DECEMBER MEETING, 1910

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 22 December, 1910, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Henry Lefavour, LL.D., in the chair.

The Records of the Annual Meeting were read and approved.

The President announced that in accordance with a vote of the Council he had appointed Messrs. Andrew McFarland Davis, John Franklin Jameson, Frederick Jackson Turner, and Archibald Cary Coolidge delegates from this Society to the seventh annual conference of State and local historical societies to be held at Indianapolis on December twenty-eighth under the auspices of the American Historical Association.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that since the last meeting letters had been received from Mr. Frederick Jackson Turner, the Hon. John Adams Aiken, the Rev. Dr. George Foot Moore, and Mr. John Woodbury accepting Resident Membership.

Mr. Albert Matthews stated that a copy had recently been found in the library of the American Antiquarian Society of The American Monitor: Or, The Republican Magazine, for October, 1785.383

Mr. Horace E. Ware made the following communication:

OBSERVATION WITH THE DIPPING NEEDLE AT BOSTON IN 1722

Referring to the publication of the Coast and Geodetic Survey entitled United States Magnetic Declination Tables and Isogonic Charts for 1902 and Principal Facts Relating to the Earth’s Magnetism, second edition, by L. A. Bauer, Chief of Division of Terrestrial Magnetism, I ask your attention to the illustration on page 45 entitled “Fig. 9 — Curves showing secular change in magnetic declination and dip at London, Boston, and Baltimore.” This figure is inserted in the text of the part entitled “Principal Facts relating to the Earth’s Magnetism,” and in the section “The Variations of the Earth’s Magnetism.” A facsimile reproduction of the figure is given on the next page (184). Our concern is with the beginning of the curve for Boston in the year 1722, and with the observation by means of which the degree of the inclination or dip of the magnetic needle at Boston was then ascertained.

On page 38 of this publication is the following footnote:

The suggestion of determining the longitude at sea by means of the magnetic declination started with Columbus and served to stimulate the making of magnetic observations until the close of the eighteenth century. In 1720 William Whiston, the translator of Josephus, revived Gilbert’s idea of using the dip, and accordingly supplied certain mariners with dip circles. Thus some notable contributions to terrestrial magnetism were obtained. The earliest dip observation in the United States is that made at Boston in 1722 with a dip circle supplied to Capt. Otlmiel Beal by Whiston.

Upon inquiry I learned that the source of information as to the observation at Boston by Captain Othniel Beale above referred to was the book by William Whiston published at London in 1724 entitled, The Calculation of Solar Eclipses without Parallaxes, etc., the title in full being given below. I have not been able to ascertain that there is in the United States a copy of this book or any republication of that part of it treating of the observations made with dipping needles. Last summer Mr. Albert Matthews, when in London, kindly copied at the British Museum the title of Whiston’s book and procured for me a copy of “Some Account of Observations lately made with Dipping-Needles.” The title-page of the book is as follows:

Collation: Title, 1 leaf; Lemmata: or, Preparatory Propositions, pp. 1–41; Problems, pp. 42–73; A Proposal For the Discovery of the Longitude of the several Places of the Earth, by Total Eclipses of the Sun, pp. 74–78; Advertisement [relating to “an Orery” and “a Copernicus Improv’d” Whiston proposes to make], p. 78; [various tables and calculations], pp. 79–82; Some Account of Observations lately made with Dipping-Needles, in Order to discover the Longitude and Latitude at Sea, pp. 83–94; [figures 1–12], 1 page; Errata, 1 page.

Because of the historical interest, both local and general, of “Some Account of Observations lately made with Dipping-Needles,” etc., and of the desirability of having its material reproduced on this side the water, it is here reprinted.

Some Account of Observations lately made with Dipping-Needles, in Order to discover the Longitude and Latitude at Sea.

Upon the Receipt of the liberal Assistance of His most Excellent Majesty, King GEORGE, their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales, and many other of the Nobility and Gentry, my kind Friends, I sent last Year Four several Dipping-Needles to Sea; with Frames hung near the Center of Motion in Gimbols, to avoid the Shaking of the Ship; and with proper Instructions to the Masters of the Vessels: And this, in order to discover the State of Magnetism in the several Parts of the Globe; and to find whether accurate Observations could be made at Sea, and to determine whether the fundamental Theory I laid down from former Observations would hold or not; viz. “That Magnetick Variation and Dip are all deriv’d from one Spherical Magnet in the Center of our Earth; with an irregular Alteration of the Variation, ac cording to the different Degrees of Strength of the several Parts of the Loadstone, as compounded with a very slow Revolution from East to West: And with a regular Alteration of the Dip, nearly according to the Line of Sines, from the Magnetick Pole to the Magnetick Equator; the Axis of that Equator being sufficiently Oblique [84] to its Plane: All which is the Case of Spherical Loadstones here.” Now having already received Four Journals from Four several Masters employ’d, I take this Occasion of returning my Benefactors hearty Thanks for their Assistance, and of giving them and the Publick some Account of the Success of these Observations; and what Consequences are naturally to be drawn from them; with the Difficulty hitherto met with in the Practice at Sea, and the proper Remedy for the same in future Trials.

