sea-flower man with Mr. Stirk, finding Lang’s name (“Mr. Lang”) in two documents in Butler’s History,—a letter from the Company to Butler, 1620, and Butler’s reply, in the same year (pp. 212, 221). Lefroy remarks that “there is no record of such a minister in Bermuda” (p. 142 note). The Sea-flower arrived in July, 1619 (Butler, p. 142). There are various documents (unknown to Lefroy) about Lang among the Duke of Manchester’s papers in the Public Record Office, — a letter of August 12, 1619, from Mr. Lewes Hughes to Sir Nathaniel Rich (“Mr. Lang and his wife are in good health; God send us more such.” MS. No. 252 in the catalogue printed in the Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, 1881, Appendix, part ii. p. 34); two letters from the same to the same, [January, 1620] and February 12, 1620 (MSS. Nos. 262, 265, p. 34); a letter from Lang to Rich, October 16, 1620 (MS. No. 277, p. 35); a letter from Butler to Rich, January 12, 1620 (not 1621, see p. 21 note 1, below) (MS. No. 289, p. 37). Lang’s Christian name (Samuel) appears only in his own letter of October 16, 1620 (MS. No. 277, p. 35). Cf. Neill, Virginia Vetusta, p. 192.

The above-cited Historye of the Bermudaes, which is anonymous (Sloane MS. 750, British Museum), was ascribed by its editor, General Lefroy, to Captain John Smith. In 1884 Arber said that Smith was “clearly not the Author of that manuscript, which was written apparently by a Governor previous to Governor Butler;? by Governor Tucker” (Works of Capt. John Smith, p. 624). It was, however, certainly the work of Governor Nathaniel Butler (E. J. L. Scott, Index to the Sloane Manuscripts, p. 69; E. Delmar Morgan, Athenæum, December 24, 1892, p. 891, Academy, December 31, 1892, p. 609).

16 Captain John Smith says that Governor Bernard “arrived within eight days after Butlers departure, with two ships, and about one hundred and forty passengers” (Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles, 1624, p. 200). Butler’s departure, according to a contemporary record (Lefroy, i. 253) took place “about the 25^th of October,” 1622. Bernard’s commission is dated September 1, 1622 (i. 261, 264).

17 Nathaniel Bernard and Joseph Wright are mentioned as “chosen to be ministers and preachers in the said [sc. “the Som^r”] Islands” in a commission of September 5, 1622 (i. 258), which also mentions Captain John Bernard as Governor elect. We do not know positively when Staples sailed, but it was later than May, 1622 (Records of the Virginia Company, edited by Susan Myrick Kingsbury, i. 535, 544, 635; cf. E. D. Neill, English Colonization of America, pp. 323–324; Neill, History of the Virginia Company, pp. 259, 378–379; Lefroy, i. 707). In a list of “all such as were present” at the General Assembly of the Bermudas in May, 1623, we find, under the head of “The Ministers,” three names “M^r Nathaniell Bernard,” “M^r Robert Staples,” and “M^r George Stirke” (i. 316–317).

18 Lefroy says nothing of Mr. Wright’s death, remarking simply (i. 713) that “his name has only been found in the commission” of September 5, 1622 (see note 1, above). But some minister certainly died in the islands soon after Governor Bernard’s arrival and before Governor Bernard’s own decease, which occurred only six weeks after the latter reached his post (Smith, p. 200) and (consequently) in December, 1622 (note also that Governor Bernard was alive, though weak, on December 18, 1622, and that his successor, Captain John Harrison, issued a proclamation on January 1, 1623: i. 278–280). This death of a minister is mentioned by Harrison in a proclamation for a general fast, January 29, 1623: “God … beginninge to take from us the Angell of our Churches sent to breake unto us the bread of life, and last of all strikinge at the verye head our late worthye Governor and his wyfe, both buried in one day” (i. 282). Wright must be the person meant, for it is quite evident that Harrison’s words cannot apply to any of the three preachers who had been in the Bermuda Company’s service before Bernard’s administration, —George Keith (Keath, Keth), Lewes Hughes (Hewes), and Samuel Lang. Keith had left the islands in 1617 and settled in Virginia. (Neill, Virginia Vetusta, p. 172; Burk, History of Virginia, 1804, i. 337; Brown, Genesis of the United States, ii. 934; Brown, First Republic in America, pp. 624, 631; Virginia Magazine, iii. 279–280, xvi. 14.) Hughes left the Bermudas before the end of Harrison’s administration, i. e., before October, 1623 (i. 335), as is clear from a letter of Woodhouse’s (i. 349), and that this withdrawal took place before April, 1623, is extremely probable (cf. what Woodhouse says about Hughes’s salt-pans with Harrison’s order of April 8, 1623: i. 349–350, 289). He was alive in England years after (i. 349–350, ii. 586–587; Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 191–192; cf. Butler, p. 112). Lang had either died or left the islands before the end of 1622. This is inferential, but certain. In the autumn of that year the colonists drew up a statement of grievances which they put into Governor Butler’s hands and which he delivered to the Company in England in 1623 (Manchester MS. No. 295, p. 37; cf. No. 294; Lefroy, i. 275–276; Butler, p. 294; Smith, p. 199). They complain that there have never been more than two ministers in the Bermudas at once, and sometimes (as at present) only one. Their complaint is borne out by the Company’s instructions to Governor Daniel Tucker, February 15, 1616 (i. 107), and by various passages in Butler (pp. 24, 49 ff, 55 ff, 72–73, 149, 152) and Smith (pp. 178, 181, 191, 192), as well as by the Manchester MSS. (Nos. 209, 229, 233, 252, 262, 265, 289). Mr. Hughes signs this memorial (MS. No. 295). Therefore, since Hughes was the only minister in the service at the time, Lang had either died or (more probably) had left the islands.

19 i. 317. It is not surprising that the ministers are not named in the records (which are imperfect anyway) between the arrival of Governor Bernard and this time. The public business had been sadly interrupted by the death of the Governor and the “great sicknesse” of his successor, Harrison (i. 296), so that the Assembly called for December 10, 1622 (i. 267), was not held until the following May.

20 i. 317–321.

21 i. 318.

22 MS. No. 209, May 19, 1617, Eighth Report, pp. 31–32; cf. Lefroy, i. 469.

23 It is in the Public Record Office, among the Duke of Manchester’s papers (MS. No. 234, March, 1618, cf. MS. No. 233, Report, p. 33), and is printed, in part, by Neill, Virginia Vetusta, 1885, pp. 205–207. Hughes’s covering letter of March, 1618 (MS. No. 233), is also printed by Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 187–190.

24 MS. No. 239 December 15, 1618, Report, p. 33; printed by Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 190–191.

25 MS. No. 229, March 10, 1618, Report, p. 33.

26 Mr. Lewes Hughes was the older of the two ministers.

27 Where the colonial Governor resided.

28 Easter, 1620.

29 Butler, pp. 171–173. Captain John Smith (p. 192) has a condensed account of these transactions, obviously adapted from Butler’s MS. It is not so clear as Butler’s narrative, and naturally misled Lefroy (i. 151 note, 678–686), who afterwards corrected his own mistake (ii. 588–591).

30 MS. No. 289, Eighth Report, p. 37. This letter bears the date “Jan. 12, 1620.” The cataloguer remarks “i. e., 1620–1, but endorsed 1619, perhaps correctly.” There can be no doubt that the letter was written in January, 1619–20, for Butler uses the “historical” rather than the “legal” style elsewhere. See his History, p. 162, where “the 23rd of January, an. 1620,” means not 1620–21 but 1619–20. The contemporary who endorsed the letter “1619” was of course using the “legal” style, and meant 1619–20. Thus there is no real conflict between the date of the letter and the date of the endorsement. Beyond question the letter went to England by the ship Garland, which sailed about January 23, 1620 (Butler, p. 162, cf. p. 209).

31 In a postscript. The body of the letter was written February 12, 1620, and includes complaints of Mr. Lang’s conduct (MS. No. 265, Report, p. 34).

32 That the new administration was meant to settle church affairs on a more satisfactory basis is shown by the Orders and Constitutions adopted by the Company on February 6, 1622, where it is stated that there are to be four ministers (§ 154, i. 212). As we have seen, there had never been more than two (p. 18 note 2, above). Mr. Stirk’s petition shows that the full complement crossed the sea with Governor Bernard near the end of the year (p. 49, below). See also the Governor’s proclamation of December 7, 1622 (i. 277). It appears from a passage in Smith (p. 199) that Mr. Lewes Hughes did not leave the islands with Butler in October, 1622 (cf. p. 18 note 2, above). If, as seems likely, he remained there (as sole minister) until Governor Bernard’s arrival, he was of course superseded by the newcomers. On February 12, 1620, Hughes wrote to Sir Nathaniel Rich: “I lik so well of Captaine Butler … as I am more than halfe minded to stay out his time” (Manchester Papers, MS. No. 265).

33 i. 318–319.

34 See p. 50, below.

35 Of his colleagues, Mr. Copeland renounced his orders in 1644 and became an elder of Mr. Nathaniel White’s independent church (i. 585, 610, 617, 624, 626, 627, 697); and Mr. Nathaniel Bernard, after returning to England, and becoming a lecturer at St. Sepulchre’s, London, got into trouble with Laud on account of a prayer that he offered at St. Antholin’s Church on May 3, 1629, and a sermon that he preached at St. Mary’s, Cambridge, on May 6, 1632. For the second offence he was suspended, fined £1000, and imprisoned. This case was one of the principal specific charges brought against Laud by the Commons in 1644 (Prynne, Canterburies Doome, 1646, pp. 362–367, 535–536; Rushworth, Collections, ii. 32, 140–142; Laud, Troubles and Tryal, 1694, p. 371; Prince, Annals, May 6, 1632; Brook, Puritans, ii. 400–404; Gardiner, History of England 1603–1642, ed. 1899, vii. 250–251). On March 7, 1642–43, shortly before Laud’s trial, Parliament ordered a writ of habeas corpus for the removal of “Nath. Barnard “and others from Newcastle prison (Commons’ Journals, ii. 992; Lefroy, i. 692). I do not remember that the Nathaniel Bernard prosecuted by Laud in 1632 has ever been identified with the Bermuda clergyman. My identification, however, is made practically certain by a letter from Governor Roger Wood, 1634, to an unnamed minister then in England but formerly settled at St. George’s in the Bermudas (i. 540–542). Wood writes: “It pleased God in his providence to guide your tongue vnto such a strayne at Cambridge that swept you out of all your former imaginations and dreames of lyving at ease in Syon and for to make you more sensible off it the Highe Priest hath banished you forth of his jurisdiction.” He also speaks of the “sylencing” of his correspondent (i. 541). Lefroy, without being aware of Bernard’s sermon at Cambridge and his prosecution in 1632, rightly supposed that this letter was intended for the former Bermuda minister (i. 542), though he was in error in holding the same opinion about another letter of Wood’s (i. 535; see pp. 60–69, below).

What Mr. Stirk, who died in 1637, might have done if he had lived until 1644 it is idle to conjecture. We may note, however, that his father-in-law, Stephen Painter, became a member of Mr. White’s independent congregation at that time (i. 610, 617, 631–632, 634, 642, 643).

36 According to the terms of the charter granted by James I to the Bermuda Company in 1615, the islands, after the reservation of a portion as public land, were divided into eight parts, called “Tribes.” The division was made in 1618 by the distinguished surveyor Richard Norwood (i. 90, 140–143, 200). That Stirk’a parish was Southampton Tribe appears from a record of July 6, 1626 (i. 392). It is also a certain inference from the record of a settlement of differences as to the ownership of six acres of glebe between Stirk and the Rev. Patrick Copeland in 1627 (i. 431). The land was part of the so-called Overplus and appertained to Southampton Tribe (i. 228; cf. i. 451, § 42; i. 474–475). It was adjudged to belong “not to M^r Copeland but to M^r Stirke, as well for that it was M^r Stirkes ministrye before As also by casting of lotts before this assembly it fell to M^r Stirke” (i. 431). This shows that, on returning to Bermuda in 1626 (see p. 29, below, with note 9), Stirk received the same parish (by lot, in, 1627) that he had held before his banishment, — and that what he received was Southampton Tribe is perfectly clear from a later record (see pp. 44–45, below). The association of Stirk with Stephen Painter in two other votes passed by the Assembly of 1627 (i. 430) is confirmatory evidence, for Painter appears as Councillor for Southampton Tribe in the record of 1623 (i. 316). On the situation of the church of this tribe, see i. 212, 392, 414–415, 451, 561.

37 See the facsimile of the Map of 1626 at the end of Lefroy’s first volume.

38 Lefroy, i. 335.

39 Woodhouse’s latest extant record as Governor is dated “13th January 162 ⁶/₇ “(i. 403, 405). His successor, Captain Philip Bell, is mentioned as recently appointed in a letter of the Company dated “20 Septem 1626” (i. 398). The first extant record of Bell’s administration is dated “16 February 162 ⁶/₇” (i. 406).

40 In 1616 the Company ordered that this division should be made in England, not in the islands (i. 112). The order was repeated in the instructions to Butler in 1619. He evaded it in that year, and, in a letter of January, 1620, begged them to rescind it. In their reply, received by the Governor in the same year, they reiterated it instead. Butler was “disgusted,” and the inhabitants met the oppressive action with general and outspoken resentment (Butler, pp. 162, 207, 208, 209, 212, 220; MSS. No. 269, 284, 289, Report, pp. 35, 36, 37). The “non-divident” was one of the abuses of which the colonists complained in their memorial of 1622 (MS. No. 295, Report, p. 38; Butler, p. 295). These discontents led to the new order of 1622 (see p. 24, below).

41 See i. 267, 277–278 (1622), 363 (1624), 394 (1626), 474 (1628), 510 (1630). Sometimes it began in December and ran into January, as in the division for 1628 (i. 474).

42 i. 180.

43 i. 215–218 (see particularly §§ 167–169).

44 Orders and Constitutions, February 6, 1622, § 169 (i. 217).

45 For the form, see i. 401.

46 There is no direct evidence, but this procedure would be in harmony with Woodhouse’s arbitrary conduct in general, and it is consistent with the language of his letter to the Company in 1625 (i. 341–342) and with that of the Company’s letter of the same year (i. 359–360). The latter mentions “the consent of the counsell” (i. 359), but such consent, as I interpret the course of events, came at a later stage.

47 See his proceedings on a later occasion, in 1626 (i. 400–401).

48 The date is fixed by the deposition of John Middleton (i. 363), and less exactly (as before February 4, 1625) by Woodhouse’s letter (i. 340–342).

49 See the Company’s letter to Woodhouse, September, 1625 (i. 359–360), and the charges presented against Captain Thomas Stoaks (Stokes) in the General Assembly of March, 1627 (i. 425).

50 It is so described in the proceedings against Stokes (i. 425).

51 Woodhouse’s letter of 1625 (i. 341).

52 The same (i. 341–342, 344); Company’s reply, March, 1626 (i. 377); Woodhouse’s proclamation, [December (?),] 1626 (i. 400). Woodhouse held his first assizes in December, 1623 (i. 314).

53 i. 124.

54 He appears in this capacity as early as 1623 (i. 316).

55 See pp. 32 ff, 53 ff, below.

56 See pp. 43, 46, 50, below.

57 See p. 53, below.

58 This appears from the proceedings against Captain Thomas Stoaks (or Stokes) in the anti-Woodhouse Assembly of 1627: “The said Captⁿ Stoaks … hath bene the occasion of much trouble and vexation to the Inhabitants of these Islands, in subscribing at the councell table that the proceedings of the late Governor Captⁿ Wodehouso in propounding the prodigious Oathe were warrantable by the lawe of England And amongst the Inhabitants hath declared himself to be p.swaded that 500 the chiefest lawyers about London, not three of them would be of opinion that this oath was lawfull” (i. 425). Here we doubtless have a phrase from the form of acknowledgment required of the Councillors by Woodhouse, — “warrantable by the law of England.” It is of course possible that the Council Table in question was held before Woodhouse propounded the oath, but the order of events that I have adopted fits all the circumstances better. The record of this meeting is not extant. The time must at all events have been before February 4, 1625 (see Woodhouse’s letter, i. 340–342).

59 In their letter of September, 1625, to Woodhouse, the Company write: “Wee are very gladd to vnderstand both from M^r Stirke his own mouth here, as also by the peticon exhibited to you by M^r Bernard that they did acknowledge the oath not to be derogatarye to Gods lawe” (i. 359).

60 See p. 25 note 9, above.

61 This is an unavoidable inference from the fact that only Painter, Stirk, and Bernard were punished and that they were removed from the Council.

62 In his letter to the Company, 1625, Woodhouse complains of the conduct of Staples in other matters (i. 342–343), but his silence about any opposition to the oath on his part, as well as the fact that Staples remained on the Council throughout Woodhouse’s administration, is decisive.

63 This may have been at the same or at a later meeting, but, even if it was later, cannot have been after February 4, 1625 (see p. 25 note 8, above).

64 I venture to reconstruct the proceedings on the basis of what happened on other occasions, in the Council, at the Assizes, or in the Assembly. See, for example, the prosecution of Captain Thomas Elfroy (or Elfrith) in 1625 (i. 352–356), and cf. i. 404–405, 410, 426–428, 458, 464–470, 485–486, 512–513, etc.

65 See this practice in other cases, i. 355–356, 364–365, 371–372, 405, etc. The regular meaning of “censure” was “judgment,” “opinion.” There is a curious Council record of March 16, 1627, when a certain lieutenant was before that body, charged with disorderly conduct. The censures of the Councillors vary extremely. “M^r Staples censured him to bestride a piece of ordinance being fully laden and soe discharged” (i. 410).

66 That Mr. Bernard refused to give judgment is certain. In the anti-Woodhouse General Assembly under the next administration (Bell’s) in March, 1627, “Vpon the petition of M^r George Stirke and Hugh Wentworth of the long and false imprisonment of M^r Nathaniell Bernard minister, who suffered for his not censuring of M^r Stirke & M^r Painter as aforesaid It was agreed by the whole court that the record concerning him should be raised and annighilated, and sattisfaction allowed him for his long imprisonment” (i. 430). This entry follows a similar expunging resolution with regard to Woodhouse’s “vniust pr.ceedings” against Stirk and Painter “in banishing them from these Islands” (ibid.). Exactly what Bernard did may be inferred from the words used by Captain Roger Wood (Secretary to the Council, afterwards Governor) when called upon to give his “censure” in the case of Christopher Parker at the Assizes of 1626 (also under Woodhouse’s administration): “I becing (or desyring to bee) a free holder of the Sommer Islands, believing here to liue and dye, doe desire to enjoy the benifits and priviledges of the country graunted by the Honor^ble Compa and will neither for feare nor favour of any man bee transported to speake any thing against my conscience Therefore in this matter now in question my censure shall bee no censure, submitting myselfe with all due respect vnto the more able Judgements of the Gouernment and the Bench “(i. 371). That Woodhouse regarded this refusal as objectionable is shown by the fact that, under the next administration, Wood took pains to get the General Assembly to approve his action: “14 March 1026 The Assembly being moved by the Secretary to giue their opinions, whether they thought the Secretary had erred in giuing this opinion, they generally [i.e., universally] concluded he erred not” (i. 371–372). It is instructive to note that the case in which Wood refused to give his “censure” was reviewed by this Assembly of 1627. The’ defendant, Captain Christopher Parker, had been forced to sign an apology or acknowledgment, and had been otherwise punished. Both the judgment and the acknowledgment were “in open veiwe of the Assemblie by generall consent raised out of the Record” (i. 427).

That Bernard’s punishment was (at least, in part) for refusing to sign an acknowledgment that Woodhouse’s propounding of the oath was legal, appears from the Company’s letter of September, 1625 (i. 360).

67 The record of banishment was expunged by the General Assembly in March, 1627 (i. 430), and is no longer extant. Probably it was actually destroyed at that time.

68 His annual stipend was 533 pounds of tobacco (i. 361, 516).

69 The expulsion and fine are mentioned in the Company’s letter of September, 1625 (i. 360). Imprisonment during the Governor’s pleasure was very common, and was often annexed to some other penalty or penalties (i. 356, 364, 372, 403, 405, 410, 425, 426, etc.). That Bernard’s imprisonment was for this indeterminate period, or else that it was to continue until he signed an acknowledgment, is shown by Woodhouse’s letter of 1625 (i. 342).