Captain James Jolly set out in July, 1722. for Archangel, with one of my Dipping-Needles on Board. He, for some time, met with such Difficulties in the Practice, as confin’d to the Frame I had given him, that he was not at first able to make any good Observations at all. But after some Time, he took the Needle into his own Cabin; and without any Approach to the Center of Motion, or any Contrivance for avoiding the Shaking of the Ship at all, having a clear and full Gale all along, but without any stormy Weather, He made me 28 very good Horizontal Observations, from the Latitude of 65 quite to Archangel: I say, Horizontal Observations only, as I desired him; the Needle, by an Accident before he went, being rendred incapable of making any other with sufficient Accuracy. In this Space the Needle altered its Velocity very greatly, as I expected it would: And 5 Vibrations which at first were perform’d in about 280″; beyond the North-Cape came to 250″; till towards Archangel it gradually returned to about 177″.

Captain Othnicl Beal set about the same Time for Boston in New-England, with the same [85] Instrument, and made Four Observations of the Dip, both by the Vertical and Horizontal Vibrations, and by the Dip it self; Three upon the open Sea, and One in the Haven of Boston: Which in some small Manner differed one from another, but in the main agreed, and kept the due Analogy I expected. He greatly complained of the Shaking of the Ship; till in Boston Haven he made a nice Observation both Ways, which did not greatly differ: Tho’ the greatest Part of his Observations by the Dip it self were somewhat more agreeable to Analogy than the other. The Reason was, I take it, that, as he assured me, he always took great Care to avoid the Shaking of my Frame; which Frame tho’ it very much avoided the slower and greater Oscillation of the Ship, yet made a quicker but lesser Oscillation it self: Which Fault I was sufficiently sensible of just before the Ships were going away, but was not able then to obviate; as I am prepared to do hereafter. After Captain Beat had made and sent me these Observations, he pursued his Voyage to Barbados, and thence to Charles Town in South Carolina; at both which Places he made Observations; but the best at Barbados. For before he came to Carolina, he observed the Axis of the Needle to shake; which made him take the Dip there otherwise than he ought to have done; which is the natural Occasion that the Dip there did not so well agree to Analogy as the rest. However, upon my Receipt of his first Journal, with the Four first Observations, especially the exact one at Boston; I formed a more exact Theory of the Proportion of the Alteration of the Dip in the Spherical Magnet of the Earth; and found it at this Distance of the Earth’s Surface, not far from that in my Spherical Loadstone, at the Di-[86]stance of about ⁹/₁₀ of an Inch from its Surface; viz. Not exactly as the Line of Sines, where at the Middle of the Line the Angles are 60 and 30; but rather as 66 to 24. Which Rule therefore is what I now propose as much nearer than the other. By which Proportion I determined long before-hand the Dip at Barbados of 43° or 44°, as many of my Friends can witness: And when Captain Beal delivered me the Paper of this Observation at Barbados, before I opened it, or in the least knew what Dip it contain’d, I foretold to him from that Theory the very same Dip, which both himself and his Paper immediately assur’d me to be true; and whose Truth, as he inform’d me afterwards, was confirm’d by another Observation, made a little before in the open Sea, of about 45°.

Captain Tempest also, about the same Time, set out for Antegoa and St. Christopher’s, with the same Instrument and Frame. In his Letter, dated last January, he greatly complains of the Shaking of my Frame; and proposes an Hint how it might be avoided: Which Method of its Avoidance I had long before thought of, and provided for accordingly; and which has been a full Year ready for Practice. Those Observations of his, that I have yet received; for I have not heard from him since January, but hope soon to hear farther; were but Three, and all at open Sea; and but one of them made both the Ways that I desired: and, indeed, seem the least agreeable to Analogy of any of the rest. Only since that single Observation, which was also made by the horizontal Vibrations and vertical Oscillations, agrees very well to that Analogy; since they all three are about the same [87] Quantity of 8 or 9 Degrees exceed that Analogy; and since very near the same Place, where the third Observation was made, I have a double Observation of Captain Beal’s to correct the same; I rather conclude, that Captain Tempest made a Mistake, and placed the wrong Edge of the Needle upward in all the Three Observations: Which would naturally occasion such a Difference. When I receive the rest of his Observations, or his Needle again, I shall be able to judge better of that Matter. However, even these Observations agree in gross with all the rest, to the gradual Decrease of the Dip as you go nearer to the Equator: Tho’ as they stand at present, they do not determine the accurate Proportion of that Alteration so well as the others.

Captain Michel also, long after the rest, set out for Hamburgh with the same Instrument; though now without the Frame, which he was not willing to incumber himself with: and I suspected that in its present Contrivance it did more hurt than help the Nicety of the Experiments. I also by him, sent a Letter to the Reverend Mr. Eberhard, who was the Occasion of my studying this Matter, and was then Pastor of Altena, close by Hamburgh; desiring that he would there make the Experiment very exactly, and give me a particular Account of it. But I have not yet received his Answer.

Now the Observations here mentioned, as well as those many others I had by me before, do seem to me in general evidently to afford us the following Inferences:

(1.) That there is one Spherical Loadstone, and but one in the Center of our Earth; and that this [88] Loadstone, like other Spherical Loadstones, has but one Northern Pole: Contrary to Dr. Halley’s Hypothesis.

(2.) That this Northern Pole is situated, contrary to the same Hypothesis also, a great Way to the East of our Meridian: And indeed, as I before had determined, about the Middle of the Distance between the North Cape and Nova Zembla. Captain Jolly’s numerous Observations prove this most fully: While in Sailing towards that Point his horizontal Vibrations greatly increas’d in Number: And when he turned almost at right Angles, as he went down to Archangel, they soon diminished; and yet so little, after some time that it was evident he then sailed not far from a Parallel to that Northern Pole; and not very many Degrees from it neither; exactly according to my Expectations.

(3.) That the absolute Power of the internal Magnet is considerably different in different Places; and that without any certain Rule; as it is upon the Surface of our Terrellœ or Spherical Loadstones here. This the various Number of Seconds to a vertical Oscillation, and all the Accounts in the other Observations fully prove; and by consequence this must cause different Variations in different Places, as is the Case of our Terrellœ.

(4.) That there no where appears in open Seas any such Irregularity in the Dip, as we sometimes meet with near Shores, or at Land; and by consequence that Dr. Halley’s grand Objection against the Discovery of the Longitude by the Dipping-Needle, taken from an Observation of his own, concerning such an Irregularity near the Shore at Cape Verd; and from his own Hypothesis of the four Magnetick Poles is utterly ground-[89]less. Nor indeed shall I be at Rest, till I have sent a Dipping-Needle to Hudson’s Bay, on purpose to determine this Dispute about the four Poles: For that Voyage being almost directly towards his second Northern Pole all the way, and about the same Distance all the way from mine; if this Voyage afford much the same Dip, it will demonstrate that there is but One Northern Pole; and that it is nearly where I place it: But if that Dip greatly increase, it will demonstrate a second Pole somewhere in those Parts of America, where Dr. Halley places it. And to this Decretory Experiment do I appeal for a final Determination of this Question. The Doctor seems to me to draw his Inferences from the Variation, which no Way proves any such double Poles; as being full as sensible on our Terrellœ, which have no more than single ones; while he avoids all Observations from the Dip, which are still against him; and which are alone capable of discovering the exact Place of such Poles, either upon the Surface of the Earth, or of Terrellœ. However, when one Set of Experiments with a Dipping-Needle, sent to Hudson’s Bay, will certainly determine this Matter, ’tis a vain Thing to go on in the Way of Controversy about it.

In short, The Observations hitherto made, shew that the Foundations I go upon in this Discovery of the Longitude and the Latitude at Sea, are true and right: That the Terrestrial Magnetism is very regular and uniform, in the open Seas; that the Latitude in the Northern Parts may even, without any Avoidance of the Shaking of the Ship, in ordinary calm Weather, be in good Degree thereby discovered already; and that if I can sufficiently avoid the Shaking of the Ship, which I am now endeavouring, and have great [90] Hopes of performing, both Latitude and Longitude may by this Method be discovered in the greatest Part of the sailing World. I say nothing here of another Method of Trial, which I am also pursuing, and which depends, like this, on the avoiding

A Table of the Angle of Inclination below the Horizon, in Dipping-Needles, to every ¹/₉₀ Part of their respective equal Distances from the Magnetick Poles and Equator. the main Part of the Ship’s Agitation; and if effected will be more easy and universal than this. But as to giving any further Account of that to the Publick, unless it succeed, I have no Intention at all.

Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Equat.	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
1	89	30	1	08	41
2	89	00	2	12	23
3	88	27	3	15	14
4	87	59	4	17	41
5	87	29	5	19	51
6	86	59	6	21	50
7	86	38	7	23	41
8	85	58	8	25	24
9	85	27	9	27	2
10	84	57	10	28	36
11	84	27	11	30	6
12	83	56	12	31	32
13	83	20	13	32	55

[91] Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Pole.3841	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
14	82	55	14	34	15
15	82	24	15	35	33
16	81	54	16	36	50
17	81	23	17	38	4
18	80	52	18	39	16
19	80	21	19	40	28
20	79	49	20	41	37
21	79	18	21	42	45
22	78	47	22	43	54
23	78	16	23	44	58
24	77	44	24	46	2
25	77	12	25	47	6
26	76	41	26	48	9
27	76	8	27	49	10
28	75	36	28	50	12
29	75	4	29	51	12
30	74	32	30	52	12
31	73	59	31	53	11
32	73	26	32	54	9
33	72	54	33	55	6
34	72	20	34	56	1
35	71	47	35	57	0
36	71	14	36	57	56
37	70	39	37	58	52
38	70	5	38	59	47
39	69	31	39	60	41
40	68	57	40	61	35
41	68	22	41	62	49
42	67	47	42	63	22
43	67	12	43	64	15
44	66	36	44	65	8
45	66	00	45	66	0