70 Doubtless Painter also went to England, but we do not know.

71 Woodhouse’s letter of February 4, 1625, is not preserved, but his (extant) letter of 1625 mentions it and gives the date and ship (i. 340–341; cf. i. 342, line 4). The Company’s letter of September, 1625, was in reply to Woodhouse’s (lost) letter of February 4, not (as Lefroy thinks) to his extant letter of 1625. To the latter the Company’s next letter, that of March 21, 1626 (i. 372), is the reply. Comparison of the contents of Woodhouse’s extant letter with those of the Company’s letter of March 21, 1626, establishes this relation. Take for instance the following points: remission of fines (i. 341, 344, 377); the sending of 1000 lbs. of tobacco under peculiar circumstances and its receipt (i. 343, 374); whale ropes (i. 345, 374); [John] Delbridge’s ship and passengers (i. 345, 375); the stone house (i. 345–346, 375); ordnance from wrecks (i. 346, 372); offer to go to England (i. 347, 373). In all or nearly all of these points, the Company’s letter of 1626 fits Woodhouse’s extant letter of 1625. That the Company sent no letter of instructions between the letter of September, 1625, and that of March 21, 1626, is clear from the opening words of the latter (i. 372). That the letter of September, 1625, was a reply to Woodhouse’s (lost) letter of February 4, 1625, is, then, an inevitable inference, which is supported by the mention, in the September letter, of “this late shipp of Bristol” (i. 357), doubtless the “Thomas of Bristol,” by which, as we know, Woodhouse sent his letter of February, 1625 (i. 340).

The contents of the Company’s letter of September, 1625, may therefore be safely used in reconstructing the tenor of the report which Woodhouse sent to the Company in his letter of February 4, 1625.

72 i. 359–361.

73 “ffurthermore whereas there is a levye for euerye minister of 540 lb weight of tobacco yearly or thereabouts, whereof M^r Stirke alleageth he hath had no pte of this last yere past, and he is now here in greate want we pray you that that w^ch is or shalbe levyed for him for his last yeres service 1625 may be sent over to the Compa. here by this or the next shipp” (i. 361).

74 Mr. Bernard “continued in prison,” according to Woodhouse’s extant letter of 1625, until March 11, 1625 (cf. i. 342 with i. 341), after which he was “confined to his chamber and house.” There is no record of his release, but this must have taken place as soon as Woodhouse received the Company’s letter of September, 1625, which contained what was tantamount to an order to this effect. There is indirect evidence, besides, that Bernard was released and reinstated in his parish about December, 1625. For (1) his ministry seems to have come to an end in December, 1626 (see below); and (2) in March, 1627, after Bernard had left the islands (as the language of the document itself shows), the General Assembly recorded the fact that, since his release, he had “serued here one whole year … in the country” (i. 415, cf. i. 477). From December, 1625, to December, 1626, would make this “whole year.”

As to proposition 1 (above), we note that in December, 1626, Woodhouse sentenced Mr. Bernard (on altogether frivolous grounds) to apologize to one of his flock and “for performance thereof [to] lie in prison during his pleasure” (i. 402–403). This doubtless ended his ministry in Bermuda. He certainly left the islands before the Assembly of the following March (i. 415).

75 This is the document often referred to in these notes as Woodhouse’s letter of 1625. It is extant, in an incomplete draught, which may be found in Lefroy, i. 340–351. It was written later than April 7, 1625 (i. 341), and before the summer (“now Somer approachinge,” i. 347). Lefroy dates it “probably June.” Perhaps there was some delay in despatching it. Certainly it seems odd that the Company’s reply should not have been written until March, 1626, but there can be no doubt about the fact (see p. 27 note 5, above).

76 i. 341.

77 i. 341–342, 344.

78 i. 372–378.

79 i. 377.

80 On Copland or Copeland, see Neill, English Colonization of America, chaps, vii–x.

81 i. 376–377.

82 Letter of the Company, September 20, 1626 (i. 398).

83 This is a safe inference from the reply of the inhabitants to the Company’s letter of September 20, 1626 (see p. 31 note 4, below).

84 Council record of April 12, 1627 (i. 440–441) J Bell’s letter of 1627 (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48).

85 i. 430. The expunging resolution in Stirk and Painter’s case is quoted above, p. 26 note 7. Governor Bell was in full sympathy with this and the other expunging resolutions, as is shown by his letter of 1627, in which he says that the persons who petitioned the Assembly in that behalf “had all been used and proceeded against not only illegally but very cruelly and unjustly” and that “those former proceedings” were reversed (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48).

86 i. 425.

87 i. 428; cf. Bell’s letter of 1627 (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48).

88 i. 431. Paget’s Tribe was attached to Warwick’s as part of Mr. Copeland’s parish (i. 441). A “disputacon” (i.e., discussion, not dispute) between Mr. Stirk and Mr. Copeland as to glebe land was amicably adjusted. In this matter, Mr. Stirk showed his modest and amiable temper, as the record proves (i. 431; cf. i. 474–475).

89 i. 415–416 (cf. i. 515–516). The act speaks of “the 4 ministers now residing in the Somer Islands” and mentions Staples and Copeland by name. Lefroy thinks that the other two were Nathaniel Bernard and Bellingham Morgan (i. 416 note 1). They were, in fact, Morgan and Stirk. Bernard had left the islands, for this same act provides that “all such stipends and meanes w^ch are got behind and vnpaid vnto M^r Nathaniell Bernard … shall be allowed and paid either to himselfe if he shall return againe (wh. wee much desire) or to his assignes nominated in his stead and to his vse to receaue the same” (i. 415). Stirk was present at this Assembly (i. 430, 431).

90 i. 415.

91 Apparently some order concerning Mr. Stirk’s salary had been sent to Woodhouse (supplementary to that previously mentioned, p. 28, above), for Bell writes to England, in 1627, that certain glebe lands which should have gone “towards the raising of Mr. Stirk’s salary, due and yet unsatisfied” had been given by Woodhouse to Mr. Morgan, and the orders of the Company wholly disregarded (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48). This in part explains an entry in the Council record of March 1, 1627: “M^r Morgan applauding Captⁿ Woodhouse for the many favours hee had receeued from him, and that he was his seruant vsgue ad aras” (i. 407). It took some time to get the matter of Mr. Stirk’s salary fully adjusted, as we shall see, but it is clear that he finally received his dues.

92 i. 397.

93 i. 433. The letter must date from March, 1627, for its authors are “wee whose names are here subscribed, presenting the body of this Plantacon in this our gen^rall Assemblie” (i. 432—433). Lefroy erroneously identifies “our banished minister” with Mr. Robert Staples (i. 433 note), and he makes the same slip with regard to “the banish4 of one minister”. mentioned in the record of this Assembly (i. 425). That Staples was not banished by Woodhouse is as certain as that Stirk was. The records show, on the contrary, that he continued a member of the Council throughout Woodhouse’s administration (see i. 342–343, 356, 365, 371, 378, 388, 396, 405). Lefroy’s error was perhaps induced by a record of February 10, 1629: “M^r Staples having been formerly dismissed from [his employment in] the compa and countreys service, Was now againe … re-appointed to his charge at Hambleton and S^t Georges” (i. 484). But this has nothing to do with banishment. The dismissal, doubtless at his own request (and very likely as a result of differences with an exasperating colleague, the Rev. Abraham Graham: see i. 464–470), apparently occurred in 1628 (i. 475). Staples went to England (i. 480), but soon returned, and he was reinstated in his charge in 1629 (i. 484, 504–505). In the same year Graham was dismissed for seditious and turbulent conduct (i. 486). In 1630, however, Staples’s relations with the colony came to a sudden and violent end. On November 2d of that year, Captain Thomas Chaddock (the Sheriff, afterwards Governor) deposed that he had waited upon Mr. Staples, “according to the Governors comand,” in order “to demand a cowe calfe belonging to the company.” The minister got very angry, and said to Chaddock, “If you take the Calfe away I would I might hang on Hell if euer I preach in the Islands more,” and, “stamping with his foote,” added, “If euer I preach in the Islands againe I would I might smoke where I stand.” Mr. Staples, being questioned at the Council Table, declared that he would stand to his words, whereupon “It was consented vnto by the Gouern^r and Counsell by the irrection of hands that hee should bee discharged from the Honor^ble Compa^s service and should take his course as may seem best for himself for tyme to come” (i 512–513).

94 i. 469.

95 i. 419.

96 i. 466. The record of the Council suspending the act has not been found, apparently.

97 i. 463, 466–470.

98 i. 468, 470.

99 i. 464–470.

100 At the Council of October 11, 1628, the Governor told Mr. Graham “hee wonndered that hee w^ch was the youngest minister, and but newly arryved in the land should thus offer first to meddle and stirre in that w^ch all the rest were contented withal, or at least obeyed” (i. 468). Compare the remarks of Mr. Copeland (ibid.).

101 MS. No. 416 (Public Record Office). My attention was called by our associate Mr. Worthington C. Ford to a summary of this letter in the Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Appendix, part ii. pp. 48–49. I have procured a copy of the whole document, as well as of Bell’s supplementary letter to Rich (MS. No. 417). Both are important in the present investigation. I am indebted to Mr. Salisbury, of the Record Office, for his kindness in this matter, and also for obtaining permission for me to have two of Mr. Stirk’s letters photographed (Manchester Papers, Nos. 419, 422).

102 It seems not to be extant.

103 The records and letter do not seem to be preserved.

104 It will be noted that the cause which Bell (in his first letter to Rich) assigns for Painter’s initial opposition is extremely vague: “becaus I would not suffer the conclusiones of the Generall Assemblye & the Generall equitye of the whole lande to giue place & waye to his proude & licentious humore” (p. 33, above). Perhaps Painter did not like the decision of the Assembly of 1627 that no church should be built at the Overplus (i. 414–415; cf. i. 212, 392–393, 451). This was at all events a matter of some interest to both him and Mr. Stirk.

105 i. 432, 452.

106 The Council, according to the Orders and Constitutions of 1622, was to consist “ordinarily” of the Sheriff, the minister of the St. George’s church, the minister of Hamilton’s and Smith’s Tribes, the Secretary, two Captains of the chief forts, and the first of the Overseers of the Public Land. At the General Sessions “and upon other especiall and extraordinary occasion,” it was to include also the other two ministers, “and the first of the two Overseers of every Tribe” (§ 172, i. 218; cf. § 154, i. 212). These two Overseers were to be chosen by the Governor and Council “out of the sixe persons sent yeerely from every Tribe to serve for that Tribe at the Generall Sessions to be held in the Spring or former part of the yeere” (§ 166, i. 215). The records are too incomplete to enable us to make a good list of the Councillors from year to year.

107 Leycroft (Leicroft, Lucroft) signs the Council record of March 10, 1629 (the Council which dismissed Graham), and he was present at the meeting of December 3, 1629 (i. 486, 487). He was of Southampton Tribe (i. 380, 487, 524) and his land lay next to Painter’s (ii. 704–705). That he owed his membership in the Council to his position as first Overseer of the Tribe is not only obvious from the organization of that body (see note 1, above), but is plainly indicated by “South.” after his name in the Council record of December 3, 1629 (i. 487). Leycroft (“Levicroft”) is one of the signers of the Council’s letter in favor of Bell (MS. No. 415, Report, p. 48), and Painter is not. This letter was delivered April 28, 1629. When it was written we do not know, but obviously not earlier than December 2, 1628 (since it mentions the action of the Council that was taken on that day: see i. 473–474). It is almost certain, then, that Leycroft was Councillor for 1628. If he had not been, it is hard to see how he could have assumed responsibility for an act’of the Council which took place in that year. Leycroft was in England at some time in 1628 (i. 480), but he had returned before December 2 (indeed, before November 6: see i. 470) Staples, who was in England at the same time, had returned before December 18, 1628 (i. 475), or at all events before February 10, 1629 (i. 484).

108 i. 502.

109 i. 466.

110 See p. 33, above.

111 i. 469.

112 MS. No. 415, Eighth Report, p. 48.

113 The Company laid oppressive restrictions, ruinous to the colony, on trade with the islands, desiring to confine it to their own ships, sailing from London. John Delbridge, of Barnstaple (he himself spells it Barnstable), a member of the Company, made insistent efforts to break through these restrictions. He sent various ships to the islands from Barnstaple, and the colonists were eager to trade with him (see Manchester Papers, MSS. Nos. 243, 415, 417, Report, pp. 33, 48, 49; Butler, pp. 189, 216, 225, 272; Lefroy, i. 99, 345, 375, 443–447, 448–449, 470–474, 714). The ship referred to in the letter of the Council arrived at the Bermudas about November 6, 1628 (i. 470); the inhabitants petitioned the Governor and Council for leave to trade (i. 471); the permission of the Council, “the Gouernor only excepted,” is dated December 2, 1628 (i. 473–474). Benjamin Delbridge, a relative of John (see Butler, p. 272), commanded this ship (i. 473). In a letter of Butler’s meant as a supplement to that under discussion, the Governor says that the responsibility was with the whole Council, but that he did not share it (MS. No. 417, Report, p. 49).

114 Thomas Chaddock (Chaddocke, Chadwicke) was Sheriff. He was afterwards Governor (1637–1640), succeeding Roger Wood (i. 548), Bell’s successor, and it is extremely probable that he hoped at this time to succeed Bell, whose term was about to expire.

115 Manchester MS. No. 417. It begins, “I must needs inlarge my self a litle further in one buisines or two w^ch I had allmost forgotten.”

116 I.e., “that was “(by a very common ellipsis of the relative).

117 Mr. Nathaniel Ward reached the Bermudas in the autumn of 1628. The evidence is as follows: (1) Mr. Abraham Graham is shown to have arrived about July, 1628, by the fact that, before he came, Mr. Staples, whom he was to succeed, was “seated and [had] served halfe the yeare or thereabouts” in Pembroke Tribe (i. 465; cf. i. 388, 473), and also by the fact that on July 17, 1628, Mr. Graham’s motion “to knowe the certeine place of his charge and residence” came before the Council (i. 461). Now Graham was in the islands before Ward, for Governor Bell (early in 1629) speaks of Ward as the latest comer among the ministers. (2) Mr. Ward was on the Council in December, 1628 (i. 475, 514–515, 710; Manchester MS. No. 415, Report, p. 48. November 18 [i. 514] seems to be an error of the recorder for December 18 [see i. 475]). (3) In December, 1628, an appropriation of 200 lbs. of tobacco (two-sevenths of a year’s salary) was made for Mr. Ward’s stipend “since his entertainment,” i.e., since his engagement as minister (i. 477, 485).

That the Bermuda Nathaniel Ward was not the Nathaniel who wrote The Simple Cobbler (as Lefroy thought, i. 710, cf. i. 545) has been proved by our associate the Rev. Henry A. Parker (Publications of this Society, xii. 166–167). I have no doubt that he was that Nathaniel’s nephew. We know that Samuel Ward, Town Preacher of Ipswich in Suffolk, had a son (his second child) named Nathaniel, who was a clergyman (Candler’s pedigree in J. W. Dean, Memoir of Nathaniel Ward, p. 125; Samuel Ward’s will, Dean, p. 154, Waters, Genealogical Gleanings, p: 19). Since Samuel Ward married on January 2, 1604–05 (C. H. and T. Cooper, 2 Notes and Queries, xii. 426; Dean, in Waters, p. 19), his son Nathaniel may well have been old enough for the Bermuda ministry in 1628. My identification derives some support from the fact that in 1634 (two years after the Bermuda Nathaniel returned to England) we find Governor Roger Wood applying to Samuel Ward to procure a minister for the islands (i. 541). It is quite possible that Governor Wood was related to the Wards, either by blood or marriage. John Ward, father of Samuel and of Nathaniel (the Simple Cobbler), was of Haverhill, which is partly in Suffolk and partly in Essex (Dean, p. 12, and note 5). Roger Wood was Nathaniel Bernard’s uncle (Lefroy, i. 542; cf. p. 22 note 2, above), and Bernard’s family lived in Essex (i. 361). A certain John Wood of Stratford (Suffolk), in his will, proved February 2, 1615–16 (Waters, p. 583), speaks of “my cousin Samuel Ward, now preacher at Ipswich,” and “my cousin Nathaniel Ward, his brother.”

Since the Bermuda Nathaniel returned to England in 1632 (p. 46, below, and note 2), I venture, further, to identify him with the Nathaniel Ward, A.M., who became Rector of Hadleigh (Hadley ad Castrum), Essex, June 7, 1639, on the resignation of John Ward, A.M. (Newcourt, Repertorium, ii. 291). This John was son of the elder Nathaniel (the Simple Cobbler) and came to Massachusetts in 1639 (Mather, Magnalia, book iii. part ii. chap. 31, ed. 1702, p. 167; Dean, pp. 32 note 4, 187). Thus it would appear that our Nathaniel succeeded his own cousin in the Hadleigh rectorship. The patron of the living was Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick, who was Governor of the Bermuda Company in 1628 (i. 473), when our Nathaniel was sent to the islands. Doubtless he owed his Bermuda appointment to the Earl, as well as the Hadleigh living. (Note that another Bermuda minister, Mr. Nathaniel Bernard, an Essex man, was certainly a protégé; of Warwick’s: see i. 360–361.) Nathaniel Ward retired from his Hadleigh rectorship almost immediately, his successor being instituted on June 30, 1639 (Newcourt, ii. 291). On the 8th of the following January, Nathaniel Ward, A.M., — unquestionably the same man — was instituted as Rector of another Essex church of which the Earl of Warwick was likewise patron, — that of Hawkwell (Hack-well). He resigned this living, and his successor, Thomas Oresby, was instituted on December 7, 1643 (Newcourt, ii. 320; cf. Davids, Nonconformity in Essex, pp. 269, 401; Shaw, Church under the Commonwealth, ii. 379). Mr. Dean was rather inclined to identify the Rector of Hadleigh and Hawkwell with Samuel Ward’s son (p. 32 note 4). Probably he would have expressed himself more positively if he had known of the career of Nathaniel Ward in Bermuda.

Nathaniel Ward’s next living, as I read the records, was Walkern, Herts. Urwick, to be sure, positively identifies the Walkern minister with the elder Nathaniel, the author of the Simple Cobbler (Nonconformity in Herts, p. 613). But this is certainly a mistake. The elder Nathaniel was in New England as late as December, 1646 (Dean, p. 88), and perhaps later, whereas the Walkern Nathaniel signed a petition of sixty-three beneficed Hertfordshire ministers which was presented to the House of Lords on July 24th of that year (Lords’ Journals, viii. 445; Urwick, pp. 124, 612). John Gorsuch, D.D., Rector of Walkern, was sequestered not later than 1643 (First Century of Scandalous Priests, 1643, p. 5; Urwick, p. 612). Since the minutes of the Committee “for Plundered Ministers, October 26, 1647, speak of the rectory as sequestered to Ward (Urwick, p. 612), and since there is no trace of an intervening incumbent, we may infer that Ward received the Walkern charge immediately after the resignation of his Hawkwell rectory, which took effect, as we have seen, December 7, 1643 (Newcourt, ii. 320). On August 20, 1647, Nathaniel Ward, as minister “settled” at Walkern “by Order of Parliament,” petitioned the Lords for relief against Dr. Gorsuch, who was attempting to make reentry, and relief was promptly granted (Lords’ Journals, ix. 389, 390; cf. Shaw, Church under the Commonwealth, ii. 260 note 3). The next year Ward lost the living, which was declared “void by the death of Jo. Gorsuch” and bestowed on Simon Smeath, July 3, 1648 (Lords’ Journals, x. 358; cf. Urwick, p. 614 and note 2).

The identity of Nathaniel of Walkern with Nathaniel son of the Ipswich Town Preacher, Samuel Ward, is practically settled by the will of George Marvin, March 24, 1648–49. Marvin leaves £10 to “Mrs Ward, widow of Mr Samuel Ward,” and £5 to “Mr Nath; Ward late of Walke-horne,” making Nathaniel and Joseph Ward (whom he calls ministers) his executors (Waters, p. 1103). Here we manifestly have to do with Samuel, Town Preacher of Ipswich, and his sons Nathaniel and Joseph (see Candler’s pedigree, Dean, p. 125). “Walk-horne” is of course Walkern. The description “late of Walke-horne” suggests that Mr. Nathaniel Ward had not received another benefice by March 24, 1649, and this fits perfectly with what we can ascertain from other sources. Thus, on June 2, 1648, “Nath. Warde” petitioned the Lords “to have the Parsonage of Althorpe, in the County of Lyncolne.” Obviously this is the Walkern man. The dates fit to a nicety. His petition was granted, but almost immediately (June 22–26, 1648) the Althorpe living was given to Thomas Spademan instead (Lords’ Journals, x. 297, 342, 347).