N. B. The original Journals are all in the Hands of my great Friend and Patron Samuel Molyneux, Esq; Secretary to his Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales, and Fellow of the Royal Society: Which Journals,385 when I have compleated the rest of the Observations I hope to procure, I intend to publish entire, for the more full Satisfaction of the curious.386

[92] N. B. I take the Northern Pole of the Terrestrial Magnet to be about the Meridian of Archangel, in the Latitude of 75½. Its Equator to be nearly a great Circle, intersecting the Earth’s Equator about 2½ Degrees Eastward of the Meridian of London; and in its opposite Point. And that its utmost Latitude Northward is in the Gulph of Bengali about 12½ Degrees; and as much South in the opposite Point, in the great South Sea. And that the Southern Pole is nearly circular; its Radius 40 Degrees of a great Circle, and its Center in a Meridian Eastward from Ceilon about 4½ Degrees, and about 68½ Latitude.

N. B. London is nearly distance from the North Pole of the Magnet, whence its Dip will be at 74^3̱, which is certainly so in Fact. Boston in New-England is ,387 whence its Dip will be about 68° 22′, which Captain Beal found to be so in Fact. Barbados is about distant from the Equator of the Magnet, whence its Dip ought to be about 44° ½, as Captain Beal also found it to be in Fact. St. Helena is about whence its Dip ought to be about 47° 50′ as Dr. Halley found it to be in Fact. And so every where in the main Ocean, at considerable Distances from the Shores.

N. B. If the Dip of any Needles be somewhat different at London, add or substract a proportionable Part of the Dip elsewhere. And you will have nearly the true Dip at any other Place with that Needle. Thus if your Needle differ from the other 2° or 120′, and shew the Dip at London 72° 45′ instead of 74° 45′, which is its proper Dip in this Table; and you require the true Dip by this Needle for [93] Boston in New-England, Southward; which in the Table is 68° 22′, proceed thus. Because the equal Distance of Boston from the Magnetick Equator is 49 Parts of , the like Distance of London from the Equator; deduct out of the Tabular Dip 68° 22′. The Remainder is 66° 45′, for the true Dip at Boston with that Needle. Thus if you want the true Dip, by the same Needle, at Dronthem in Norway, Northward: Because the equal Distance of Dronthem from the Magnetick Pole is 15[2 Parts of 29[6 the Distance of London from that Pole; deduct out of the Tabular Dip 82° 30′, and the Remainder, 81° 28′ is the true Dip at Dronthem, with that Needle: And so in all other Cases whatsoever.

N. B. The Table before set down, supposes that the true Dip differs according to such a Line of Sines, whose middle Point gives 66° on one Side, and 24 on the other; and is made by adding or subtracting 8 to the Complement of the Dip found by the natural Sines for every ¹/₅₀388 of equal Distances from the Equator or Pole.

N. B. If any desire to calculate by Trigonometry the Distances of all Places from the magnetick Equator of Poles, and the Distances of that Equator and those Poles in every particular Case, both made use of in the foregoing Calculations, it is thus to be done:

In the (Fig. 12.) Triangle BLA we have BL the Co-Latitude of London; BA the Co Latitude of the magnetick North Pole; and the included Angle, ABL = the Distance of the Meridian of that Pole from the Meridian of London; to find the Angle QAM and the Side AL. Then [94] in the Triangle QAM, we have the Angles QAM and QMA, and the Side AM, = the Distance of the Magnetick Pole from the Magnetick Equator, to find AQ. So we have the Proportion of AL to AQ, Q. E. I.

But since the Data are not yet sufficiently exact for the Calculation, measuring is sufficient.

FINIS.

In 1581 appeared The newe Attractive by Robert Norman. This was the first published work to tell about the dipping or inclinatory feature of the magnetic needle. In the course of the treatise Norman describes an instrument by means of which the degree of the inclination (which he calls declination) of the needle may be ascertained. In Dr. William Gilbert’s important work De Magnete, published at London in 1600, the author tells of a globular lodestone which he had had expressly made to represent the earth on a miniature scale in his experiments, and which he termed a “terrella.” The reader will notice the plural form “terrellse” in “Some Account of Observations lately made with Dipping-Needles.” It may be well to mention here that the dip of the magnetic needle undergoes secular change in the same manner as the declination.389

William Whiston, the author of the book to which I have referred, was possessed of scholarship of a high order, which is manifested in his works on subjects theological, mathematical, astronomical, and historical. His brilliant intellectual faculties, however, were not supported by an equable temperament or always guided by a sound judgment, so that he was prone to controversy, and over-credulous in adopting theories. He was born December 9, 1667, at Norton in Leicestershire; studied at Cambridge several years, and obtained a fellowship there in 1693. Having been admitted to orders he obtained the living of Lowestoft in Suffolk in 1698, which he resigned in 1701 to become deputy at Cambridge to Sir Isaac Newton, whom he shortly afterwards succeeded as Lucasian professor of mathematics. Having developed a tendency towards Arianism, his heterodoxy at length became so much in evidence that in 1710 he was banished the University of Cambridge. Thenceforth he busied himself in writing books and treatises on subjects of the character I have named. In religious matters his course indicates something of a tendency towards the liberal conditions of more modern times.