Matthias Candler’s pedigree of the Wards calls Nathaniel (son of Samuel of Ipswich, Suffolk) “D^r of Divinity, Rector of Stapleford in Essex” (Dean, p. 125; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xii. 283). This fits our successive identifications admirably. Richard (or Thomas) Nicholson had the rectory of Stapleford Tawney (Tany) from March 11, 1596–97, until April 29, 1643, when he was sequestered (Newcourt, ii. 556; Commons’ Journals, iii. 50, 53, 58; Lords’ Journals, vi, 20, 21, vii. 142, 174, 272, ix. 389, 390; First Century, 1643, pp. 25–26; Davids, Nonconformity in Essex, pp. 422–123). Nicholson was succeeded by Daniel Jennour, Jennour by Edward Benthall, and Benthall by Thomas Horrocks, who, in 1650 or immediately after, removed to Maiden, Essex (Davids, pp. 423–424; cf. Lords’ Journals, ix. 389, 390). Thus it is clear that Candler’s designation of Nathaniel Ward as Rector of Stapleford applies to a time not earlier than 1650. In fact, we find Ward there in 1657, for, on February 9, 1656–57, “Samuel Warde, son and heir of Nathaniel W., Stapleford Toney, Essex, clerk,” was admitted to Gray’s Inn (Foster, Register of Admissions, p. 281; cf. Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, p. 1570). Palmer registers “Mr. Ward” as ejected from Stapleford Tawney in 1662 under the Act of Uniformity (Nonconformist’s Memorial, i. 522; Dean, p. 125 note 2). This is of course our man, and, indeed, Newcourt records that Henry Carpenter was inducted as rector on July 17, 1661 (ii. 556). Newcourt (more suo) ignores all the incumbents between Nicholson and Carpenter as intruders thrust in by “the wicked Rebellion.”

After his ejection from Stapleford, Mr. Ward is heard of no more until his death. This appears to have occurred in 1667, for the will of Nathaniel Warde of Old Winsor, Berks, D.D., was proved February 11, 1667–68 (Waters, p. 20). We do not know the source of this degree of D.D., but its possession (see Candler’s pedigree) is good reason for identifying this Nathaniel with Samuel’s son (as J. J. Muskett does, Register, xii. 283).

Thus, by highly probable and sometimes certain identifications, we have followed the career of Nathaniel Ward, son of Samuel and nephew of the Simple Cobbler, from 1628, when he went to the Bermudas, to his death in 1667. There is a strong temptation to identify him also with the “Nathaniel Ward, B.A.,” who was appointed Perpetual Curate of St. James, Duke’s Place, London, on June 8, 1626, and was succeeded on February 14, 1627–28, by Ezekiel Clarke (Hennessy, Novum Repertorium, p, 118; Newcourt, i. 917). This would accord admirably with the date of our Nathaniel’s arrival in the Bermudas (autumn of 1628). But, since Samuel Ward was not married until January, 1605, his son Nathaniel (who was his second child) would have been very young for this curacy. It remains possible, then, — though I can hardly think it probable, — that the Perpetual Curate was the elder Nathaniel (the Simple Cobbler), and that the recorder carelessly wrote him down a Bachelor of Arts, though he had received his Master’s degree many years before, in 1603 (Dean, pp. 32–33; Savage, 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 248; C. H. and T. Cooper, 2 Notes and Queries, xii. 426; Dictionary of National Biography, lix. 328). Mr. Waters, in the Ipswich Historical Society’s edition of The Simple Cobbler, does not commit himself on this point.

118 i. 485.

119 i. 485–486.

120 I extract that part of the postscript which concerns this affair, since it has never been printed:

“Since the drawght and wrighteinge both of yours [i.e., Rich’s] & the Generall letters M^r Graimes y^e vnrulye minister hath broke out further into such highe acts & words of disorder scorne & contempt against all authority as is no longer to be indured & so whereas I purposed not to have him sent home vntill the rest retourne I am forced to doe it now. but w^th such a pasporte as by the Book of records will at large appeare as I thinke no man of his Coate & callinge ever had or did deserve before, for besides those formerly mentioned of him. vpon the Counsells wrighteinge & subscribeinge a Generall letter from themselves to the Companye M^r Graimes reported & saide he had writt it out in two of his owne letters y^t M^r Warde our new & worthy minister had gotten the Counsell together into his chamber made them drinke till they were drunke or merry & so had then procured their subscriptione w^ch otherwise would not have bine done, beinge likewise questioned for it & desired to know whither this came merely from himself or y^t he had any other author for it. he answered he had but would not reveale him. therevpon it was told him y^t if he would reveale no author himself then must be made the author of it, & further I charged & required him in his Ma^ties name to declare the author of it if there ever [wer?] any but himself, he still replyed peremptorily he would not vntill he had heard from the companye vnto whome he did appeale & vnto whome he is likewise accordingly sent. Another time when my self & the Counsell had mett & determined vpon some buisinesses because they wer not to his minde he saide openly before one of them w^ch was retourned & allmost his whole family y^t we wer a companye of Idle fellowes & did what we list whither iust or vniust much more of this nature vnfitt any man in his right witts much less a devine & preacher of Gods word, for brevityes sake therefore I referr you in all the rest to the booke of records.”

121 Neither of Bell’s letters to Rich is dated. The first, however (MS. No. 416), is endorsed “Captaine Bells letter from y^e S Ilands Delivered 28 Ap. 1629.” The Council’s letter (MS. No. 415) is also endorsed as delivered on the same date. Bell’s second letter (MS. No. 417) has no endorsement, but it was manifestly written to go with his first, to which it is a supplement. In his first letter Bell says “two of your ships the Earle Warwicke & Somer Ilands are now retourninge home againe & in the Earle Warwicke is Daniell Ellfrith himself comeinge” (MS. No. 416). Now on February 10, 1629, the Council put Lieut. James Warley in charge of the King’s Castle “in the absence of Capt Elfrey now bound for England” (i. 483). About this time, then, the ships must have sailed, and whichever of them sailed first must have taken Graham and the letters. We are certain that both Bell’s two letters to Rich and that of the Council (MSS. 416, 417, 415) were written after December 2, 1628, since that was the date on which the Council gave Delbridge leave to trade (i. 473–474), — an act which is dwelt on in all three letters.

Mr. Nathaniel Ward’s deposition about Mr. Graham’s slanders is undated, and so is the record of the Council which dismissed Mr. Graham, but it is clear that the meeting was held before Bell’s letters were despatched.

122 i. 524 (cf. p. 45, below).

123 See pp. 25–30, above.

124 i. 585, 610, 617, 631–634, 642–643.

125 Of three motions made in Mr. Stirk’s behalf at a Council of December 18, 1628, one was passed, one was refused, and one was referred to the Company. All three concern stipend (i. 474–475).

126 See p. 46, below.

127 Wood succeeded to the office between December 3 and December 29, 1629 (i. 487, 492).

128 i. 502.

129 i. 515–516. There is a copy of Mr. Stirk’s revised account for 1627–1631 among the Duke of Manchester’s papers (MS. No. 418, Report, p. 49). This shows a credit of £90 in 1630, and a balance due of £103 2s 3d.

130 i. 516.

131 Act of 1623 (i. 319).

132 i. 448.

133 Record in Lefroy, i. 524.

134 In April, 1630, Bell was still in Bermuda, but he was about to go to Santa Catalina (i. 502). He was commissioned Governor of that island on February 7, 1631 (i. 502 note 1). Apparently his wife had not yet left the Bermudas when the seating arrangements were perfected. Captain Elfrith (or Elfrey) belonged in Southampton Tribe (i. 380). He was interested in the Catalina settlement (MS. No. 416, Report, p. 40). Mrs. Bell was Captain Elfrith’s daughter (MS. No. 416, Report, p. 49; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial; 1574–1660, p. 125). Nobody knows where Captain Woodhouse was in 1631, but he had not lost his interest in the islands in 1634 (i. 405).

135 i. 532, 710. Lefroy prints the major part of the letter twice, from the draught in Wood’s Letter-book. There are variants. Thus, near the end, Lefroy’s second copy reads “to loose the least pretence he had to any Title or anything due vnto him.” I suspect Wood wrote: “the least pretence he had to any Title [i. e., tittle] of anything.” Another variant is more important. The second printing omits “meeke,” clearly by error. The letter seems to be undated, but it was certainly written in 1632, and doubtless in February.

136 On October 20, 1631, Mr. Ward had presented to the Council a claim for 1115 ½ lbs. of tobacco, which was allowed, and he had then and there announced his intention “by Gods leaue to depart from this place by the next shipp” (i. 527). In another letter (February, 1632) Wood says that there is now only one minister in the islands (i. 531), —meaning, of course, that there will be only one left when his correspondent gets the letter (which clearly went by the ship that carried away Mr. Stirk and Mr. Ward).

137 Mr. Copeland had a special arrangement with the Company (dating from his first employment in the islands in 1626) that fixed his stipend at this sum (see i. 376, 416, 483–84).

138 Wood did not like Scots (i. 534, 538).

139 i. 534.

140 Manchester Papers, No. 419, Public Record Office, London.

141 Richard Caswell (Casewell), a man of influence in the Bermuda Company, and at one time Treasurer.

142 The address (in Mr. Stirk’s hand) is on the outside. There is also a seal, but the impression is indistinct.

143 Manchester Papers, No. 422, Public Record Office, London.

144 I. e., Mr. Lewes Hughes, who is frequently called “Mr. Lewes” (as by Butler, pp. 72, 81, 91, etc.).

145 The address, which is on the outside, is not in Stirk’s hand.

146 Perhaps “m[^r],” i. e., Minister.

147 i. 534. In this letter Wood speaks of having “received a commission from the company for continuacoen of my Gouernm^t for three yeares more” (i. 534). His first term expired in December, 1632. No doubt Mr. Stirk arrived by the same ship that brought the new commission. We have learned from his petition of January, 1634, that in 1632, after considerable delay in England, the Company paid him some money and required him to return to the Bermudas by the next ship (p. 48, above).

148 See p. 61, below.

149 General Lefroy thinks this letter was addressed to the Rev. Nathaniel Bernard, but that is out of the question. See pp. 60–69, below.

150 I have restored this word Coronis according to a conjecture suggested in my Note on Dr. William Ames (p. 65, below).

151 i. 536. See also the next letter given by Lefroy (i. 536–537).

152 i. 537.

153 Winthrop’s Journal (Savage’s edition), i. 133 (159).

154 See Lefroy, i. 535, 536. Neither letter appears to be dated in Wood’s Letter-book. Lefroy dates one of them 1633, the other 1634. Close resemblance in phraseology suggests that they were written at the same time. Wood does not call the Thunder by name, but speaks of the recent arrival and the presence of a ship from New England: “Here is a shippe come from New England for trade w^th vs for victualls” (first letter); “some men that are come now vnto vs in a shippe from thence, to commerce with vs for victualls and provisions from vs” (second letter).

155 It must have been later than May, 1634, the date on which Sir Nathaniel Rich received the letter and petition of January, 1634 (see pp. 48–49, above).

156 Hotten, Original Lists, p. 133.

157 i. 708.

158 See pp. 56 ff, below.

159 The year is inferred from the grant to his widow.

160 i. 708. I cannot tell whether the word “education” stands in the original letter or not. If so, it may mean “bringing up” rather than “education” in our sense. In any case, the children were young. Mr. Stirk married one of his parishioners, and he did not come to the island himself until 1622. The younger George Stirk did not take his degree at Harvard until 1646.

161 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 279. The letter is dated “Pagets-Tribe, this 4^th of Decemb. 1639.” Winthrop dates its receipt “(5) 7. –40.”

162 Cf. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. 140; Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 196–197; Publications of this Society, iii. 421. The manuscript is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

163 i. 631–634, 640–643.

164 i. 653–655; ii. 8–11, 13, 20, 118.

165 See p. 53, above.

166 The exiles to Eleuthera were recalled in 1650 (ii. 8–11, 13, 20). That Mrs. Stirk, at least, was dead, seems to be a safe inference from the fact that Dunster specifies “Mr. Stirks sister” and not “Mr. Stirks mother.”

167 i. 659; ii. 13.

168 i. 660.

169 i. 671–673.

170 i. 673–674.

171 It is not absolutely certain that Stirk was in England in 1651, but we have to choose between that year and 1652 and the probability is strongly in favor of the earlier date. The evidence comes from an undated tract of Stirk’s in the British Museum, printed between October 19, 1663, and September 30, 1664, entitled George Starkeys Pill Vindicated. That Stirk was practising medicine in Boston as late as 1650 is proved by an entry in William Aspinwall’s MS. Notarial Records, p. 372 (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii. 304). The same entry proves that he was practising there in 1648.

172 Lefroy, ii. 24 (from a pamphlet entitled Petition from the Governor and Company of the Sommer Islands, &c, to the Council of State, July 19, 1651).

173 ii. 607, 609, 627, 94.

174 ii. 120.

175 ii. 607, 609, 627.

176 ii. 53.

177 ii. 111.

178 ii. 120.

179 ii. 134 note.

180 ii. 704–705.

181 ii. 473–475.

182 Musæ Somerenses: Id est, Sacræ Historiæ series, à Mundi Creatione, ad Linguarum confusionem Poeticè deducta; Authore Georgio Stirk, sacri Evangelii in Somerensibus Insulis Ministro. Ad usum Scholæ, quam illic, ante annos duos instituere cœpit illustrissima Societas. Londini, Excusum per E. P. 1635. The licenser’s date is “Iulii 30. 1635.”

183 Yale College Pamphlets, Vol. 52. I am greatly indebted to our associate Dr. Franklin B. Dexter, of the Yale library, for enabling me to examine this rare tract under exceptionally favorable circumstances, and to my friend Professor Hanns Oertel for a careful collation of my extracts (in proof) with the original.

184 A number of books once belonging to the Winthrop family are in the Yale library.

185 Of the eight pages remaining the first has the title, the second is blank, then follow four pages prefatory (in Latin prose), then (after the separately paged poem of twelve pages) two more pages “Ad Lectorem” in Latin prose.

186 “In insulis vestris horis succisivis,” says Mr. Stirk in his dedicatory address to the Bermuda Company.

187 This school had not been opened when Mr. Stirk wrote, as appears from his address to the Reader and from his dedication to the Company (“Illustrissimæ & Nobilissimæ Societati Somerensi”), but from the latter it is clear that the Company had voted to establish it and had set aside certain lands for the support of a schoolmaster (“de schola in vestris insulis legem tulistis, & ad ludimagistrum alendum agri aliquot jugera consecrâstis”). The title-page shows that this vote was passed two years before the Musæ Somerenses was published. We have no other record of this vote of 1633, but a letter of Governor Wood’s (dated 1634 by Lefroy) tells us that Mr. Copeland was hoping for such an order: “Mr. Copeland thinks the Company will give all their com̄on land to build a free School, as some of vs here have done with ours” (i. 395 note 1). I suspect Wood’s letter was really written in 1633, — the year in which, as Mr. Stirk’s words prove, some action of the kind was really taken by the Company.

188 The final i and half of the t are pared off by the binder.

189 The Address to the Reader and that to the Bermuda Company are interesting enough to reprint, in view of the exceeding rarity of Mr. Stirk’s volume. In the Address to the Company, the original has a marginal reference, “Psal. 2. 8”, opposite the sentence “Promisit ohm Deus” in line 8.

Ad Lectorem.

Quæris forsan amice Lector, cur pœsin hanc non tam concludam, quàm abrumpam. In promptu responsio est: hæc Scholæ nondum apertæ satis esse videntur. Si earn aperuerit nobilis nostra Societas, ut ex orienti bene ominor, sic florenti gratulabor, si vitam prorogaverit Deus. Hæc etiam tentandis doctorum judiciis sufficiunt. Si hæc genium habere videbuntur, quo possint vivere, plura, & forsan meliora dabimus, ut sunt δευτέραι ϕροντίδεs ἀμεινόνες.

Si verò tam sacrum opus ingenii culpa deterere videbor, cedo, & cursu trado lampada. Hac spe tamen, fore ut hoc exemplo alii, quibus opportunitas melior, & vena ditior, per totam Scripturam carmen, deducant: ut puen simul cum Lingua Latina sacra Historiæ seriem à teneris imbibant.

G. S.

ILLUSTRISSIMÆ & Nobilissimæ Societati Somerensi, dominia suis summa observantia colendis.

Svperioribus sæculis (illustrissimi & amplissimi viri) occidentals India adeò erat incognita, ut Ptolomæus ultra Herculis columnas (quæ in Gadibus erant) nullam esse terram putaverit. Nunc verò postremo hoc mundi senescentis ævo, novum orbem, vetere non minorem deus aperuit. Non ut preciosas merces negotiatores hinc aveherent, avectis ditescerent: nec ut novis colonis sit habitandi locus. Nam neque tanti sunt merces illæ, ut ad eas effundendas terra tamdiu ignota patefieret; neq; Europæis, in suis regionibus deest habitatio satis ampla. Sed majus quid divina spectat dementia. Promisit olim Deus filio suo se mundi fines daturum. Nunc præstat, quod olim dixit. Quare piè faciunt qui magnum hoe opus maximè curant, ut ipsorum opera Scripturæ impleantur; barbari convertantur, & Regni Christi pomæria latiùs dilatentur. Et vos (honoranda societas) opus Deo gratum, & vestra dignum pietate fecistis, cum de schola in vestris insulis instituenda legem tulistis, & ad ludimagistrum alendum agri aliquot jugera consecrâstis. Hæc via est ad barbaros convertendos rectissima. Nam in schola Somerensi non solùm liberi nostri (quorum illic numerus est, pro insulæ amplitudine non parvus) sed etiam Americani institui possunt, idque tutò: ubi nullus est hostium metus, qui à studiis absterreat: sed pax tranquilla quæ musis semper amica est. Nullum erit cum suis popularibus commercium, qui à discendo dissuadeant, aut patriis superstitionibus corrumpant, aut ad transfugiendum alliciant. Quanti autem momenti sit Americanorum uti opera ad suos convertendos non opus est dicere. Cum ergo tantum hinc ad evangelium propagandum emolumenti pro veniat, vos (spero) qui operis tam pii, ante annos duos fundamenta fæliciter jecistis, idem ad dei gloriam ad exitum perducetis. Qua spe inductus, poesin hanc, quam in insulis vestris horis succisivis scripsit, scholæ vestræ, quae vestris jam surgit, & brevi (spero) florebit auspiciis, sub vestri nominis umbra, & tutela, dicat consecratque

Vester humillimus in Domino servus, Georgius Stirk.

190 In a letter, probably of 1632, Wood speaks of something “that I haue observed from my youth and since i was a souldier” (J. H. Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 532).

191 See Lefroy, i. 535, 536, 540–542, 543.

192 See his letter of January 12, 1632–33 (Lefroy, i. 534).

193 Lefroy, i. 492.

194 i. 527, 531–543, 710. Lefroy’s publication of these letters is usually (or often) in extracts. There are dated letters of 1631–32 (i. 527, 531, 532), 1632 (i. 533), 1632–33 (i. 534), and (as Lefroy says, i. 531) 1634.

195 Lefroy remarks: “The name of the work quoted is quite unintelligible, Towins or Towius” (i. 536 note 1).

196 For Patrick Copland or Copeland, see Lefroy, index; 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 98; 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 277, 350; Neill, The English Colonization of America during the Seventeenth Century, 1871, chaps, vii-x; Virginia’s God be Thanked, or A Sermon of Thanksgiving for the Happie successe of the affayres in Virginia this last yeare. Preached by Patrick Copland at Bow-Church in Cheapside, before the Honorable Virginia Company, on Thursday, the 18. of Aprill 1622 … London, 1622 (Harvard College Library).

197 If the intended recipient of this letter were to accept Governor Wood’s invitation, the total number of ministers contemplated would be five. This corresponds to an item in the “generall Leuy” for 1630 (at a Council of November 2, 1630, as it seems): “Inp^rmis fo^r 5 ministers stipends albeit but 4 resident in the Islands “(Lefroy, i. 517). Of the four who were in the service in 1630, Mr. Richard Staples was discharged on November 2 of that year and Mr. Nathaniel Ward resigned on October 20, 1631 (i. 527). This left only Mr. Stirk and Mr. Copeland in the islands. Mr. Stirk went to England soon after — apparently in February, 1632 (see i. 531, 532), but I feel sure that he returned in the ship that brought over Governor Wood’s commission for a second term, not later than January, 1633 (i. 534), and the letter which we are considering was certainly written after his return. See pp. 45–50, above.

198 Yarmouth, Massachusetts, was not settled until 1639. Captain Wood is speaking in rather general terms, and the English Yarmouth was a natural place for him to think of.

199 The italics are Lefroy’s. Here and elsewhere they indicate his conjectural restoration of the torn or obliterated manuscript.

200 What follows is here given as Lefroy prints it. He is obviously summarizing.

201 See Lefroy, i. 317, 342, 347, 359–361, 401–403. The Rev. Nathaniel Bernard was still in the Bermudas on December 12, 1626 (i. 402–03); but he left the islands before the General Assembly of March, 1626–27, for that Assembly voted that the arrears of his salary “shall be allowed and paid either to himselfe if he shall return againe (wh. wee much desire) or to his assignes nominated in his stead and to his vse to receaue the same” (i. 415). The same vote mentions “the 4 ministers now residing in the Somer Islands.” Lefroy (i. 415 note 1) thinks these were Patrick Copeland, Nathaniel Bernard, Bellingham Morgan, and Robert Staples. For “Nathaniel Bernard,” however, we should substitute “George Stirk.” Stirk was in England in September, 1625 (i. 359, 361), but it is clear that he returned with Captain Philip Bell, the new Governor, in 1626; for, in the reply of the inhabitants to the Bermuda Company’s letter (i. 397) of September 20, 1626, the colonists thank the Company for “restoring our banished minister” (i. 433). This was Stirk, not (as Lefroy says) Staples. Staples had never been banished; whereas Stirk had been, by the tyrannical Governor Henry Woodhouse. The record of his banishment was expunged by the General Assembly of March, 1626–27 (i. 430), and Stirk was present at this Assembly (i. 430, 431). See pp. 29–31, above.

202 See Lefroy, i. 415, etc.

203 Lefroy, i. 317; Stirk’s letter and petition (Manchester Papers, Nos. 419, 422, Public Record Office). See pp. 17–19, 47–48, above.

204 Lefroy, i. 376.

205 Guilielmi Amesii SS. Theologiæ Doctoria & in Academia Franequerana Professoris Opera Quae Latinè scripsit, omnia, in quinque volumina distributa. Cum Præfatione introductoria Matthiæ Netheni. [Tom. I.] Amsterdam, 1658. The Harvard College copy of this volume has on the first flyleaf the autographs of three clerical Simon Bradstreets of three successive generations. The third has written “Avus,” “Pater,” and “Filius & nepos” after the three signatures respectively. The first Simon adds the date 1670; the third, the date 1742. On the second flyleaf the third Simon has written “Simon Bradstreet March 25. 1742” and “Simon Bradstreet Ejus Liber 1742 a Patre honorando hæreditat —.” The first of these three Simons (son of Governor Simon Bradstreet and of Anne Bradstreet, the poetess) graduated at Harvard College in 1660, the second in 1693, the third in 1728 (Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 54, 57).

206 ii. 405–408 (London, 1813).

207 History of Congregationalism and Memorials of the Churches in Norfolk and Suffolk, London, 1877, pp. 66–71, 422.

208 i. 355–357. This article, by J. Bass Mullinger, is based, for the biographical part, on Nethenus. The author has overlooked Browne’s book. There is a short account of “Amesius” in Hauck’s Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, i. 447–449. Cf. also A. J. van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, i. 254–256 (Haarlem, 1852); John T. Hassam, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii. 196, note (1879). Dr. Hugo Visscher’s Guilielmus Amesius zijn Leven en Werken (Haarlem, 1894) is partly theological, but treats Ames’s life with fulness and gives a number of unprinted documents.

209 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 576–577.

210 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 11.

211 vi. 16.

212 John Browne, History of Congregationalism, p. 69 (cf. p. 422). It appears that Ames did not actually get “settled” at Rotterdam until July, 1633 (Peters’s letter, in Browne, p. 422). For the original city records relating to his call to this position and that of Instructor in Rhetoric and Practical Ethics, see Hugo Visscher, Guilielmus Amesius, pp. 74–76.

213 There is a clear account of these transactions, from the Arminian point of view, in Philipp van Limborch’s Historia Vitæ Simonis Episcopii, Amsterdam, 1701, pp. 31 ff, and in the same author’s posthumous Relatio Historica de Origine & Progressu Controversiarum in Fœderato Belgio de Prædestinatione, et Capitibus Annexis, attached to the 1715 Amsterdam edition of his Theologia Christiana. A Calvinistic account (strongly partisan) may be found in the Præfatio to the Acta Synodi Nationalis … Dordrechti habitæ, Leyden, 1620. On the services of Ames, see the highly laudatory account in the Praefatio Introductoria of Nethenus. For an excellent summary history of the Remonstrants, one may consult H. C. Rogge’s article “Remonstranten” in Hauck’s Realencyklopadie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3d edition, xvi. 635–639 (1905).

214 For the full text of the Remonstrance, see Henrik Brant’s Latin version of the official report of the proceedings of the Hague Conference (Collatio Scripto Habita Hagae Comitis anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1611. Ex sermone vernaculo Latina facta, 1615, pp. 1–13) or van Limborch’s Præstantium ac Eruditorum Virorum Epistolae, Amsterdam, 1704, pp. 251–256.

215 See van Limborch, Historia Vitæ Simonis Episcopii, p. 39.

216 A good account of the synod, written from the Arminian point of view, but without passion or declamation, may be found in van Limborch’s biography of Episcopius (see page 65 note 4, above). The Acts of the Synod were officially published in 1620 (Acta Synodi Nationalis … Dordrechti habitse, Leyden, printed by Isaac Elzevir), and the Remonstrants, then in exile, issued their Acts in the same year with the proud motto “Destructo Fato. Adserta Pietate” (Acta et Scripta Synodalia Dordracena Ministrorum Remonstrantium in Fœderato Belgio, Herder-wiici, [Harderwijk,] 1620). The Harvard College copy of the Remonstrants’ Acts has the autographs of Increase Mather (“Crescentius Matherus his Booke, 1668:”) and his grandson Samuel (“S. Matheri, 1734.”). Ames replied to this book in bis Anti-Synodalia Scripta, vel Animadversiones in dogmatica ilia, quæ Remonstrantes in Synodo Dordracena exhibuerunt & postea divulgarunt (I have used the Amsterdam edition of 1661). In his dedication to Henry, Count of Nassau, he adverts to the motto as an “inscriptio magnifica.”

217 The British Museum has a copy of that date, published at Leyden. I have used the Amsterdam edition of 1664 (Harvard College Library).

218 “Ingruentibus totis Remonstrantium castris primus in acie occurrit & illorum impetum fortiter excepit ac retudit, editâ … Coronide ad Collationem Hagiensem, qua immarcessibilem [sic] laudis & gloriæ coronam apud omnes pios Gratiæ Dei æstimatores & deprædicatores meruit” (Nethenus, sig. (a) 3 v° — (a) 4 r°). Nethenus’s Latin is sometimes amusing. He speaks of “Amesius” as defending God’s cause “contra Pelagianizantes Remonstrantium phalanges.” The Arminians are “inimici divinae Gratias & cultores Liberi Arbitrii humani.”

219 Nethenus, in his Præfatio Introductoria, misprints “Sletcher,” and this error is followed by the Dictionary of National Biography.

220 See the record of May 11, 1637, printed by Savage (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 100) and by Hotten (Original Lists, p. 294). Oddly enough Lefroy quotes this record (from Hotten) apropos of the Mrs. Ames mentioned in Wood’s letter (i. 536), though it does not occur to him that it throws any light on the identity of the person to whom the letter was addressed.

221 Massachusetts Colony Records, November 15, 1637 (i. 208).

222 Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. 107–110. See John Browne, History of Congregationalism, pp. 426–128; Waters, Genealogical Gleanings in England, pp. 278–280.

223 Compare with the language of the letter to Ames the following passage from this other letter:

“Here is a shippe come from New England for trade w^th vs for victualls who reports that there comes over to them the most able ministers in England & their congregations, when their [read “and their”?] they build Townes and call them by the names of those from whence they come As Boston Lymne Plimouth Yarmouth.…

“I wish some of those that fly so fast into that could clymate would come more southerly to vs. We pay 2 ministers £40 per ann for each vntill wee are enabled to raise it higher” (i. 535).

Lefroy thinks this letter was addressed to the Rev. Nathaniel Ward, but I see no evidence for such an opinion.

224 See p. 51, above.

225 Nethenus, Præfatio Introductoria; John Quick, Icones Sacræ Anglicanæ, MS, in Browne, History of Congregationalism, p. 69 note §.

226 Last Report of the English Wars, 1646, p. 14. I have not seen this tract, but take the quotation (which has more than once been repeated without a reference) from [William Harris’s] Historical and Critical Account of Hugh Peters, 1751, p. 68.

227 One title in the lists now given — Wisdom in Miniature (1796)—was not in the leaflet, as its existence was then unknown to me; and since the leaflet was printed, several numbers then unknown of other magazines have come to my notice.

In his Check-List of American Magazines Printed in the Eighteenth Century, printed in 1889, Mr. Paul Leicester Ford listed fifteen New England magazines — namely, those in the above lists numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18. The magazines in the above lists numbered 10, 14, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, are now listed for the first time.

228 Number 1 is entitled The New England Magazine for August 1758. Numbers 2 and 3 are entitled The New England Magazine Of Knowledge and Pleasure, but are not dated.

229 Twelve undated numbers were published.

230 Continued as a newspaper.

231 Continued into the nineteenth century.

232 This statement is repeated in Warren’s History of the Harvard Law School, ii. 388.

233 Harvard Law Review, xxii. 113.

234 In 1879–1880 the total enrolment of students in the Law School was 177; in 1909–1910 it is 763.

235 This book was published privately by the generosity of the late Samuel Cabot at the Riverside Press in 1907.

236 Publications of this Society, vii. 316.

237 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. 5.

238 Hotton’s Original Lists, p. 149.

239 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii. 304.

240 Publications, x. 253.

241 xi. 195.

242 Literary Diary, ii. 324.

243 An editorial in the Boston Journal of February 22, 1910, stated that Washington’s birthday was celebrated at New York on February 22, 1783. As New York was then in possession of the British and was not evacuated by them until November 25th following, it may well be doubted whether such a celebration took place.

244 These three extracts were communicated by the late William Kelby to the Historical Magazine for February, 1869, Second Series, v. 134–135.

245 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xix. 147.

246 The treaty between France and the United States had recently been concluded.

247 Conrad Alexandre Gérard, the French Minister.

248 Continental Journal, Boston, February 18, 1779, p. 3/2.

249 In 1782 “a large company of Gentlemen met at Mr. Robinson’s Tavern on Milton Hill.” In 1906 (Publications, x. 253) I was unable to identify “Mr. Robinson” or his tavern, but I can now do so. On August 14, 1769, was “celebrated the anniversary of the 14th of August 1765, the day of the Union and firmly combined association of the True Sons of Liberty in this Province” (Boston Gazette, August 21, 1769, p. 1/1). The Sons assembled at eleven o’clock in the morning at Liberty Tree, Boston, where certain toasts were given out; after which “the Sons repaired to Liberty-Tree-Tavern, Mr. Robinson’s, Dorchester” (ibid.). Under date of August 14, 1769, John Rowe wrote that “the Sons of Liberty met at Liberty Tree, and dined at Robinson’s at Dorchester” (2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 72). On the same day Col. Samuel Pierce made this entry in his Diary: “Was a very grand entertainment at Mr. Lemuel Robinson’s. All the Sons of Liberty met” (in Orcutt, Good Old Dorchester, p. 159). Col. Lemuel Robinson was born March 4, 1736. On July 23, 1775, he had a son born who was christened July 30. “Last Sabbath a Child of Col. Robinson of Dorchester, was baptized, by the Rev. Mr. Dunbar of Stoughton, by the Name of GEORGE WASHINGTON” (New England Chronicle, August 3, 1775, p. 3/2). Col. Robinson died July 29, 1776. “Last Monday departed this Life, (at Boston, of the Small Pox), greatly lamented, Colonel Lemuel Robinson, of Dorchester” (Boston Gazette, August 5, 1776, p. 3/2). On July 30, 1776, Ezekiel Price wrote in his Diary: “Colonel Lemuel Robinson, who died of the small-pox, buried this evening” (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 261). See also Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 768; E. D. Harris, William and Anne Robinson of Dorchester, Mass., pp. 16, 17; New England Historic and Genealogical Register, xxvii. 85, xxxix. 82–83, xlix. 341.

250 Continental Journal, February 17, 1780, p. 2/3. John Gill was the publisher of the paper.

251 Publications, viii. 275–287.

252 New Jersey Archives, Second Series, ii. 143. In a former communication I stated that in 1768 the members of the Massachusetts House of Representatives spoke of George III as “our best Protector and common Father” (Publications, viii. 281). It may not be uninteresting to point out that when William Franklin was made Governor of New Jersey he was presented on March 3, 1763, with “The humble Address of the President and Tutors of the College of New-Jersey,” signed by President Samuel Finley, in which Franklin is spoken of as “being entrusted with so honourable and important a Commission, by the Father of his Country, the Royal Patron of Religion, Virtue, Learning, and whatever is good” (New Jersey Archives, xxiv. 150).

253 Magazine of American History, xiii. 200. When he published his Political Americanisms in book form in 1890, Norton stated that the editorial in the Nation appeared about 1866, and added that the term “occurs in the Nation as early as July, 1868” (p. 42). See the Nation, vii. 21.

254 American Commonwealth, London, i. 552.

255 Garland, Life of Randolph, ii. 240. For this extract I am indebted to Mr. Richard H. Thornton of London.

256 Andrew Jackson.

257 Niles’ Register, lviii. 250.

258 William Cabell Rives (1793–1868).

259 “Hugh Swinton Legare” (1797–1843).

260 Niles’ Register, lix. 98.

261 Niles’ Register, lix. 156, 157, 158.

262 lxv. 57.

263 Richard Mentor Johnson, Vice-President of the United States from 1837 to 1841.

264 The battle of the Thames, in which the famous Tecumseh met his death — perhaps at the hand of Col. Johnson himself — was fought October 5, 1813. The battle near Tippecanoe River, Indiana, which gave Harrison his celebrated sobriquet, took place November 7, 1811.

265 Niles’ Register, lxv. 371.

266 Niles’ Register, lxxiii. 393.

267 In the Independent Ledger of June 11, 1781 (p. 1/3), it is stated that “A Sketch of General Washington’s Life and Character,” by the author of the poem, is dated “Maryland, May 3, 1779.”

268 Independent Ledger, Boston, June 4, 1781, p. 1/2.

269 The story that Cornwallis hid himself in a cave ran the rounds of the contemporary American newspapers.

270 Miscellaneous Works (1790), p. 17. The poem was also printed in the American Museum, 1787, i. 231.

271 New York Daily Gazette, May 1, 1789, p. 426/1.

272 Massachusetts Centinel, July 8, 1789, p. 132/1.

273 Ibid. October 28, 1789, p. 50/2.

274 Massachusetts Centinel, October 28, 1789, p. 52/1.

275 Ibid. November 11, 1789.

276 New York Journal, July 9, 1794, p. 3/3. In the New York Daily Advertiser of July 5, 1790, p. 2, was printed a poem in eight stanzas in which the term is used in a figurative sense. The first and fourth stanzas follow:

The River Delaware to the River Hudson.

TOO long your boisterous waves confine

Some favorite sons that once were mine;

That long have rov’d from plain to plain,

But soon shall be my own again.

Within your bosom, wild and deep,

Huge Porpoises their lodgings keep;

Here, swoln with what their betters leave,

My lovely Cat-Fish throng the wave.

277 Columbian Centinel, February 19, 1800, p. 4/1.

278 This is taken from a copy in the Washington Collection in the Boston Athenæum. The inscription was noted in the Massachusetts Centinel of April 23, 1788, p. 42/1.

279 When Washington visited Boston in 1789 (see p. 107, above), he was “attended only by Mr. Lear, and Major Jackson, (his Secretaries) and six servants” (Massachusetts Centinel, October 24, 1789, p. 3/2).

280 See pp. 134–139, below.

281 The address to the Rev. “Sam.” Willard was of course an inadvertence.

282 Publications, x. 323.

283 For notices of Capt. John Walton and Josiah Moore, see Paige’s History of Cambridge, pp. 219, 231, 305, 466, 611, 612.

284 College Book, No. 8, p. 134.

This diploma, with its seal and silver box, is now deposited with the Massachusetts Historical Society, and was on exhibition in the College Library at the time of President Lowell’s inauguration. The diploma contains the following characterization of its recipient:

Vir ille admodum honorabilis, JOHANNES ADAMS armiger, omnibus scientiis ornatus; in legibus vero tam Naturae et Gentium, quam Civili et Municipali versatissimus; Patriae suae et generis humani patronus fervidus, constans, immotus: His rebus patriae natali commendatus ad summos honores ab ea fuit evectus: inter quos Delegatio ad primum ilium Congressum Americanum haud fuit minimus In rebus Americanis gerendis ita se Congressui probavit, ut ad Europam, pacis conciliandae causa, mitteretur Plenipotentiarius: Ea autem re frustratus, Legatus postea apud Provincias Batavorum federatas est constitutus.

The drafts of all three diplomas still exist in the College Archives.

285 College Book, No. 8, p. 182.

286 J. Quincy, Memoir of the Life of John Quincy Adams, p. 4

287 William Sacheverell (1638–1691).

288 Grey’s Debates of the House of Commons (1769), ii. 74.

289 Journals of the House of Commons, ix. 260.

290 Journals of the House of Lords, xii. 554, 555.

291 Sir John Vaughan (1603–1674); Sir Hugh Wyndham (1603–1684).

292 Journals of the House of Commons, ix. 271.

293 The matter can be followed in the Manuscripts of the House of Lords, Ninth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, part ii. pp. 29–31.

294 Sir Edward Seymour (1633–1708).

295 Grey’s Debates of the House of Commons, ii. 177.

296 Journals of the House of Lords, xii. 584. Nine titles of public Acts are given, after which follow the titles of private bills. “To these Bills the Royal Assent was pronounced in these Words, ‘Soil fait come il est desiré’” (xii. 585)

297 Edward Conway, first Viscount Conway.

298 Richard Jones, third Viscount and first Earl of Ranelagh.

299 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1673, p. 100. Cf. pp. 397, 398, 482, 593.

300 Anthony Sparrow, later Bishop of Norwich.

301 Diary (Wheatley’s edition), ii. 290. In 1885 the Rev. John H. Overton said that “This Test Act … originated in the panic which arose from the marriage of the Duke of York with a Romanist, and his Romish tendencies generally” (Life in the English Church, p. 170). James’s first wife, Anne Hyde, died March 31, 1671; and his marriage by proxy to Mary of Modena did not take place until October 30, 1673 — and hence had nothing to do with the Test Act.

302 Statutes of the Realm (1819), v. 782–785. The Act is printed in full in Gee and Hardy’s Documents Illustrative of English Church History, pp. 632–640. The Corporation and Test Acts Repeal Bill received the Royal assent on May 9, 1828 (Journals of the House of Commons, lxxxiii, 333).

303 Thomas Lamplugh, Bishop of Exeter, 1676–1688; Archbishop of York, 1688–1691.

304 Diary, ii. 291.

305 I am also indebted to Mr. Merritt for permission to reproduce the certificate in facsimile.

306 William Smith, New & Compendious History of the County of Warwick, 1830, p. 90.

307 Dugdale, Antiquities of Warwickshire (1730), i. 573, 574.

308 Publications, iii. 194–195.

309 John Adams.

310 Publications, xii. 254.

311 John Hancock.

312 Columbian Centinel, Wednesday, March 19, 1794, p. 3/1.

313 Columbian Centinel, March 7, 1795, p. 3/2.

314 This was Mr. Welde’s first wife, Margaret.

315 Winthrop in his Journal notes the arrival of Welde on June 5, 1632, and the thanksgiving on June 13.

316 The allusion is to Sanballat the Horonite: see Nehemiah, iv. 1.

317 Probably Ralph Mousall: see Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii. 688.

318 The manuscript is thus described by Mr. Scott: “Weld al. Wells (Thomas), Vicar of Terling, co. Essex. Letter from New England to his people at Terling, 1633. Copy. 922, ff. 90–93 b” (Index to the Sloane Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 563).

319 Dr. Nichols’s paper will be printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1911.

320 See pp. 110, 111, above.

321 Through an inadvertence or a misprint, Quincy (History of Harvard University, ii. 394) gives the date as 1790, and this error has been repeated in various books. The address, dated October 27, 1789, is printed, together with Washington’s reply, in Eliot’s Sketch of the History of Harvard College, pp. 150–152.