As referring to one of Whiston’s theological writings of interest to us, I submit the following extract from his Memoirs:

At the End of this Year 1712, I printed Dr. Mather’s Old Paths Restored, which had been printed the Year before at Boston in Netc-England; and was an Extract of Calvinistical Papers, formerly by him publish’d, with a Preface of my own. Price 3d. I wish our present Calvinists would read that Preface.390

In the year 1721 Whiston published The Longitude and Latitude found by the Inclinatory or Dipping Needle. After stating this in the Memoirs, he thus proceeds:

N. B. After the Publication of this Treatise, I found so’ much Encouragement from many Benefactors, that I was enabled to procure some New Observations of the Angle of Dip in several Parts of the World, in order to perfect this Discovery; the Substance of which is printed at the end of my Calculation of Eclipses, without Parallaxes; of which presently. Which upon the whole cost me a very great deal of Pains, to contrive the Instruments and hang them in Ships, so as to take the Dip, with an Exactness sufficient for my Purpose; but found the Power of Magnetism so very weak, and the Concussion of a Ship so very troublesome, that I had little Hopes of succeeding. And when I knew of Mr. George Graham’s new discovery of an Horary uncertain Inequality, as I may call it, both in the Variation and Dip of Magnetick Needles, in N° 383 of the Philosophical Transactions, and this as far as half or two thirds of a Degree, if not sometimes of a whole Degree (which last Quantity I once observ’d myself in a Dipping Needle of my own, of almost four Feet long, in the Space of eight Hours) I perceived that all my Labour was in vain, and I was obliged to drop that Design intirely.391

Again in the Memoirs, after mentioning having published in 1724 The Calculation of Solar Eclipses without Parallaxes, etc., the book hereinbefore referred to, he says:

N. B. This Book has so many Mistakes, that ’till they are corrected, I do not desire to have it spread abroad any longer. I am myself now too old to take Pains in the Review: And as I have heard Sir Isaac Newton say, that no old Men (excepting Dr. Wallis) love Mathematicks: I so may well be excused here, especially when I have been long so busy about Things of much greater Consequence, as the World has long known, and will soon know it more fully, now my Sacred History of the Old and New Testament, in Six Volumes, 8vo. is published.392

Whiston was bitterly opposed to the Athanasian Creed. Upon its being read at the Church of England service at which he was present on Trinity Sunday, 1747, he left the service, and withdrew from the communion of that Church. Being of deep religious convictions, he probably attended the public services of some other denominations or had readings and prayers in his own house up to the time of his death on August 22, 1752.

Othniel Beale was a man of note, and had a varied and interesting career.393 Born in 1689 or 1690, presumably in the British Isles, he followed the sea for some years, and on one of his voyages underwent an extraordinary experience. The story was related by the Rev. Alexander Hewatt in 1779:

Among other traders, at this time Othneal Beale commanded a ship in the Carolina trade; and while sailing from Charlestown to London, not being provided with a Mediterranean pass, he was taken by an Algerine rover, who determined to carry him to Barbary, and for this purpose took the English sailors on board, and manned Captain Beale’s ship with Algerines, giving them orders to follow him to the Mediterranean sea. Soon after, a storm arising in the night separated the two ships, and Captain Beale being the only person on board that understood navigation, resolved to avail himself of the advantage, and accordingly, instead of sailing for Africa, steered directly for England. Upon his arrival the Algerine sailors were surprized, but not at all displeased; they even confessed to their ambassador the kind usage they had received; upon which Captain Beale had all he lost restored by agreement, together with thanks for his humanity. This bold adventure likewise procured the captain the honour of an introduction to the King, who expressed a desire of seeing him, and ordered Lord Carteret, then Secretary of state, to make him a handsome present on the occasion. This memorable anecdote being published, served to make him a man of address and courage in Carolina, where he afterwards took up his residence, and in time arrived at the chief command of the militia, was made a member of his majesty’s council, and died at the age of eighty-five, a rare instance of longevity in that country.394