322 Massachusetts Mercury, February 18, 1800, p. 3/2; Columbian Centinel, February 19, p. 3/2.

323 The Boston Athenæum owns a copy of this edition in its original dark blue paper cover, having on a fly-leaf this inscription:

The Hon’ble Bushrod Washington Esq.

from his respectful & humble servant

Jed^h Morse

324 The Boston Athenæum owns a copy of this edition in its original light blue paper cover.

325 J. B. Flagg’s Life and Letters of Washington Allston, pp. 26–27. Jarvis’s account is not dated, but presumably it was written after Allston’s death in 1843. The following extract is taken from the Massachusetts Mercury of July 18, p. 2/3:

Exercises of the Candidates for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts.

1. A Salutatory Oration in Latin — “Comprehending a Dissertation on the Progress and Improvement of the eighteenth Century.” By Benjamin Marston Watson.… 10. An English Poem upon “Energy of Character.” By Washington Alston. 11. An English Conference upon “The Characters of Epaminondas, Fabius, Alfred, and Washington.” By David Greene, Leonard Jarvis, Charles Lowell, and James Morse.

326 Some of these volumes are now in the library of the American Antiquarian Society.

327 The Town Records of Petersham tell us that Samuel Calhoon of Petersham and Lucy Gibbs of New Salem entered their intentions of marriage 18 November, 1788, and that James Calhoon of Petersham (perhaps a brother of Samuel) was published to Susannah Hinds of Greenwich 29 June, 1787. We also find an entry of the death of Lucy Calhoon, the subject of the poem in our text, which gives a different date (11 July, 1806) from that printed by Mr. Dunn. See Vital Records of Petersham, pp. 76, 182.

328 John Howe, a small printer living in Greenwich, published for many years an almanac, at first called Howe’s Almanac and later Howe’s Genuine Almanac, notable for being largely given over to poetry, jingles, and jokes. His Prefaces are dated at “Mont Prospect.” In his first issue (1804) he says, “I am a stranger to a great Part of the Public where my Labours are now to appear.” The imprint was Greenwich until 1818, when it was changed to Enfield, the adjoining town. The authorship of this Almanac is stated on the title-page to have been John Howe, 1804–1811; Philo Astronomiæ, 1812–1820; J. M. Howe, 1821–1823; and Philo Astronomiæ, 1824. Howe’s press was a poor one.

Mr. Clarence S. Brigham has kindly furnished the facts for this note.

329 There can be no doubt that Samuel Dunn, the author of this poem, was also the author of another effusion, a copy of which was in the Brinley library and is thus described:

Dunn (Samuel) A Word in Season; or, The Burthen of Samuel, (the son of Richard, the son of Samuel, the son of James the Rhode-Islandite,) which he saw while under the mountain, in the land of Prescott, Mass. in the days of James Munroe, President, … concerning the Division of Christianity … [With] Some Remarks on … Free-Masonry, pp. 12, uncut, curious. 12° n. p., n. d. [1825] (Brinley Catalogue, iv. 101, no. 6839.)

The town of Prescott, incorporated in 1822, was formerly the southern part of New Salem. It is a curious fact that while the towns of Petersham, New Salem, Greenwich, and Prescott are contiguous, they lie in three different counties, — Worcester, Franklin, and Hampshire.

As our author is so obliging as to record his pedigree on the above-described title-page, it seems probable that he is the Samuel Dunn, son of Richard and Mary Dunn, who was born in Newport, Rhode Island, 14 July, 1746 (Arnold, Vital Record of Rhode Island, vol. iv. part ii. p. 94. See also p. 34).

I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. William P. Greenlaw for the reference to the Brinley title.

330 Cf. p. 53, above.

331 College Book, i. 55.

332 i. 82. This sum is expressed in New England currency.

333 iii. 60.

334 College Records, x. 131. For this extract I am indebted to Mr. Lane.

335 Massachusetts Province Laws, ii. 149.

336 ii. 663.

337 iii. 195.

338 iv. 834, v. 212. The passage of the Act of 1765 on June 24 was noted in the Boston Gazette of July 1, 1765, p. 3/2; but apparently the lottery did not reach the advertising stage.

339 Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (1789), ii. 405.

340 Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (1807), iii. 361.

341 Lawful money.

342 Boston Gazette, July 13, 1772, p. 1/1. The advertisement was repeated in the issue of August 10, p. 4/1.

343 Columbian Centinel, March 18, 1795, p. 3/1. In the Harvard College Library there is a broadside dated “Boston, October 22, 1795,” which begins as follows:

Harvard College Lottery.

THE Managers of Harvard College Lottery, present the Public with a SCHEME of the Fourth Class of said Lottery, which will commence Drawing on, or before the first Thursday in April next, in the Representatives’ Chamber in Boston.

The strict punctuality which the Managers have hitherto observed, as to the time fixed for Drawing, and in the payment of the Prizes — They flatter themselves, has so established the Credit of the Lottery — that the Tickets will meet with a rapid Sale, both in this, and the neighbouring States.

SCHEME

of the 4th Class Harvard College Lottery,

Not two Blanks to a Prize.

344 Columbian Centinel, February 7, 1807, p. 2/3. In the College Library there is a pamphlet containing twelve unnumbered leaves, the gift of Mr. Charles P. Greenough on November 4, 1868. The title reads:

At the bottom of the verso of the eleventh leaf is this statement: “The Managers expect all Prize Tickets to be endorsed by the person to whom they are paid.” Attached to the second leaf is a lottery ticket of the Fifth Class, No. 9997, dated “Boston, February, 1811,” the gift of the late J. Wingate Thornton on September 19, 1864. This ticket has on the back the following endorsement:

Pay seven dollars, to W. & T. Kidderor

their order, & to none other —

15. Sept. 1811 S. Greenleaf

And this again, across the centre of the back, is endorsed “W & T K”

The last leaf of this pamphlet contains an advertisement of the Second Class, dated February 24, 1807, and an advertisement of Gilbert & Dean’s “Lottery and Exchange Office.”

There is in the Boston Athenæum a pamphlet containing twelve unnumbered leaves, entitled —

This has manuscript notes, doubtless written either by the Treasurer of Harvard College or by one of the managers of the lottery, and on the title-page is written in ink “For the Treaser,” who at that time was John Davis. From this List of Prizes it appears that ticket No. 9997, mentioned above, drew seven dollars. The last page of this pamphlet contains an advertisement of the Sixth Class.

345 There is a copy of this broadside, dated “Boston, July 9th, 1812,” in the Boston Public Library. Attached to it is a lottery ticket of the Seventh Class, No. 14637, dated “Boston, Feb. 1812.”

346 Columbian Centinel, July 18, 1812, p. 4/1.

347 Columbian Centinel, August, 19, 1812, p. 2/4.

348 Columbian Centinel, October 3, 1812, p. 3/1.

349 Besides the one reproduced in the text, the College Library has four other tickets of the Third Class, Nos. 17417, 17432, 17436, 17437; and two quarter tickets of the Second Class, unnumbered. These last two were the gift of Dr. Samuel A. Green. There are also four tickets of the Third Class hanging in the hall of the Harvard Club of New York City.

The number was not printed on a ticket, but was inserted in ink, presumably by one of the managers.

350 College Records, x. 133–134. For this extract I am indebted to Mr. Lane. Room No. 12 in Holworthy Hall contains an interesting transmittendum. When the late King Edward, then Prince of Wales, visited Cambridge in 1860, and when the Grand Duke Alexis went there in 1871, both were shown No. 12 by the College authorities, and each left in the room his photograph. These photographs were in the room in 1875 (Harvard Book, i. 83 note). Mr. H. Chessman Kittredge, one of the present occupants of No 12, informs me that the photograph of the Prince of Wales is still hanging in the room, though that of the Grand Duke Alexis is no longer there, having apparently disappeared many years ago.

351 History of Harvard University, i. 183.

352 This will is printed on pages 175–176, below.

353 This Robert, whose will was dated August S, 1600, and proved January 13, 1601, is the only Robert Holworthy that appears in the Holworthy pedigree sent me by Mr. Holworthy. It is interesting to note, however, that “A List of Names of the Passengers on board the Ship Arabella Richard Sprague Master for New England, May y^e 27th, 1671,” contains that of “Robert Halworthy” (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 407). Who this Robert Holworthy was is not known.

354 Nicholls and Taylor, Bristol Past and Present, i. 292. The date of Richard Holworthy’s mayoralty is variously given as 1634 and 1635.

355 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1619–1623, p. 619.

356 The Lord Admiral was Eliot’s patron, George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham.

357 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1619–1623, pp. 605, 606, 611; 1623–1625, pp. 29, 53, 69. In his sketch of Eliot in the Dictionary of National Biography, Gardiner says that “Eliot was committed to the Marshalsea on some trumped-up charges connected with the arrest” of Nutt.

358 Nicholls and Taylor, Bristol Past and Present, i. 300.

359 Barrett, History and Antiquities of Bristol, p. 230; Seyer, Memoir of Bristol, ii. 418–119; Nicholls and Taylor, Bristol Past and Present, i. 310.

360 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1641–1643, p. 516; 1645–1647, p. 275.

361 Narrative and Vindication of John Ashburnham, 1830, vol. ii. app. p. xiii.

362 An abstract of Richard Holworthy’s will is in Waters’s Genealogical Gleanings, i. 500.

363 To Principal Heberden of Brasenose I am indebted, through our associate Professor George L. Kittredge, for the information that “we have no signature of Matthew Holworthy and nothing in our archives to add to the information” in the text.

364 This Andrew Henley was made a Baronet June 20, and a Knight July 21, 1660, and died in or shortly before 1675. For a notice of him, see Cokayne’s Complete Baronetage, iii. 69–70.

365 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1652–1653, pp. 437, 481.

366 James Holworthy is mentioned in this petition.

367 Publications of the Harleian Society, xxiv. 106.

The genealogy of the Henley family is complicated, and I am indebted for information to Mr. Holworthy and to our associate Mr. Henry W. Cunningham. Robert Henley of Leigh, Somerset, whose will was proved July 19, 1614, was the son of George Henley of Taunton, Somerset, and was twice married: first to Anne Truebody, and secondly to Elizabeth Freake. By his first wife, Robert Henley had a son, Andrew Henley of Taunton, whose will was proved January 14, 1630–31. This Andrew Henley married Dorothy Sandford and was the father of the Robert Henley who was buried in the Temple Church on February 29, 1655–56. This Robert Henley married Anne Eldred and had, among other children, Sir Andrew Henley and Mary Henley, the latter of whom was the first wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy.

By his second wife, Robert Henley of Leigh had a son Henry Henley of Leigh, who married Susanna Bragge and died in 1638. Henry and Susanna (Bragge) Henley had a son also named Henry Henley, of Leigh, who married for his first wife Susan Morridge. It was their daughter Susanna who became the third wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy.

It thus appears that the first wife and the third wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy were second cousins.

368 Environs of London (1795), ii. 450.

369 This rare little volume was reprinted by Hotten in 1863 under the title of “The Little London Directory of 1677. The oldest printed List of the Merchants and Bankers of London.” There is a copy of the reprint in the Boston Athenæum.

370 A plan of the “Walks “as they were in 1837 is given in Thornbury’s Old and New London, i. 497. See also Notes and Queries, Tenth Series, xii. 356.

371 Lysons, Environs of London, ii. 499.

372 Lysons, Environs of London, ii. 499.

373 The will is printed on pp. 176–180, below.

374 At Hinton, Devonshire.

375 Lysons, Environs of London, ii. 499.

376 The name is also spelled Desborow and Disbrowe. I adopt the form given in the Dictionary of National Biography.

377 College Book, iii. 53.

378 In October, 1908, Mr. Holworthy sent me photographs of the portraits, which were exhibited at the meeting of this Society held in January, 1909 (Publications, xii. 237). As the photographs were old and not suitable for reproduction, Mr. Holworthy kindly had new photographs taken and sent me the negatives in July, 1909. The one of Sir Matthew not being altogether satisfactory, when the portraits reached Cambridge new photographs of both were taken, and from these are reproduced the illustrations in the text. The facsimile of Sir Matthew’s signature is from an autograph appended to Sir Edward Bysshe’s Visitation of London, 1664, in the Heralds’ College. The manuscript Holworthy pedigree, also sent me by Mr. Holworthy and exhibited in January, 1909, has been placed in the library of the New England Historic Genealogical Society. Many names appear in the pedigree that are not mentioned in this sketch.

379 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Carew, 19.

380 A previous will, dated March 20, 1676, of which a copy was sent me by Mr. Holworthy, contained a similar provision.

381 For a sketch of the Rev. Thomas Gouge (1609–1681) and his labors in Wales, see the Dictionary of National Biography.

382 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Reeve, 41. An abstract of Sir Matthew’s will is given in Waters’s Genealogical Gleanings, i. 500, where also will be found various Holworthy, Haviland, Desborough, and other wills. See also Notes and Queries, Tenth Series, ix. 208, 273, 377.

Since the above paper was written, several matters have come to light that are worth recording. First, Mr. Charles Warren kindly calls my attention to a curious letter quoted in his History of the Harvard Law School. It was written in 1812 by President Kirkland to Treasurer Davis and reads as follows:

I find some gentlemen are sorry to have our new college receive so hard a name — Holworthy Hall — has two aspirates besides the W. and the T. H. — which twist and squeeze the organs not a little. Is there other any better or more suitable — or will you reconsider on account of the objection — which is of some consequence (i. 323 note).

Secondly, Mr. Edward W. Forbes writes me that the Holworthy portraits have, at the request of our associate President Lowell, been transferred from the Fogg Art Museum to the Faculty Room in University Hall.

Thirdly, Mr. Charles N. Baxter informs me that the Bostonian Society owns two Harvard College lottery tickets. On inspection, one proves to be No. 10699 of the Fifth Class, dated February, 1811, and signed by John Williams as manager. The other is a quarter-ticket, also of the Fifth Class, No. 11280, dated May, 1811; but instead of a manager’s name there is written in ink “W & T Kidder,” and at the bottom is the line, “At their Real Fortunate Lottery Office, No. 9, Market-square.” Apparently, therefore, this quarter-ticket was printed not by the managers of the lottery but by the lottery dealers.

Fourthly, I have been able to identify the Henry Henley of Lyme Regis who in 1669 gave £27 to Harvard College (p. 174, above) as Henry Henley of Colway, son of Henry Henley of Leigh and own brother of Susanna Henley, the third wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy. See Publications of this Society, xiv. 45–49.

383 In his Lists of New England Magazines, 1743–1800, communicated to the Society in January, 1910, Mr. Matthews gave the title of this magazine, but at that time no copy was known to be in existence. See p. 70, above. For the information given in the text, the Editor is indebted to Mr. Clarence S. Brigham.

384 “Pole” is of course a misprint for “Equator.”

385 So far as I have been able to ascertain, these journals were never published.

386 Here follows the Table printed in this volume on p. 190.

387 The page is here indistinct.

388 The page is here indistinct: perhaps “¹/₉₀” was written.

389 The material in this paragraph is gathered from “Principal Facts Relating to the Earth’s Magnetism,” referred to in the text, p. 183, above.

390 Memoirs, London, 1749, i. 223. A second edition, containing the portrait here reproduced, was published in 1753.

391 Memoirs, i. 296–297.

392 i. 315–316.

393 For information in regard to Beale, I am again indebted to Mr. Matthews.

394 History of South Carolina, i. 311–312. The date of this voyage is not given, but Hewatt is describing events that occurred about 1721. Previous to that time, Beale had married, on March 25, 1722, Katherine Gale at Charleston. Hewatt is slightly mistaken in regard to Beale’s age: see page 196 note 1, below.

395 His wife died January 4, 1774. He and his wife were buried in the cemetery of St. Philip’s Church, and in 1788 their son John (who married Mary Ross) erected to their memory in the church (which was destroyed by fire on February 15, 1835) a monument from which the above dates are taken. On August 17, 1746, Othniel Beale’s daughter Hannah married William Bull, Jr. Born in 1710, Bull became Lieutenant-Governor of South Carolina in 1759, frequently administered the government between 1760 and 1775, retired to England in 1780, and there died in 1791. See E. McCrady, History of South Carolina, 1719–1776, pp. 61, 175, 246, 288, 683, 684, 801; W. R. Smith, South Carolina as a Royal Province, 1719–1776, pp. 178, 199, 202–206, 218–219, 312, 316; Mrs. Ravenel, Charleston: the Place and the People, pp. 88, 91–92, 169; City of Charleston Year Book for 1880, p. 271; A. S. Salley, Jr., Register of St. Philip’s Parish, Charles Town, 1720–1758, pp. 62, 111, 152, 184; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, i. 84–85, ii. 134 note, 136. An attempt to find a portrait of Othniel Beale in Charleston or elsewhere has not met with success.

396 Publications of this Society, xii. 382.

397 xii. 192.

398 See pp. 193–194, above.

399 John Theophilus Desaguliers (1683–1744).

400 Page 193, above.

401 Rev. John Edwards (1637–1716).

402 This Latin inscription to Dr. Edwards is reprinted line for line in the London edition in the collation of which it is given below in full (p. 200), though with two slight changes.

403 Of two copies of this edition in the British Museum, one has, the other has not, this translation of the Latin dedication on the verso of the title-page.

404 He died April 16, 1716.

405 S. Mather, Life of C. Mather, p. 73.

406 Richard Clarke died at London on February 27, 1795, “at the House of his Son-in-law, J. S. Copley, Esq. in the 84th year of his age” (Morning Chronicle, London, March 3, 1795, p. 4/1).

407 Richard Clarke graduated at Harvard College in 1729.

408 Joseph Lee graduated at Harvard College in 1729.

409 Mrs. Copley’s mother was Elizabeth (Winslow) Clarke.

410 Richard Clarke’s daughter Mary married Samuel Barrett, and their daughter Sarah married Samuel Cabot.

411 Presumably Mrs. Mary (Clarke) Barrett.

412 Elizabeth Bromfield, who later married Daniel Denison Rogers, was the daughter of Col. Henry Bromfield by his second wife Hannah Clarke, a daughter of Richard Clarke.

413 Col. Henry Bromfield (1727–1820).

414 Doubtless the copyist’s error for “Harvard.”

415 Henry Bromfield, Jr., was a son of Col. Henry Bromfield by his first wife Margaret Fayerweather.

416 George Erving graduated at Harvard College in 1757.

417 Later Baron Lyndhurst.

418 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Newcastle, 372. There were no witnesses.

419 There is a copy of this pamphlet in the British Museum, though it is not entered in the catalogue under Peters’s name. It is ascribed to Peters by C. H. Firth in his sketch of Peters in the Dictionary of National Biography. As apparently no American library contains a copy of the pamphlet, its title is given in part: A True | Relation | of the | Passages of | Gods Providence in a | Voyage for Ireland. | With | The Additionall Forces sent for reducing of | that Kingdome by his Maiesie | and Parliament | Wherein every Dayes worke is set downe faithfully by H. P. an | Eye-witnesse thereof, under the Command of Alexander | L. Forbes, Lieutenant Generall under the L. Brooke | for that Service; from the 29. of June to the | 29. of September. 1642. | … | London | Printed by Luke Norton, for Henry Overton. | in the Yeare. MDCXLII.

420 Brinley Catalogue, i. 92. Cf. iv. 163.

421 The following list explains these abbreviations. An asterisk following an abbreviation denotes an imperfect copy:

AAS = American Antiquarian Society

BPL = Boston Public Library

EDO = E. D. Church Collection

ADF = A. D. Foster Collection

H = Harvard College Library

LC = Library of Congress

MHS = Massachusetts Historical Society

NYHS = New York Historical Society

422 This advertisement is quoted in Drake’s History and Antiquities of Boston (1857), p. 474 note. There was a market in Boston as early as 1634, but there was much opposition to one. See Drake, pp. 166, 334, 555, 596, 610–611; Memorial History of Boston, ii. 462 note.

423 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 21–22.

424 Brinley Catalogue, i. 92

425 In Mr. A. D. Foster’s collection is a volume containing many almanacs from 1690 to 1747, one bearing the title in part as follows:

This contains ten leaves. On the recto of the eighth leaf is a poem in twenty lines, beginning and ending as follows:

To Their Most Sacred MAJESTIES

King WILLIAM, and Queen MARY.

MAy Heav’nly Delights, & Joys Transcending, wait

About the Throne of your illustrious State.

. . . . . .

And Your New-England Subjects with one voice,

Shall both in You and your blest Seed Rejoyce.

B H

Beneath the poem is a line containing the words “Bills, Bonds, and Indentures, &c.”

426 Though Mr. Foster’s copy is complete in the sense of having all the leaves, yet the tops of some of the pages have been cut by the binder.

427 This fragment is owned by Mr. E. S. Phelps of Boston.

428 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 414–415.

429 Benjamin Harris.

430 Act of June 15, 1696 (Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 237–239). This is mentioned in the Memorial History of Boston, ii. 462 note; but neither in that work nor in Drake’s History and Antiquities of Boston is any account given of earlier fairs. Spring and autumn fairs were appointed in Massachusetts in 1638 and in Plymouth in 1639: see Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 241; Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 32; Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 141–142.

431 This entry is against Sunday.

432 Presumably the Rev. Thomas Hooker.

433 December, 1909, Publications, xii. 382–398.

434 xii. 384.

435 Lippincott’s New Gazetteer, 1906, gives the longitude of Ferro as 18° 7′ 5″ west of Greenwich.

436 Publications, xii. 389, 392.

437 The features of Champlain’s three maps as given in the text are taken from the reproductions of the same in The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain translated from the French by C. P. Otis and published by the Prince Society in three volumes (1878–1882). The large map of 1612 and the small map of 1613 face p. 228 of vol. iii; the map of 1632 faces p. 304 of vol. i.

438 Publications, xii. 392; Encyclopaedia Britannica, ninth edition, xxiii. 394.

439 Memorial History of Boston, i. 52.

440 Memorial History of Boston, i. 56.

441 i. 54.

442 The number 315 at the bottom of the map was engraved below the framing lines because its proper space in the field was occupied by Smith’s coat-of-arms, and in Arber’s reproduction it is not shown; but it appears, in the original figures, on the photographic copies made from the Lenox Library specimens.

443 The map of Virginia was first published in a book entitled A Map of Virginia with Description of the Countrey, … by Captaine John Smith, Oxford, 1612, but was afterwards reissued in his Generall Historie, 1624, and in Purchaa his Pilgrimes, 1625. According to Mr. Eames it exists in eight states, of which the last two have much more detail than the earlier six. (See Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606–1625, edited by L. G. Tyler, 1907, p. vi; map at p. 76.) The facsimile that I have examined accompanies Deane’s edition of Smith’s A True Relation of Virginia, Boston, 1866. It bears figures referring to the pages at which it appeared in the Generall Historie and in Purchas, and appears to be taken from one of the last two states.

444 Publications, xii. 384–385.

445 In Stanford’s London Atlas, third edition, 1904, in the List of Names with Latitudes and Longitudes at the end, the longitude of the Island of St. Michael is given as 25° 30′ west. In W. F. Walker’s The Azores, London, 1886, on the map of St. Michael’s opposite p. 46, that island extends in longitude from about 25° 9′ west to about 25° 52′ west.

446 The Charlestown records are now in the custody of the City Clerk of Boston. Regarding Greene’s narrative, see also H. H. Sprague’s Founding of Charlestown by the Spragues, 1910, pp. 5–9, 33–37.

447 Arber, facing p. 694.

448 These lines are taken from a copy of the First Folio in the Boston Public Library. Cf. Works of Ben Jonson, Gifford’s edition (1816), viii. 328; R. G. White’s edition of Shakespeare, Boston, 1865, vol. ii. p. xxx.

449 Complete Works of John Davies of Hereford, Grosart’s edition, vol. ii., The Scourge of Folly (1611), p. 26, Epigram 159.

450 Arber, pp. 181, 491.

451 Edition of 1840, ii. 79.

452 The statement above, that he was buried in St. Dunstan’s, is taken from the Dictionary of National Biography, xiv. 139.

453 Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 417–421; Historical Notices of the New North Religious Society in the Town of Boston, p. 28.

454 Mr. Prentice graduated at Harvard in 1726. He was settled at Arundel, Maine, 1730–1737, and at Charlestown, Massachusetts, 1739–1775. He died in 1782.

455 John Burt graduated at Harvard in 1736, was ordained as minister of Bristol, Rhode Island, in 1741, married a daughter of Lieut.-Gov. William Ellery, and died in 1775.

456 So attractive as a preacher was he, that Mr. Prentice received, almost simultaneously, calls to the pulpits of the New North Church in Boston, of West Cambridge, and of Charlestown. He accepted the call to Charlestown and declined the other two on the same day.

457 Daniel Rogers graduated at Harvard in 1725, was a tutor, 1732–1741, and in 1748 was settled over the Second Church in Exeter, New Hampshire. Another man of the same name graduated in the class of 1725 and in 1732 was ordained at Littleton, Massachusetts.

458 Jonathan Helyer graduated at Harvard in 1738, was settled at Newport, Rhode Island, in 1744 and died in 1745.

459 Lately Gee, an influential, though blind, man and a zealous friend of Mr. Eliot, was son of John and Joane Gee; was born in Boston 4 February, 1687–88; was cousin to the Rev. Joshua Gee; and married Sarah Ellise, 2 November, 1710. On the previous thirteenth of September, his intention of marriage with Priscilla Thornton was published (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 174, xxviii. 28, 32). See also Historical Notices, etc., p. 20.

460 We have here a reminder of the quarrel when the Rev. Peter Thacher of Weymouth was settled as the first colleague of the Rev. Mr. Webb, in 1719, which resulted in the founding of the New Brick Church.

461 Records of the Church of Christ at Cambridge in New England (1906), p. 100. By an unfortunate mistake this entry is erroneously indexed under the surname Andrew.

462 The Records of the New North Church, besides being remarkably full as regards the doings of the members, contain upwards of six thousand entries of admissions, baptisms, marriages and deaths covering more than a century, beginning with 1714. As these entries relate to the Cabot, Barrett, Parkman, and other prominent North End families during a period when the public vital records of the town of Boston are very imperfect, it is much to be desired that these valuable and important Records should be printed and indexed, and thus be made available to students and scholars interested in the history of Boston and its families.

463 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, v. 403–414.

464 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 166–173.

465 G. B. Merrick, Merrick Genealogy (1902), pp. 15–17.

466 See D. B. Hall, Halls of New England (1883), pp. 211–215; Swift, History of Old Yarmouth, pp. 100–102; Genealogical Notes of Barnstable Families, i. 450–456.

467 Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 65, 112, 130, 132, 169.

468 Church, History of Philip’s War (Drake’s edition, 1829), p. 170, and cf. Dexter’s edition (1867), ii. 10 note.

469 Documentary History of the State of Maine, v. 4.

470 Massachusetts Province Laws, vii. 92.

471 vii. 486. The order was allowed December 11, 1695, after striking out the words printed in italics.

472 History of Hingham, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 314.

473 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, i. 148, 163.

474 vii. 113, 141.

475 Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 483 note.

476 Drake, p. 524; Sewall’s Diary, i. 359 note.

477 See Felt, Annals of Salem (1827), pp. 346, 545; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvi. 238.

478 See Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 431; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vii. 125.

479 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 43.

480 Suffolk Deeds, viii. 322–324.

481 Sewall’s Diary, i. 71, 96, 134, 235.

482 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 1672.

483 See Hammatt Papers, pp. 167–169; Waters, Ipswich, pp. 146, 157, 357.

484 Tyler, History of American Literature, i. 335.

485 Suffolk Deeds, x.

486 Diary, i. 213.

487 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vii. 219, x. 136.

488 See Mr. Park’s sketch of Oliver, pp. 92–94, above.

489 Dr. Henry Goddard Leach of Harvard University called Mr. Kittredge’s attention to the portrait and procured the photograph from Professor Wulff. Dr. Leach recognized the photograph as of the Lansdowne type.

490 MS. 23. L. 35, p. 128.

491 Contractions are expanded in italics.

492 Read B[reagh]?

493 Perhaps to be expanded scealaidhe.

494 Before n-gléasfaigh, n-glaoghfaigh is written and then expunged.

495 For the suggestion that miledh is Milesius, the translators are indebted to Professor Douglas Hyde.

496 That laoisigh is Louis XVI, is Professor Hyde’s suggestion.

497 For Chrotaigh perhaps we should read chruthaigh, “shapely.”

498 Letter to Mr. Albert Matthews, March 3, 1911. Cf. p. 259 note 2, below.

499 See p. 257 note 2, above.

500 As to the air (the Irish name of which is not wholly legible) Dr. W. H. Grattan Flood, the distinguished authority on Irish music, informs Dr. Hyde that the tune is probably that sometimes entitled Sa Maidin Fear gan Bríste (“In the Morning the Man without Breeches”) and better known as Nora an Chuil Omra (“Nora of the Amber Hair”). The music, Dr. Flood adds, was printed as “The Poor Thresher” in 1790, and a different version, entitled Bean Dubh an Ghleanna (“The Dark Woman of the Glen”) is in O’Daly’s Poets and Poetry of Munster (see the third edition, Dublin, 1850, p. 184).

501 Writings of Washington, ix. 13–14.

502 By Mr. Charles Butler Brooks, who had recently bought it at auction.

503 There is another contemporary copy of this paper, in the handwriting of Caleb Gibbs, enclosed in Washington’s letter of 14 May, 1779, to the President of Congress, in the Papers of the Continental Congress. (Library of Congress, Calendar of the Correspondence of George Washington … with the Continental Congress, Washington, 1900, p. 306.)

504 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, vol. 7, folio 335.

505 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, vol. 7, folio 331.

506 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 163, folio 341.

507 The following passage, under date of 18 May, 1779, is taken from the Journals of the Continental Congress (Ford’s edition), xiv. 607:

A letter, of 16, from G. Morgan, agent for Indian affairs in the western district, was read, accompanied with the Indians speech to General Washington, and the General’s answer:

Ordered, That the letter be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

508 Sparks, ii. 47 note.

509 Journals of the Continental Congress (Ford’s edition), iv. 268, 294–295.

510 Pennsylvania Archives, vi. 587, 652.

511 C. Gist’s Journals (1893), pp. 281–285.

512 See Monette, History of the Valley of the Mississippi, i. 475; Albach, Annals of the West, pp. 505–506; 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii. 190.

513 The horn-book measures 3 by 4 ¹¹/₁₆ inches, and the oak frame (including handle) 4½ by 9 inches.

514 Tuer, History of the Horn-Book, i. 5.

515 i. 7.

516 G. E. Littlefield, Early Schools and School-Books of New England, p. 113.

517 John Davis was Governor of Massachusetts in 1833, 1834, 1840, 1841, and United States Senator from 1835 to 1840 and again from 1845 to 1853, when he retired.

518 Probably John Bell of Nashville, Tennessee, then Member of Congress, and in 1860 a candidate for President.

519 “Plotty, a hot drink, composed of wine or spirits with hot water or spices” (Oxford Dictionary). It is a Scotch word.

520 In the campaign of 1840, much was said in the Whig papers about the splendid appointments and furniture of the “Palace,” as they called the White House — thereby reviving a term employed in the War of 1812.

521 The following passage is taken from Parton’s Life of Andrew Jackson:

To the last day of his residence in the presidential mansion, General Jackson continued to receive proofs that he was still the idol of the people. The eloquence of the opposition had not availed to lessen his general popularity in the least degree. We read of one enthusiastic Jacksonian conveying to Washington, from New York, with banners and bands of music, a prodigious cheese as a present to the retiring chief. The cheese was four feet in diameter, two feet thick, and weighed fourteen hundred pounds — twice as large, said the Globe, as the great, cheese given to Mr. Jefferson on a similar occasion. The President, after giving away large masses of his cheese to his friends, found that he had stih more cheese than he could consume. At his last public reception he caused a piece of the cheese to be presented to all who chose to receive one, an operation that filled the White House with an odor that is pleasant only when there is not too much of it (iii. 626).

From the following contemporary account, taken from Niles’ Register of November 28, 1835 (xlix. 212–213), it appears that the cheese was sent during the closing months of Jackson’s presidency:

The Jackson cheese. Yesterday were exhibited in our village ten of the most splendid cheese ever manufactured in this state, or in the nation. Their aggregate weight was 8,150 lbs. highly ornamented with paintings upon the belts and coverings around them, interlarded with appropriate historical extracts and statistics of state and national character. The mammoth cheese, measuring three feet nine inches in diameter, two feet thick and weighing 1,400 pounds was superscribed to Andrew Jackson, president of the United States. It appears from an account in the Pulaski Banner, that there was a great display in transporting them from Sandusky Creek, where made, to Selkirk, where shipped on board the schooner North America for this place. We received the Banner too late for insertion, but it appears that about sixty gray horses were employed in the procession, guns were fired, &c. They will proceed upon the canal via Syracuse, Schenectady, Troy and Albany, thence to New York, at all of which places the citizens will have an opportunity of seeing them. [Oswego (N. Y.) Observer.

522 The Rev. Joseph Allen (H. C. 1811), the father of our late associate the Rev. Joseph Henry Allen.

523 Magnalia (1855), i. 342, 265.

524 Winthrop, History of New England (1853), i. 104.

525 Magnalia, i. 342.

526 See letter of Hooker to Winthrop, in Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, i. 1–18.

527 Hubbard, General History of New England, p. 173.

528 History of the First Church in Hartford, pp. 82–83.

529 The name of the Massachusetts town of Newtown was changed to Cambridge on May 2, 1638; that of the Connecticut town of Newtown was changed to Hartford in February, 1636–37. (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 228; Connecticut Colonial Records, i. 7; Publication of this Society, xii. 56, 58.)

530 Magnalia, i. 385.

531 Magnalia, i. 385. See also Winthrop, History of New England, i. 214–215; W. Newell, Discourses and Poems, pp. 37–74.

532 Newell, p. 77.

533 Walker, pp. 83–84; Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 36–39.

534 Walker, pp. 410, 478.

535 Magnalia, i. 71.

536 Magnalia, i. 70.

537 First Church in Cambridge, p. 32.

538 The original is in the library of the New Hampshire Historical Society at Concord, New Hampshire. See p. 284 note 8, below.

539 Perhaps “25^th.”

540 The letters A–H to indicate the columns, and the numbers prefixed to the names, are not in the original but are inserted for convenience.

541 Perfectly distinct, and might be “Seinior.” William Slemmons came to Maine.

542 Perhaps “Roe.”

543 An asterisk indicates pale ink.

544 A 20 and 21 are not in the same hand.

545 A 35–45 are perhaps in the same hand.

546 Perhaps “Love.”

547 B 28 and 29 are in the same hand.

548 Perhaps “Jamson.”

549 Later at Londonderry, New Hampshire.

550 C 13 and 14 are in the same hand.

551 There is a blot here.

552 Of Garvagh, County Deny. Later at Merrymeeting Bay in Maine.

553 F 1 and 2 are in the same hand.

554 F 13–16 are in the same hand.

555 F 19 and 20 are in the same hand.

556 Of Ballymoney, Antrim.

557 F 25–27 are in the same hand.

558 Later at Rutland, Massachusetts

559 F 33–47 are probably in the same hand.

560 G 6–8 are in the same hand.

561 Of Macosquin, County Derry.

562 Perhaps “Tarbel.”

563 Perhaps “Tarbel.” G 27 and 28 are in the same hand.

564 A ruling elder in Macosquin.

565 G 32–38 are in the same hand.

566 Perhaps “Mattbey” or “MacCoy.”

567 Same signature as A 2.

568 Some of the names in the above list differ from those printed in my Scotch Irish Pioneers, pp. 325–330. A photograph of the petition was exhibited a year ago (see p. 145, above) but since then a new photograph has been taken, and a study of the photographic plate has rendered clearer some names that were before obscure. Permission was kindly given to remove the MS from its frame when the new photograph was taken.

569 In this list, surnames are printed as in the original petition; christian names are modernized.

570 Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, New Series, xx. 280–290.

571 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 76, 77.

572 Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, New Series, xx. 290.

573 xx. 270 et seq.

574 Suffolk Probate, ii. 146; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxx. 432.

575 Suffolk Probate, iv. 137; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, si. 344.

576 Suffolk Probate, ix. 175.

577 College Book, iii. 4. Cf. Quincy, History of Harvard University, i. 512.

578 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 212.

579 xiii. 36–43, for a sketch of his life.

580 xiii. 38.

581 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 10. The brackets appear in the original MS, and a few letters torn off are printed in italics.

582 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 247.

583 This map was bought by Mr. Farwell from a London firm in 1904. The map was originally published in 1720, but Mr. Farwell’s copy is of an impression not earlier than 1733. Its title reads as follows:

An actual Survey of the Sea Coast from New York to the I Cape Breton, with Tables of the direct and thwart Courses & Distances from Place to Place, by Capt. Cyprian Southack. Illustrated, with Particular Plans, of the Harbours of New York, Boston, Canso Bay & Annapolis Royal, on a larger Scale. As also, A New Chart of the Atlantic Ocean. Printed and Sold by w^m Herbert under the Piazzas on London Bridge & Robert Sayer facing Fetter Lane, Fleet Street.

584 On December 23, 1712, Nicho. Zinzan married “Edward Stables of Lincoln’s Inn and Susanna De Berdt of Wandsworth in Surrey” (Publications of the Harleian Society, Registers, xxxii. 53).

On April 29, 1729, took place the marriage of “John de Berdt of S^t Andrew, Holborn, Midx., B., and Jane Greer of S^t Gyles in the fields, Midx., S.” (Publications of the Harleian Society, Registers, xxxix. 363).

The Gentleman’s Magazine for August, 1731, records the death of “John de Berdt, of Battersea, Esq; Grandson to the late Sir John Fleet, and Son-in-Law to Edward Staples, Esq; Clerk to the H. of Commons “(i. 354). The will (Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Isham, 207) of John De Berdt of Battersea, County Surrey, dated August 5 and proved August 19, 1731, contains these items: “I bequeath all my freehold lands & tenements & all my copyhold & leasehold estates in Battersea, Wimbledon & Wandsworth, co. Surrey, to my wife Jane De Berdt & her heirs for ever. To my sister in law, M^rs Amy Greere, £20. A gold ring to each of my wife’s brothers & sisters. Residuary legatee & executrix, my said wife.”

The Gentleman’s Magazine for December, 1731, notes the death on the 12th of “Edward Stables, Esq; Clerk of the House of Commons, at Wandsworth” (i. 540). Unless there was a double marriage between the Stables and the De Berdt families, it would seem as if this John De Berdt must have been the brother-in-law, not the son-in-law, of Edward Stables.

585 In Austin Friars, London.

586 William B. Reed, Life of Esther De Berdt, afterwards Esther Reed, pp. 188–191. This book was privately printed in 1853.

587 William B. Reed, Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, i. 37 note. This work was published in 1847.

588 Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 62.

589 Massachusetts Papers, pp. 22–23. This volume, otherwise called Papers relating to Public Events in Massachusetts preceding the American Revolution, was printed for the Seventy-Six Society at Philadelphia in 1856. The documents printed in it originally belonged to the late Dr. Alfred Langdon Elwyn, but were by him given to the Massachusetts Historical Society on January 10, 1878. See p. 454 note 2, below.

590 The Curse of Cowardice: A Sermon preached To the Militia of Hanover County, in Virginia, at A General Muster, May 8, 1758. With a View to raise a Company for Captain Samuel Meredith.… London:… MDCCLVIII.

591 Brief Narrative of the Indian Charity-School, In Lebanon in Connecticut, in New-England, London, MDCCLXVI, p. 13.

592 Massachusetts Historical Society. The letter is printed in full, though not with verbal accuracy, in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 113–115. The following passage is from the Massachusetts House Journals of July 13, 1769:

Upon a Motion made, Ordered, That Mr. Hancock, Mr. Gardner of Cambridge, and Mr. Turner, be a Committee to count and sort the Votes of this House for an Agent of the Province.…

The House according to Order, proceeded to bring in their Votes for an Agent, and upon sorting and counting the Votes, it appeared that Dennts De Berdt, Esq; of London, was chosen, by a great Majority (p. 72).

See also House Journals, July 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 1769 (pp. 49, 52, 53, 56, 64, 67); 6 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 149–150, 160.

593 Belknap Papers, iii. 41. The reasons for De Berdt’s financial difficulties are given by Joseph Reed in a letter dated May 7, 1770 (Life of Esther De Berdt, pp. 146–148). In his Life of James Otis (1883), Tudor is severe on De Berdt: see pp. 283 note, 292, 309, 311, 323–325, 329–330. On the other hand, as the extracts quoted in the text show, De Berdt was uniformly spoken of with respect and even affection by his contemporaries on this side of the water. In a latter to Sayre dated November 23, 1770, Samuel Adams alluded to “our worthy Friend M^r De Berdt” (Writings, ii. 66).

594 London magazines; Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 144 note.

595 Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 53.

596 The elder De Berdt always spelled his christian name Dennys, while the younger De Berdt always spelled his christian name Dennis.