How long he followed the sea is not known, but he must have abandoned that life within a decade or so after his marriage. In 1738 he was made Captain of a company, and in 1740 Colonel of a regiment, of militia; in 1736 and again in 1745 he was a member of the Commons’ House of Assembly, and served on committees; in 1742 he drew up plans for fortifying Charleston against an expected attack by the Spaniards; in 1743 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the office of Treasurer of the Province; in 1743–44 he responded to an appeal made by the Rev. Alexander Garden, the commissary of the Bishop of London, for contributions with which to build a schoolhouse where “negro and Indian children might be sent for education without charge to the masters and owners.” In 1755 Beale became a member of the Council; and in 1770 he presided when the Council sent a message to the Commons resenting the appropriation by the House of the sum of £10,500, which was notoriously a contribution for the payment of the expenses of John Wilkes while in prison and of his debts. He died on March 22, 1773, in the eighty-fourth year of his age.395

In my paper A Forgotten Prime Meridian,396 I have told of some of the attempts to reach a method of finding longitude at sea by means of the amount of the declination of the magnetic needle. Whiston’s object was to accomplish the same purpose, and to find latitude also, by means of ascertaining the amount of the inclination of that needle. As stated in my paper Winthrop’s Course across the Atlantic,397 in the year 1714 a reward of £20,000 was offered by Act of Parliament for the discovery of a method of determining the longitude to one-half of a degree of a great circle. It was in Whiston’s nature to be glad to perform any service for the benefit of his fellowmen; but it is reasonable to suppose that to gain the reward above mentioned was more or less his motive in the undertaking he has described. Had he succeeded he would well have deserved that reward in full. But the means of ascertaining longitude with adequate accuracy was only to come with the perfecting of marine time-keepers a few years after the middle of the eighteenth century. Whiston’s reference in his Memoirs to his publication The Longitude and Latitude found by the Inclinatory or Dipping Needle, already quoted,398 shows that he had come to realize that his method of finding longitude was utterly impracticable. But he should have our gratitude for the observation which he caused to be taken here at Boston; for that act enured to the benefit of science, and has enabled the experts to carry Boston’s magnetic curve back to the early date named.

On behalf of Mr. Julius H. Tuttle, Mr. Henry H. Edes read the following paper:

WILLIAM WHISTON AND COTTON MATHER

Cotton Mather’s distinguished list of correspondents included the name of William Whiston; and at one time, according to Samuel Mather’s Life of his father, it contained the names of as many as “fifty beyond Sea to whom he was obliged to spend considerable Time in writing.” Samuel again speaks of his father’s foreign correspondents among whom are “Those learned Mathematicians and Philosophers Mr. Whiston and Dr. Desaguliers,399 have written familiarly to him, and with Expressions of Love and Honor for him.”

Whiston in his own Memoirs, written late in life, and published first in 1749, and then in 1753, makes an interesting statement concerning a tract of Cotton Mather’s. The entry is quoted in full in the valuable paper just read by Mr. Ware;400 and it gives the information that Mr. Whiston at the end of 1712 reprinted Cotton Mather’s Old Paths Restor’d (Boston, 1711), “with a Preface of my own,” and expressed the hope that “our present Calvinists would read that preface.”

A copy of the 1711 edition of Old Paths is in the Boston Athenaeum; and a copy of the 1712 edition is in the Library of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester. Because of the interest attaching to them at this time, as well as for their rarity, the following bibliographical description is given. It will be seen that the work was not new to the author nor to the world, as parts of two works published several years before had been used.

Collation: title-page; verso, “Reverendo admodum, | clarissimoque viro, | D. Joanni Edvardio,401 | …402 | C. M. S. T. D,” in twenty-six lines; 1–4, “The | Doctrines of Grace, | Held by the Old and the True | Church of England”; 5–8, “The Doctrines of Grace, Laid before the | Churches, in the very Words, of the | Articles and Homilies, of the Church of | England”; 8–13, “Coronis”; 14–21, “How the Men who Deny and Oppose these | Doctrines, can pretend to be of, the Church | of England, is a little Wonderful! But it is | needful to Demonstrate, that these Doctrines | are Built on a Greater Authority than the | Church of England. The Pelagian and Ar-| minian Errors prevailing at this Day, are to | be struck with more awful Thunderbolts | — | Supplies from the Tower of David; by which the Doctrines of Grace are to be Defended and | Maintained”; 22–23, “¶ The Desires of a Man | Sensible of what belongs | to Man”; 24, “A Passage of the Reverend Dr. John Ed-|wards, a Famous Divine of the Church of | England; in his Preacher, part 2. p. 176, 177.”

Pages 1 to 13 of Old Pathes Restored were reprinted from A Seasonable Testimony, which Mather published in 1702, but with a different heading, and without the last two pages (14 and 15) of this tract as described below:

Collation: 1–13, heading, text as reprinted in Old Pathes Restored, Boston, 1711, and the London print of 1712; 14–15, in which Mather writes that “Books of an Antinomian Tendency, do also creep in among us, it appears necessary with an equal Fervency to Advise all the people of God against those Doctrines, which turn the Grace of God into wantonness” … [colophon] Boston: | Printed in the Year, 1702; 1 p. blank.

Mather records in his Diary that the Convention voted to publish his speeches “as their Testimony.” He was fearful lest the churches of New England and “our younger clergy” should “be poisoned by vile Pelagian Books that from beyond sea are vended among us.”

Pages 14 to 23 of Old Pathes Restored were reprinted from Mather’s Man of God Furnished (Boston, 1708), in which part “III. Supplies from the Tower of Dvaid,” with a separate title-page given below, includes pages 47 to 127:

Of this part of Man of God, pages 93 to 102, “[Armour against the Wiles of | Pelagianism.]| — | Essay IV. Free-Grace in Triumph,” were reprinted in Old Pathes, with a new heading.

Collation: title-page, surrounded by two border lines; verso, “To the very Reverend | and famous | John Edwards, D.D. | The most acute Defender | Of that Theology which | The Old and True Church of England | formerly profess’d; As well as most Faithful Preacher | of the Ancient Faith; And the most Learned and Happy | Restorer of that Evangelical Truth which had almost forsaken the Earth. | This Bmall Essay On the behalf of Calvinism; | [The very Suspicion of the | loss whereof drew | those lamentable Words | from the celebrated Du Moulin, | The Christian Religion | is lost in England!] | As a Testimonial of Great | Honour and Affection is, | with all due Respect | Presented and Dedicated by | C. M. D. D.,” in twenty-five lines;403 1 p., “Reverendo admodum, | Clarissimoque Viro, | D. Joan. Edvardio, | S. S. Theologiæ Professori, | Ejusdemque Theologiæ, | (Et quam Vetus ac Vera Ecclesia Anglicana | olim coluit,) Acerrimo Defensori; | Atque Antiquæ Fidei Concionatori Fidelissimo; | Evangelicæque Veritatir (quæ; Terras fere reliquerat) | Doctissimo & Faustissimo Reductori; | Hæc pro Calvinismo; | [Ob quern amissum, | Celeberrimi Molinæi, | Justissima | suspicio, mæstissimumque | | fuit suspirium, | Actum est de Religione Christi | apud Anglos ! ] | Tentamina, Parva Licet, | at non Parvi | Honoris ac Amoris Testimonia, | Eo quo par est affectu, | inscribit, dedicatque, | C. M. S. T. D,” Latin dedication, of which the preceding page is a translation; 1 p. blank; 8 pp. “To the Reader” [given in full below]; 1–24, a reprint, almost page for page and line for line, of the tract of 1711, described above.

Mr. Whiston’s preface is as follows:

TO THE READER.

MEETING accidentally with the following Paper, printed at Boston in New-England, and Dedicated to Dr. Edwards of Cambridge with us, I could not but think it very well worth the Reprinting here, as not a little remarkable; as by no means unworthy the Perusal of the Members of the Church of England, and of even the Convocation it self; which accordingly I do here present to the Reader. Not that I at all believe the main part of the Doctrine therein containd; that being next to impossible for any one to do that is so much in Love with a Rational Religion, and has so great a Regard to the Original Writings of Christianity, with so mean an Opinion of the Modern Systems of Divinity, as I have; but because here we may be taught many excellent Things. For hence we may Learn,

(1) How easily Mens Persons are had in Admiration because of Advantage, or [2] Party-Regards: while Dr. Edwards of Cambridge, on Account of his retaining still the Scheme of Calvin, without actually leaving the Church of England, shall be so admir’d, and caressed, and celebrated at the Distance of New-England, as if he were the grand Pillar and Support of the Church, and of pure Christianity among us: altho’ those that are acquainted with either his Character, or real Original Primitive Learning at home, can see no sufficient Reason for those mighty Encomiums. Such immense Merit is it with a Professor of a Church of the Calvinist Persuasion, for a Divine of the Church of England, to have ventured boldly to oppose the most able and learned Members of the same Church in Defence of Calvinism.

(2) We hence Learn, What some Men call the Old Paths of Christianity, I mean that late System which almost began with Austin in the fifth, and was reviv’d and establish’d by Calvin in the sixteenth Century: How soon Parties once form’d settle themselves in their novel Notions, and then imagin they are the Original Ways of the [3] Gospel; In how little time some plain mistakes of our first Reformers are ready to become Standards of Religion; That Protestants, whose Foundation is built on fair Examination, and Correction of what is amiss in the Church, can be almost as averse to any Review or Amendment of their first imperfect Settlements, as the Papists; and that such men as Luther and Calvin are by many allow’d in a manner an equal Infallibility with that the Popes and Councils lay Claim to in the Antichristian Church.