597 London Chronicle, April 17–19, 1770, xxvii. 374.

598 Boston Evening Post, June 4, 1770, p. 4/2.

599 Boston News-Letter, June 7, 1770, p. 2/2. De Berdt’s death is also mentioned, but without characterization, in the Boston Gazette, June 4, p. 1/2; Boston Post Boy, June 4, p. 4/2; Boston Chronicle, May 31–June 4, iii. 179/2.

600 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 99.

601 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 18.

602 House Journals, p. 81.

603 House Journals, p. 143.

604 For references to grants, and other allusions, to De Berdt, see Massachusetts House Journals, 1765, November 5, 6, 7, pp. 167, 173, 175, 176; 1766, February 12, 19, 20, pp. 268, 291, 297; 1766, May 29, June 13, 19, 20, 28, November 7, 12, December 3, 4, 6, 9, pp. 9, 81, 104, 106, 138, 180, 190, 191, 205, 206, 213, 219; 1767, February 7, March 3, 16, 17, 19, pp. 259, 350, 393–404, 409, 412; 1767, May 29, June 9, 11, 17, December 30, pp. 10, 33, 34, 40, 60–61, 88; 1768, January 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 16, 26, February 1, 12, 20, pp. 102, 104, 107, 108, 109, 116, 135, 142, 143, 161, 183, 184, App. pp. 22, 25–34; 1768, June 18, 30, pp. 64, 96, App. p. 4; 1769, June 1, July 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, pp. 10, 49, 52, 53, 56, 64, 67, 72, 73, 83; 1770, March 16, 29, April 9, 21, 26, pp. 92, 114, 141, 176, 189, 191, 192.

For grants to De Berdt or his heirs, see Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 467? 504, 566–567, 568–569, 570, 572–579, 589, 590, 592, 597, 636, 637, 638, 639–640; 1. 320.

The account rendered by Dennis De Berdt on February 1, 1771 (xxii. 572–579), contains many interesting items throwing light on the duties and expenses of an agent, such as: “Coach hire £30.0.0;” “a Pair of Horses £105.0.0;” “To a Servants Wages Livery & Board £25.0.0;” “To the Annual Excise Tax on the Coach Wheels £4.0.0;” “Tavern & Coffee House Expences;” “To a General Retaining fee to the Clerk of the house of Commons to be immediately informed when any Affairs of Importance came before the House respecting America £10.0.0;” “To republishing 500 Appeals to the World £7.4.0;” “Publishing 500 Extracts of a Letter & Remarks £3.8.6;” “To Serj^t Glynn’s General retaining ffee £2.2.6;” “To Printing 500 Junius Americanus £16.10.6.”

This account, caught the eye of Governor Gage, and some of the items were transmitted in his letter of June 26, 1774, “because they appeared to him extraordinary” (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 717). The third pamphlet was Arthur Lee’s “The Political Detection; or, the Treachery and Tyranny of Administration, both at Home and Abroad; displayed in a Series of Letters, signed Junius Americanus. London: … M DCC LXX.”

605 Massachusetts Archives, clxxi. 170. The letter is addressed “To The Honourable James Bowdoin Esquire President of y^e Councell Boston;” and is endorsed, “Letter from Rich^d Cary Esq^r Presenting a Picture of Dennis De Berdt Esq^r & Vote of Council. June 7^th 1780.” The “Vote of Council” is of course merely a copy of that given in the text, and is signed “Attest John Avery D Sec.”

606 Council Records, xxv. 175. See also Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, i. 38 note.

607 Richard Cary was an intimate friend of the De Berdts. On November 2, 1774, Mrs. Joseph Reed wrote from Philadelphia to her brother Dennis De Berdt:

The Congress brought some private pleasure as well as public advantage. It gave us the opportunity of seeing some of our old correspondents, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Adams, etc., with whom we spent some cheerful hours, but especially our very worthy friend Mr. Cary, who has just left us, after spending near a month with us, and giving us much pleasure with his company. He is a most cheerful, worthy old gentleman, and from his former friendship with our dear father, and regard for us and you, I never entertained any person more affectionately or with greater pleasure. We were all low-spirited when he went away.… He gave us a kind invitation to his house, which we intend to accept about this time next year, if no accident prevents, and if things take a favorable turn, I think you must come and go with us (Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 204).

Richard Cary died on February 7, 1790. Of the two following notices, the first is taken from the Massachusetts Centinel of Wednesday, February 10, 1790 (p. 3/1), and the second from the same paper of February 17 (p. 3/1):

DIED] — Suddenly, at Charlestown, Sunday morning, Richard Cary, Esq. aged 73, greatly esteemed and lamented. His funeral will be from his late Dwelling House, this afternoon at half past 3 o’clock which his relations and friends are requested to attend from this invitation.

On Wednesday, the 10th inst. the remains of Richard Cary, Esq. of Charlestown, were committed to the grave with every mark of respect due to so excellent a character. Mr. Cary was an ornament and blessing to society. His temper was gentle, pacifick and benevolent; his deportment polite and engaging; his friendships were sincere and affectionate; his piety ardent and exemplary; his charity warm and extensive. He was a true friend to religion, and zealously engaged in every practicable design of promoting the cause of Christianity. His virtues and accomplishments gained him the love of a numerous acquaintance: He maintained a large correspondence, and was highly respected at home and abroad. Strangers were always happy in his company. He was affable, condescending and obliging to all; and was never more in his element than when doing good. His death was sudden; but he died as he had lived, and as every good man would wish to die, bearing testimony with his last breath to the religion of the gospel, and supported by the hope of a blessed immortality.

608 Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, ii. 258; Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 292.

609 W. B. Reed states that he “died at an advanced age in or about the year 1820” (Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 35 note). His death is recorded in the Morning Chronicle, London, of April 1, 1817: “On the 31st ult. Suddenly, by the rupture of a blood vessel, Dennis De Berdt, Esq. of Clapton, Middlesex” (p. 3/5). The death of a “Mrs. De Berdt, of Totenham,” is noted in the Gentleman’s Magazine for March, 1803, lxxiii. 283.

The will (Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Jenner, 284) of Dennys De Berdt of St. Luke’s, Middlesex, merchant, dated August 11, 1769, and proved August 6, 1770, contains the following items: “I desire that not more than £20 be paid on my funeral. I hereby confirm the gift of a house at St. John’s Row, Exeter, to my cousin Francis Bedwell, of the said city, to him & his heirs for ever. I bequeath to the widow of the late M^r Thomas Zouch, of the Bank of England, or if she be dead to be equally divided among their children, £100. To my late partners, Wright Burkitt & Stephen Sayre, £20 each. To my son Dennis & my daughter Esther, £1000 each. To my wife Martha De Berdt, £2000. To my executor, Thomas Uffington, £50. Residuary legatee, my wife Martha. Executors, my said wife, M^r Thomas Uffington & my son, Dennis De Berdt.” The name of Wright Burkitt, broker, appears in a list of bankrupts printed in the Gentleman’s Magazine for April, 1773 (xliii. 104).

The will (Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Effingham, 237) of Dennis De Berdt of Freeman’s Court, Cornhill, and Clapton, parish of St. John, Hackney, Middlesex, dated March 20, 1811, and proved May 3, 1817, contains the following items: “Residuary legatees, my son Dennis De Berdt & my daughter, Mary Hovell. I desire to be buried in Bunhill Fields. Executors, James Comerford & my son-in-law, Thomas Hovell. Codicil dated December 6, 1811, that having given large sums of money to his son, the same are to be counted as part of his legacy.”

610 On May 11, 1769, William Franklin wrote to his father:

Mr. Morgan, our Secretary, is in Canada.… Mr. Reed, our Dep’y Sec’y, has, I understand, let his house in Trenton, and intends soon for England, to marry De Berdt’s Daughter. He has not, however, mentioned his intention to me, and perhaps will not think it necessary (New Jersey Archives, x. 114).

On January 5, 1776, Governor Franklin wrote to Lord Dartmouth:

But I am told that they have obtained a Copy of the whole of that Letter, though only a part was laid before Parliament. By what means this has been done I cannot learn, but I find it is suspected that it was obtained by some management of M^r De Berdt, and that this has been one Reason for the Assembly appointing him their Agent (New Jersey Archives, x. 681).

To this passage is appended this note: “Dennis De Berdt, father-in-law of Joseph Reed. He was appointed November 24, 1775. — Minutes of Provincial Congress, etc., 1775–6, 295.” The person alluded to in the first of these extracts was of course the elder De Berdt, while the person mentioned in the second was the younger De Berdt.

611 From a letter written by Esther De Berdt (Life, p. 49) on March 16, 1765, it appears that her parents were married about 1745. Mrs. De Berdt lived with her son-in-law Joseph Reed until 1783, when she returned to England. The date of her death is unknown.

612 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 107.

613 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 210.

614 Exactly how many have previously been printed it would be impossible to say without an exhaustive search in the contemporary Boston newspapers. Some were there printed with De Berdt’s name attached, others were there printed but without naming De Berdt as the writer.

615 Many letters written to De Berdt will be found in Massachusetts Papers, in Bradford’s Massachusetts State Papers, and in 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 347–366.

616 Many letters written to De Berdt will be found in Massachusetts Papers, in Bradford’s Massachusetts State Papers, and in 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 347–366.

Attention may not inappropriately be called to Edwin P. Tanner’s paper on “Colonial Agencies in England during the Eighteenth Century” (Political Science Quarterly for March, 1901, xvi. 24–49).

617 Samuel White (1700–1769), Speaker of the Massachusetts House.

618 Richard Jackson.

619 A copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives contains the following sentence, not in the Letter Book: “I write this as a Committee man as well as as Agent as I would omitt nothing that would ease the minds of the province being ambitious in every Capacity of shewing you how much I am Yrs &c” (lvi. 467).

620 Capt. Thomas Dixey.

621 The Stamp Act Congress.

622 John Smith, a Boston merchant, often mentioned.

623 A copy of this letter is in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 468–169.

624 Arthur Onslow (1691–1768).

625 George Wyllys (1710–1796), long Secretary of Connecticut.

626 George Cooke: cf. p. 335, below.

627 Capt. Robert Calef.

628 Richard Jackson. See Massachusetts House Journals, December 8, 1766, February 5, 1767, pp. 216–217, 250.

629 A letter dated February 28, 1766, about the Declaratory Act, signed by De Berdt and twenty-eight others, is in 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xi. 446–448. For allusions to De Berdt, see Massachusetts Historical Collections, First Series, ii. 44; Fifth Series, ix. 214; Sixth Series, ix. 150, 160, 165, 269; New Jersey Archives, xxv. 40.

630 Capt. Howard Jacobson.

631 William Smith (1697–1769) graduated at Yale College in 1719. He married (1) Mary Het, who died in 1754; and (2) Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Scott of England and widow of Col. Elisha Williams (H. C. 1711), fourth Rector of Yale College. The second William Smith (1728–1793) graduated at Yale in 1745 and wrote the well-known History of New York.

632 This is apparently an allusion to the case of Waddel Cunningham, about which there is much in the Colden Papers.

633 Stephen Sayre, who graduated at the College of New Jersey in the same class with Joseph Reed (1757), became De Berdt’s partner, and to him Reed attributed the financial disasters that overtook De Berdt at the close of his life. Sayre was elected a sheriff of London in 1773 — not, as usually stated, in 1774 — and, after a varied and picturesque career, died in Virginia in 1818.

634 See p. 324 note 1, below.

635 See p. 324 note 1, below.

636 Probably Capt. Barnabas Binney.

637 Probably Charles Townshend.

638 Esther De Berdt, who married Joseph Reed.

639 On January 19, 1765, John Sargent was returned to Parliament from West Looe (alias Portpigham) Borough, Cornwall, vice Francis Butler, deceased. In June, 1766, the New York Assembly resolved to make provision for an equestrian statue of George III, a statue of Pitt, and a piece of plate for Sargent; but it was not until February 6, 1768, that the money was actually voted — £1000, £500, and £100, respectively. (Colonial Laws of New York, iv. 1002–1003; Journal of the Legislative Council of New York, h. 1653.)

640 Probably George Grenville.

641 Perhaps “Shelly.”

642 Joseph Reed (1741–1785).

643 Dennis De Berdt.

644 William Brattle (1706–1776).

645 Doubtless “A Thanksgiving Sermon on the total Repeal of the Stamp-Act. Preached in Cambridge, New England, May 20th, … By Nathaniel Appleton, M.A., Pastor of the First Church in sajd Town. Published by the Desire of the Audience, and at the Expence of the Honorable Brigadier General Brattle.… Boston: … 1766.”

646 In the Diary of Dr. Nathaniel Ames is the following entry under date of November 20, 1765: “Scholars punished at College for acting over the great and last day in a very shocking manner, personating the Jude etertat Devil, &c.” (Dedham Historical Register, ii. 27).

647 Thomas Cushing (1725–1788) was chosen Speaker of the House on June 28, 1766, after James Otis had been disapproved by Governor Bernard.

648 See p. 301, above.

649 Probably Capt. Robert Young.

650 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, Ivi. 487. It was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 10, 1766, p. 1/2; in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 101; and in the Massachusetts Province Laws, iv. 936. The following is taken from the Massachusetts House Journals of November 7, 1766:

Bill read.

A Bill intitled, An Act for granting Compensation to the Sufferers, and of free and general Pardon, Indemnity and Oblivion to the Offenders in the late Times, was considered and Debated according to Order: And it was moved that a Clause be inserted therein to oblige every Town for the future, where any Riots shall happen and Damage ensue, to make Compensation for the same: And the Question being put, it pass’d in the Negative, 27 Yeas, 45 Nays.

Printers directed.

Ordered, That the Printers be directed to publish a sufficient number of copies of this Bill; and also Mr. Agent De Berdt’s two Letters of 6th of August, and 19th of September, and deliver the same to the Members for the Consideration of their several Towns (p. 182).

There is in the Boston Public Library (H. 90a. 88) a four-page leaflet which begins as follows:

The following Bill now pending in the House of Representatives, is published by their Order for the Consideration of the several Towns in this Province.

A Bill intituled, An Act for granting Compensation to the Sufferers, and of free and general Pardon, Indemnity and Oblivion to the Offenders in the late times.

Then follow the Act, an extract from Secretary Conway’s letter of August 31, 1766, and De Berdt’s letters of August 6 and September 19. The Act was passed December 6, 1766 (Massachusetts Province Laws, iv. 903–904), but was disallowed by the Privy Council May 13, 1767.

651 “A Faithfull Narrative of the Remarkable Revival of Religion, in the Congregation of East-Hampton, on Long-Island, In the Year of our Lord 1764. With Some Reflections. By Samuel Buell, A.M. Minister of the Gospel there. New-York: … 1766.”

The dedication is dated September 25, 1765; and the Narrative concludes (p. 87) as follows:

Some late Accounts from the Rev. Mr. Wheelock, of Lebanon, together with the prevailing and excellent Disposition of many Persons both in Europe and America generously to contribute towards the Support of the collegiate School, more immediately under his indefatigable Care, gives ground to hope for the Propagation of the Gospel among the original Natives of America: Whereby the Kingdom of our inthroned Saviour will have the greater Extension, and the brighter Resplendency on Earth. Amen! Even so come Lord Jesus; Come quickly!

On the verso of the half-title of the copy of this pamphlet in the Harvard College Library is written in ink “For M^r John Bailey from Samson Occom.” In 1761 Mr. Buell published at New York “The Excellence and Importance of the saving Knowledge of the Lord Jesus Christ in the Gospel-Preacher, plainly and seriously represented and enforced: And Christ preached to the Gentiles in Obedience to the Call of God. A Sermon, Preached at East-Hampton, August 29, 1759; at the Ordination of Mr. Samson Occum, A Missionary among the Indians.” See pp. 426, 444, below.

The Boston Gazette of December 23, 1765 (p. 3/1), states that Occom and the Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker sailed that morning for England. Landing at Brixham, Devonshire, on February 3, 1766, the two rode on horseback to Exeter, thence in a coach to Salisbury, and reached London on the 6th. There they were “hospitably entertained at the house of Mr. De Berdt,” and the next day were conducted by John Smith to the house of Whitefield.

652 The Rev. Dr. Samuel Chandler (1693–1766). In the Dartmouth Manuscripts is a memorial and petition, dated March 18, 1766, from the Presbyterian Church in New York to the Moderator and Members of the Assembly of the Church of Scotland, “soliciting the help of the venerable Assembly in obtaining a charter of incorporation for them. They have also applied to Mr. Dennis Debert and Doctor Samuel Chandler to make and solicit their application for the royal order “(Historical Manuscripts Commission, 14th Report, app. part x. p. 38).

653 The Rev. Samuel Finley (1715–1766), President of the College of New Jersey.

654 George Onslow (1731–1814), afterwards first Earl of Onslow.

655 Probably Thomas Townshend (1733–1800), afterwards first Viscount Sydney; but possibly Thomas Townshend (1701–1780), son of Charles Townshend (1674–1738), second Viscount Townshend.

656 Charles Townshend (1725–1767), son of Charles Townshend (1700–1764), third Viscount Townshend.

657 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 507.

658 See Massachusetts House Journals, June 20, October 30, November 13, 1766, pp. 108–109, 150, 202.

659 Probably Capt. John Blake.

660 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii, 496.

661 Capt. James Bruce.

662 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 515–516. It was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 10, 1766, p. ½; in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 102; and (in part) in the Massachusetts Province Laws, iv. 936. See also p. 322 note 2, above.

663 Cæsar Rodney (1728–1784), Thomas McKean (1734–1817), and George Read (1733–1798).

664 See pp. 300–301, above.

665 This letter is concluded on a page torn out. It is quoted in J. T. Scharf’a History of Delaware, i. 144, 185.

666 Edward Sheafe represented Charlestown in the General Court during 1764–1770. He was chosen Commissary General April 26, 1770 (Massachusetts House Journals, p. 189). The Boston Gazette of May 17, 1771, contained this notice: “This Morning died at Charlestown, Edward Sheaff, Esq; Commissary-General” (P. 2/3).

667 Samuel Dexter (1726–1810). He represented Dedham in the General Court. Cf. p. 296, above.

668 Doubtless Charles Townshend, who died September 4, 1767.

669 Doubtless the Rev. David Sherman Rowland’s Divine Providence Illustrated and Improved, a sermon preached in Providence, Rhode Island, on June 4, 1766, on the repeal of the Stamp Act.

670 De Berdt’s memorial to Shelburne is printed below, pp. 448–450.

671 Sir John Cust (1718–1770) was Speaker of the House of Commons, but doubtless De Berdt refers to the Speaker of the Massachusetts House — Cushing.

672 Capt. James Scott, commander of the brig Lydia. He afterwards married the widow of John Hancock.

See p. 338 note, below.

673 See De Berdt’s letter to S. White of February 15, 1766, p. 312, above.

674 See Massachusetts House Journals, December 9, 1766, p. 219.

675 John Dickinson’s Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies.

676 See p. 304 note 2, above.

677 George Cooke, Member of Parliament for Middlesex, died in June, 1768.

678 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 524–526. It is printed in Massachusetts State Papers, pp. 160–161.

679 Edward Church: see Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 213.

680 Probably Capt. Benjamin White.

681 A copy of this letter is in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 527–529. It is printed, but dated August 29, 1768, and lacking the final paragraph, in Massachusetts State Papers, pp. 160–161. So many petitions to the King were adopted that it is not always easy to distinguish between them. One was voted January 20, 1768 (Massachusetts House Journals, pp. 122, 124, app. pp. 1–3); another was voted June 30, 1768 (Massachusetts House Journals, pp. 95–96). That of January 20 caused De Berdt much trouble, and perhaps accounts for some of the dissatisfaction already noted (pp. 298–299, above). In the Massachusetts Gazette of November 3, 1768 (p. 1/2), it is stated that the “Transactions of the Colonies having peculiarly attracted the Attention of the Public in England: the public Papers in London of the latter End of August are taken up with Accounts” of various matters. After mentioning some of these, the writer goes on to say:

As [misprint for At] the End of these Publications is inserted the following Advertisement, which we shall print Word for Word as it is in the Gazeteer, of August 26, 1768.

WHEREAS it has been publicly reported that the Earl of Hillsborough has neglected to deliver a petition from the Assembly of the Massachusetts-Bay to his Majesty, at a time when his Lordship had not even seen the said petition, I think it my duty to inform the public that such insinuations are entirely groundless. My reasons for any delay and proceedings therewith, I have duly given the Assembly in my letters to them of the 12th and 18th of March, and 27th of June.

DENNYS DE BERDT.

De Berdt’s advertisement was also printed in the Boston Post Boy, November 7, p. 2/1; Boston Evening Post, November 7, p. 2/2; Boston News Letter, November 10, p. 2/2; Boston Gazette, November 14, p. 2/2; Boston Chronicle, November 7–14, i. 435/3. See also Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, iii. 209 note; American Gazette, p. 289; Boston Gazette, November 21, 1768, p. 3/1.

The Boston Evening Post of November 21, 1768 (p. 4/2), contains a letter signed “The Public,” addressed “To Mr. dennys de Berdt, Agent for the General Assembly of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay,” copied from the Public Advertiser of August 31st. This letter was written by Franklin: see Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, iii. 474, where the letter, being without date, is conjecturally assigned to “1770. September?” See also pp. 330, 331, 332, above.

682 This was dated February 11, 1768.

683 That is, the mother country and her colonies.

684 They arrived September 28.

685 Perhaps “lenity.”

686 Probably Capt. Alexander Watt.

687 The circular letter of February 11, 1768: see Publications of this Society, viii. 95 note 1.

688 Probably the copyist’s mistake for “Nov.” There is a copy of this letter, but dated November 16, 1768, in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 546–549.

689 Harrison Gray, Treasurer of the Province.

690 The convention was held September 22–29. For the petition to the King and Richard Jackson’s opinion on it, see Massachusetts Papers, pp. 108–113.

691 De Berdt and Sayre.

692 George Hayley, at one time alderman of London, died in 1781. He married Mary Storke, widow of Samuel Storke and sister of John Wilkes. Mrs. Hayley came to Boston in 1784 and here married Patrick Jeffrey in 1786.

693 This letter was printed in part in the supplement to the Boston Gazette of January 23, 1769, p. 1/2.

694 In a letter to Sayre dated February 20, 1769, Cushing says: “Mr. De Berdt writes the 19th Nov. that his Lordship informed him that he had seen this Petition in Print before he offered it. Hi a Lordship must be under a mistake if he means that he saw it in any of our public Prints because I am sure it never has been printed on this side the Water, what ever it may have been on your side” (Massachusetts Papers, p. 119). An examination of Boston papers confirms Cushing’s statement.

695 A copy of this letter is in the Massachusetts Archives, xx. 530–533.

696 “A Letter from a Gentleman in Boston,” dated August 18, 1768, encloses “one of the Commissioners Commissions,” and mentions the receipt of a copy of Sayre’s “Englishman deceived.” See the American Gazette, p. 127, where also are printed (pp. 112–120) the Commissioners’ instructions.

697 This is not an autograph signature.

698 The deposition, dated June 11, 1768, of “Benjn. Hallowell the younger, Comptroller of his Majesty’s Customs at Boston,” is printed in Massachusetts Papers, p. 74. Hancock’s sloop Liberty was seized June 10, 1768.

699 These affidavits, dated June 16 and 17, 1768, are printed in the American Gazette, pp. 101–112. Cf. Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xvi. 255, 257.

700 William Dowdeswell (1721–1775), Chancellor of the Exchequer.

701 See p. 352 note, below.

702 John Pownall.

703 Lord Shelburne. See p. 353, below.

704 On October 31, 1768, certain persons entered a complaint with the selectmen against Capt. John Wilson of the 59th Regiment “for practising on their Negro Servants to induce them immediately to enter into a dangerous conspericy against their Masters, promissing them their freedom as a reward — whereupon M^r. Justice Ruddock was desired by the Selectmen to take the several Affidavits relative to the above mentioned complaint” (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xx. 313, 314). An account of the affair was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 7, 1768, p. 3/2.

705 This is printed in the American Gazette, pp. 218–225.

706 The Boston Chronicle of November 7–14, 1768, contains this notice: “Philadelphia, Nov. 3. We are informed that the assembly of the three Lower counties of this province, have appointed Dennys de Berdt, Esq; their agent, in England, and have harmonized with their sister colonics, in petitioning the King, Lord and Commons for redress of the grievious burdens laid on America” (i. 434/1).

707 This petition is printed in the American Gazette, pp. 240–243. De Berdt’s letters to the Delaware Committee are of particular value, as so little has been preserved relating to the history of Delaware at that period.

708 Probably David Barclay.

709 This letter was printed in part in the Boston Gazette of April 10, 1769, p. 3/1, but dated February 5th.

710 It is impossible to identify this pamphlet, but possibly it was Sayre’s “Englishman deceived.”

711 Capt. Nathaniel Byfield Lyde.

712 Charles Pratt (1714–1794), first Baron Camden and first Earl Camden.

713 Sir George Savile (1726–1784).

714 Isaac Barré (1726–1802).

715 Probably Frederick Montagu (1733–1800).

716 The instructions are printed in the Gentleman’s Magazine for February, 1769, xxxix. 73–75, 107. One of the Members of Parliament for London was Barlow Trecothick: cf. Notes and Queries, Eleventh Series, iii. 11, 330.

717 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 555–556. It is printed, but with some omissions, in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 194

718 William Wildman Barrington (1717–1793), second Viscount Barrington.

719 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 534–535.

720 The convention held in Boston in September, 1708: see p. 342, above.

721 Phineas Lyman (1716–1774).

722 Perhaps “story.”

723 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xx. 536–538, but dated March 13, 1769.

724 See p. 338 note, above.

725 Privy Council.

726 The Paoli was commanded by Capt. James Hall.

727 For the Selectmen’s address of February 16th, and the Governor’s reply of the 18th, see Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiii. 6–7.

728 Bernard was not knighted, but was made a baronet on April 5, 1769.

729 The letter ends here. It was printed in part in the Boston Gazette of July 31, 1769, p. 1/1.

730 See the Gentleman’s Magazine, xxxix. 289–291.

731 The Boston Evening Post of June 11, 1770, contained this notice: “The Rev. Mr. Moore, Minister at Halifax, now in England, solliciting Charity for the Support of Dissenting Ministers in that Province, has had the Honor of Doctor of Divinity conferred on him by the University of King’s College, Aberdeen” (p. 3/2). The degree was conferred on “Mr. Gulielmus Moore,” “Minister of Halifax, Nova Scotia,” on March 2, 1770 (P. J. Anderson, Officers and Graduates of University & King’s College, Aberdeen, 1893, p. 102).

732 The Rev. Eleazar Wheelock (1711–1779), whose Indian Charity School at Lebanon, Connecticut, developed into Dartmouth College.

733 Charles Garth, Member of Parliament for Devizes Borough, Wiltshire, and agent for South Carolina.

734 The rest of this letter is crossed out.

735 William Bollan

736 Perhaps Col. Jonathan Hoar (1720–1771). The Boston Gazette of May 27, 1771, contained this notice: “We hear that Col. Jonathan Hoar, who was employed in the Service of this Province during the last War, and some Time since went from this Place to London, lately died on his Passage thence to Newfoundland” (p. 4/1).

737 Col. William Dalrymple and Lieut. Alexander Ross, both of the 14th Regiment.

738 See p. 344 note, above.

739 See Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 84 note.

740 John Glynn (1722–1779).

741 Perhaps “Rily.”

742 Printed in Massachusetts Papers, p. 126.

743 Printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 126–127.

744 This is not an autograph signature. The petition is printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 127–128.

745 Probably Capt. Isaac Cazneau.

746 John Robinson’s assault on Otis occurred September 5, 1769.

747 James Murray (1712–1794).

748 Joseph Reed was in Boston in the summer of 1769. A letter of his, dated August 7, 1769, is in W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 137.

749 On October 23, 1769, a committee wrote De Berdt that “in pursuance of the directions of the Town of Boston we have the honor to transmit you a Pamphlet containing some observations upon divers letters and memorials wrote by Governor Bernard and others wherein the Town has been injuriously aspersed and its inhabitants grossly misrepresented” (Massachusetts Papers, pp. 124–125). The pamphlet was the Appeal to the World, written by Samuel Adams. It was advertised as “Just Published, and to be Sold by Edes and Gill, in Queen-Street” in the Boston Gazette of October 30, 1768, p. 1/1, and was reprinted in London in 1770. Cf. p. 302 note 2, above.

750 An error for 1770.

751 See p. 302 note 2, p. 389 note, above.

752 Junius’s letter dated December 19, 1769, contained the celebrated address to the King.

753 “Extract of a Letter from the House of Representatives of the Massachusets-Bay, to their Agent Dennys De Berdt, Esq; with some Remarks. London:… M DCC LXX.” The “Remarks” are printed below, pp. 455–461.

754 The firm of Lane, Son, & Fraser is mentioned in Historical Manuscripts Commissions, 14th Report, app. pt. x. pp. 295, 304.

755 Norborne Berkeley (1717–1770), fourth Baron Botetourt.

756 For “a Copy of Minutes taken by a Gentleman who was present at a late Hearing before a C—ttee of C—1,” see the supplement to the Boston Gazette of May 21, 1770, p. 2.

757 Dr. Benjamin Avery (d. 1764), of London.

758 See pp. 296–297, above.

759 See p. 425, below.

760 Dartmouth College MSS. For copies of the letters obtained from this source, I am indebted to the officials of the Dartmouth College Library, more particularly Mr. Harold Goddard Rugg. For further information about De Berdt and Dartmouth College, see F. Chase, History of Dartmouth College and the Town of Hanover; B. P. Smith, History of Dartmouth College; D. M’Clure and E. Parish, Memoirs of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock; W. DeL. Love, Samson Occom.

761 Absalom Peters.

762 The Rev. John Brainerd of Bethel, New Jersey.

763 See pp. 296–298, above. In a letter to De Berdt dated December 17, 1759, Wheelock said: “Sir, I heartily thank you for the service you did the public, in publishing President Davis’ serious, seasonable, and animating sermon to the soldiery, &c.” (Memoirs, p. 222).

764 In an undated letter to De Berdt, Wheelock, referring to De Berdt’s letter to him of February 25, 1757, said: “I took the freedom to read your former letter to my congregation, and if I shall think this, or any other I may receive from you, may be for their edification; I trust you will account that a sufficient excuse” (Memoirs, p. 217).

765 Dartmouth College MSS.

766 The Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy (1704–1784) was a brother-in-law of Wheelock, having married the latter’s sister Abigail.

767 Ferdinand (1721–1792), Prince of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, won the battle of Minden August 1, 1759.

768 Louis Georges Erasme (1704–1795), Due de Contades; and Victor Francois (1718–1804), Due de Broglie.

769 Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet (1684–1761), Due de Belleisle.

770 Dartmouth College mss.

771 The Bedford was commanded by Capt. Thorpe Fowke (W. L. Clowes, The Royal Navy, 1898, iii. 206 note). Whether De Berdt married a sister of Capt. Fowke, or Capt. Fowke married a sister of De Berdt, it has been impossible to determine. For a notice of Capt. Fowke, who died in 1784 (Gentleman’s Magazine, liv. 238), see J. Charnock, Biographia Navalis (1797), v. 173–175.

772 François Thurot (1727–1760), a famous privateer.

773 The fire occurred March 20, 1760: see Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxix, 1–132.

774 Dartmouth College MSS.

775 Dartmouth College MSS.

776 See p. 461 note, below.

777 Thomas Hollis (1720–1774), the second Harvard College benefactor of that name.

778 Dartmouth College MSS.

779 The Rev. David Bostwick (1721–1763). The societies referred to are the Society in Scotland for Promoting Christian Knowledge; and the Company for Propagation of the Gospel in New England (London).

780 Dartmouth College MSS.

781 Elisha Gunn, an interpreter.

782 Samuel Ashpo, an Indian: see Chase, History of Dartmouth College, i. 41.

783 Martinique was taken by the British in February, 1762.

784 See p. 437 note, below.

785 Dartmouth College MSS. The MS is torn in places.

786 Dartmouth College MSS.

787 The Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton (H. C. 1721). See Chase, History of Dartmouth College, i. 30.

788 Charles de Rohan (1715–1787), Prince de Soubise, and Louis Charles César Le Tellier (1697–1774), Due d’Estrées.

789 Havana was taken by the British in August, 1762.

790 It would be of interest to identify this pamphlet and its author, but unfortunately the data are insufficient. The death on May 31, 1762, of the “Rev. Mr. Barker, an eminent dissenting minister,” is recorded in the London Magazine for June (xxxi. 341), and perhaps this was De Berdt’s “venerable pastor.” If so, it was the Rev. John Barker (1682–1762), of whom there is a notice in the Dictionary of National Biography. The Rev. George Benson, “an eminent and learned dissenting minister” (London Magazine, xxxi. 229), died in April of the same year, but as he was born in 1699 he was scarcely old enough to have been called “venerable.”

791 Doubtless an error for Whitefield, who was then in Holland (L. Tyerman, Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, ii. 453).

792 Dartmouth College MSS.

793 “Muir’s” is doubtless a mistake for “Buell’s.” See p. 323 note 1, above.

794 Dartmouth College MSS.

795 Dartmouth College MSS. The following letter is obtained from the same source:

Boston Sept. 6th: 1764

Rev’d & Dear Sir

My present indisposition would forbid my writing at this time; But as I just received from Mr. De Berdt a letter with the following words I forward them & am most respectfully

Your obedient hum. Serv.

John Smith.

“Mr. Wheelock’s Institution is certainly good & promises singular advantages

“to the Interest of Christ in your western world. Tho’ we learn by the last

“packett The Indians are still making depradations on the southern colonies.

[Addressed]

The Rev’d Eleazer Wheelock

Lebanon

Connecticut.

[Endorsed]

Letter from Mr.

John Smith

Boston Dec. 2. 1764

796 Doubtless John Smith.

797 Wheelock’s Memoirs, p. 263.

798 Dartmouth MSS. This letter is not dated, but it must have been written before the letter which next follows: see p. 432, below.

The ten letters in this correspondence drawn from the Dartmouth MSS are calendared in the Historical Manuscripts Commission, 14th Report, app. part x. pp. 16, 19, 25, 29, 34, 48, 58. I am indebted to the present Earl of Dartmouth for his courtesy in sending those ten letters to the Public Record Office for the purpose of being copied.

799 Rockingham’s ministry was formed in July, 1765, and Dartmouth was appointed July 19.

800 William Pitt.

801 See p. 429, above.

802 Dartmouth MSS. This letter was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 18, 1765, supplement, p, 1/1, preceded by the following:

Messieurs Edes & Gill,

The following Letter lately wrote by an eminent Merchant in London, to a noble Lord in the present Ministry, relative to the distressing Situation of the Colonies,

I doubt not will be highly agreeable to the Publick.

803 The Rev. George Whitefield.

804 Dartmouth MSS.

805 Dieskau was defeated and captured by Johnson at Lake George on September 8, 1755.

806 An allusion to the Family Compact, a treaty made in 1761 between the Bourbon dynasties of France, Spain, and the Two Sicilies, especially against England and Austria.

807 Dartmouth MSS. This letter was printed in S. Sayre’s “The Englishman deceived; a Political Piece: wherein Some very important Secrets of State are briefly recited, And offered to the Consideration of the Publick.… London, Printed, 1768. Salem: Re-printed … 1768,” pp. 24–30. Sayre does not give the name of the person to whom it was written and wrongly dates it “November, 1765.” Sayre also printed in the same pamphlet De Berdt’s memorial to Lord Shelburne (see pp. 448–450, below), and introduced the letters with this sentence: “The following Letters, presented not long since to a noble Lord, by an old, firm, steady friend to the constitution, whose abilities enabled him to make the clearest observations, upon many years great, experience will confirm this opinion” (p. 24), The pamphlet was published anonymously, but that it was writ ten by Sayre is proved by a letter from Esther De Herdt to Joseph Reed dated May 20, 1768:

Sayre … has been very busy in writing his political piece, and is so now in sending them to the most considerable of the nobility and House of Commons, by the desire of his patron, General Oglethorpe, who has a very high opinion of Sayre’s understanding and genius. I am so really his friend that I begin to fear the effect this applause may have on his mind, but perhaps the Critical Reviewers will prevent the bad consequence, as they ever oppose books on that side of the question. I fancy the author will be guessed by those two letters of my dear father (Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 129).

The Boston Gazette of August 8, 1768, contained an “Extract from a Pamphlet lately printed in LONDON, intituled, the Englishman deceived” (p. 1/1).

The letter in the text was also printed in the Boston Gazette of December 30, 1765, where it fills the entire first page of the supplement, preceded by the following:

Messieurs Edes & Gill,

AS you inserted in your Gazette of Nov. 18, a Letter wrote by an eminent Merchant in London, to a noble Lord in the present Ministry; your publishing the following Second Letter, relative to the distressed Situation of the Colonies, I doubt not will be as highly agreable to the Public.

808 Dartmouth MSS.

809 In 1748.

810 Dartmouth MSS. Apparently written late in 1765.

811 The “Inclosed Letter,” signed by James Otis, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, and Thomas Gray, dated December 20, 1765, is printed in Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 61–71, and also in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 6–13. The “Extract” is from a letter dated Charlestown, December 21, 1765.

812 Dartmouth MSS.

813 Oliver Partridge, a member of the Stamp Act Congress from Massachusetts.

814 W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, pp. 77–79.

815 See p. 323, above.

816 See p. 322, above.

817 Dartmouth MSS.

818 Dartmouth’s letter of August 13, 1766, is printed in W. B. Reed’s Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, i. 46–47.

819 Massachusetts. On June 20, 1766, the Massachusetts House voted their thanks to various persons, among them Shelburne, Dartmouth, and George Cooke (Journals, pp. 108–109). Cushing’s letter to De Berdt of June 28 is printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 14–16.

820 Dartmouth MSS. This letter is printed in part in W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, pp. 89–90.

821 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 517. Pages 515–516 contain a copy of De Berdt’s letter to Cushing of September 19, 1766. See pp. 325–326, above.

822 Massachusetts Historical Society. Printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 44–46. Perhaps drawn up in the fall of 1767: see p. 453, below.

823 This memorial, though without precise date, must have been written early in 1767: see De Berdt’s letters of February 14 and March 9, 1767, pp. 450–451, below.

824 Dartmouth MSS. This memorial was printed In 1768 by Sayre in his Englishman deceived, etc., Salem, pp. 30–32, where it is dated “January, 1768;” and also in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 46–48.

825 Boston Gazette, April 27, 1767, p. 3/1. This letter is preceded in the Gazette by the following:

By the February Packet a Letter has been received from Dennys De Berdt, Esq; directed to the Speaker of the late House of Representatives, and dated the 14th of February last — As the Minds of many Persons are disturb’d with Apprehensions that the Ministry and the Parliament are displeas’d with the Representations lately sent Home by the House, and that we are to be punish’d with Troops to keep us in Order, we have obtain’d an Extract of the Letter, which we now publish for the Information and Comfort of the good People of the Province.

826 Massachusetts Historical Society.

827 Sir Hugh Palliser (1723–1796), Governor of Newfoundland.

828 Massachusetts Historical Society.

829 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 525.

830 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 534–535.

831 Maurice Morgann (1726–1802).

832 W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 121.

833 Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 516–517. Printed in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 142.

The letters and documents in Massachusetts Papers are inaccurately printed. Copies of such as are also printed in our text have been obtained from the originals in the Massachusetts Historical Society. See p. 296 note 2, above.

834 As it has been denied that the military were set above the controul of the civil authority, the reader is referred for the truth of it, to the following Answer to a Message from the House of Representatives of Massachuset’s-Bay, dated May 31, 1769.

“Gentlemen,

“I have no authority over his Majesty’s Ships in this port, or his Troops within “this Town.”

“Francis Bernard.

835 Extract of a Letter, etc., London, 1770, pp. 15–28.

In his letter to Wheelock of August 31, 1761, De Berdt said:

Since I wrote to you I have mett the society and also writ to Scotland to the committee there and they seem resolved to support Mr. Occom’s mission £20 a year, and will propose it to the society who meet in Nov. and I hope to gett it allowed from Michaelmas (p. 420, above).

The word printed “writ” was, in the copy of the letter furnished me, spelled “wn’t;” but an appeal to Mr. Rugg brought the information that the word is really “writ.” In his History of Dartmouth College, Chase remarks:

Mr. De Berdt also, besides being very active in London, made a journey to Scotland, where he obtained in 1761 a direct appropriation from the Scotch society of £20 for Occom (i. 27).

As there is nothing in De Berdt’s letters to indicate that he “made a journey to Scotland,” it is possible that Chase misread the word commented upon in the letter of August 31, 1761.

JANUARY MEETING, 1911

SUPPLEMENT TO “A FORGOTTEN PRIME MERIDIAN”

NOTE ON THE COMMENDATORY VERSES INSCRIBED ON SMITH’S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND

July 9th 1739

July 22nd [1741]

November 2nd

December 28, 1741.

At 4 o’Clock P. M.

February 21th

February 28th

March 23d

April 14th 1742.