(3) We hence Learn how easily any Party may apply Texts of Scripture to preconceiv’d Opinions, with some seeming shew of Truth; while yet at the bottom ’tis certain from other undoubted Testimonies in the same Scriptures, and in all other Antiquity, that those Opinions were never once dream’d of in the first times of the Gospel. And this is the more to be remark’d here by me, because it seems to be the very Case in the modern Explications of the Trinity in Unity, as well as the Notions of Calvin; since the Orthodox, who have been educated therein alledg several [4] Texts in the same manner, with some seeming shew of Truth; while yet at the bottom ’tis certain in fact that those Nations were not owned in the first Ages of the Gospel, but came in with Marcellus and Athanasius in the fourth Century. I desire the present Maintainers of that Doctrine, those of them I mean that have rejected Calvinism, to consider whether the Patrons of absolute Election and Reprobation have not full as much seeming Countenance from the New-Testament for the Calvinist, as themselves have for the Athanasian Hypothesis: And if so, that they will either retain both, or reject both at the same time: since, I suppose, they will own that neither of them can pretend to the least Support from humane Reason, or any other method of Demonstration. We hence Learn,

(4) How much Stress some Parties, that pretend to follow only Divine Guidance and Authority, can, upon occasion, lay on the Opinions of the Church of England; and how sad and unaccountable an Apostacy the receding from some of our 39 Articles can be esteem’d, even by those that have [5] not the least Regard to others of them; and that the Deserting the former Calvinism of our Church, even under the very Name, can easily be look’d on as no less a Crime than forsaking Christianity it self.

(5) We hence Learn, How the several Churches in Christendom, even the Protestants as well as the Papists, are ready still in general to set up their Rest in Humane Authority, and the bare Opinions of Men, even in Divine Matters, without any constant Original Recourse to the Sacred Scriptures, and the most primitive Fathers. Thus does our Author and Du Moulin here directly follow Calvin, and look on Calvinism, even under that very Name, as essential to Christianity. They follow the Articles of the Church of England, and her Homilies; and then at last some misapplyd Texts of Scripture are brought in to patronize their Notions. Just so did the famous Dr. Sacheverel prove the Doctrine of unlimited Passive Obedience and Non-resistance, by an Enumeration of Passages, which only shewed that such had been the Current Court Doctrine in some few late [6] Reigns in this Kingdom: while if they had but look’d elsewhere, or gone over Sea, they might have found enow, even Protestant Divines of another Opinion. Just so also do our present Disputants commonly do about the Validity or Invalidity of Dissenters and Lay-persons Baptism. They collect the Opinions of several late Churches or Persons, and think thereby to determin the point. Whereas all such Opinions, destitute of some certain Sacred Authority, are of no more real Value, for the Satisfaction of the Conscience, in that or any the like Case, than the Opinions of the School-men and Aristotelians about Astronomy or the Heavenly Motions, when destitute of Observations and Mathematick Demonstrations, can be esteem’d satisfactory to the Reason of Mankind. To the Law and to the Testimony: If they speak not according to this Word, it is because there is no Light in them.

(6) To conclude, We may hence principally Learn the great Necessity there is for laying aside all such human and fallible Rules as our 39 Articles; not only as to [7] the points I have been chiefly concern’d in, but as to others also. ’Tis certain those Articles favor the Doctrines of Calvin; and ’tis as certain that the Body of the Members of our Church do not now believe those Doctrines; nay do vehemently oppose them. Yet do we seem resolv’d against Alterations in general; and so go on in what is too like to Open Prevarication (pardon the Plainness of the Expression) in these most sacred matters, from one Generation to another: While it is still own’d to be at least equally in the present Churches Power, upon better Consideration, to lay aside such things now, as it was for her formerly to impose them. Certainly ’tis time at least to reduce our Articles to our Opinions; and no longer to give a handle to our own Consciences, and to call our Enemies to reproach us on this Account. And if what I have heard be true that the Church of Geneva, it self which set a too early Example of Subscriptions to uncertain human Articles among Protestants, has laid that method wholly aside, it will be a great shame for us not to do the same our selves, and thereby to take [8] away that Burden which lies now on the Conscience of the Members, and chiefly of the Clergy of this Church, which neither we nor our Fathers have been able to bear; and which is principally felt by the best and most Consciencious of our Communion: Those being usually the most fond of imposing and taking doubtful Oaths and Subscriptions, who have the least Regard to them after they are taken; and those least forward to come under such Snares, who are most careful in those and all other points to keep Consciences void of Offence towards God and towards Men: which ’tis certainly very hard to do amidst such numerous, uncertain, and dangerous Obligations as almost all the present Churches lay upon their Members.

Will. Whiston.

Decemb. 15. 1712.

Whiston in this Preface has given the reason for reprinting the Mather tract, not because “I at all believe the main part of the Doctrine therein containd,” “but because here we may be taught many excellent Things.” It is not at all unlikely that at times the correspondence between Mather and Whiston became strongly controversial. Mather in his Diary speaks of “My Learned Friend Whiston,” who “is likely to raise a prodigious Dust in the world, by Reviving Arian Opinions.” A few years later, it appears that Mather was stirred to the point of writing a book against Whiston, as the following facts will show.

Samuel Mather says that his father left several “(Treatises or rather) great Performances,” which he never succeeded in publishing to the world; and it was his “frequent Wonder that those Composures he wrote with the least Trouble and Care, found a Passage into the World, while many of his elaborate Composures lay by him.” One of these “great Performances” is here described by the son:

His Goliathus detruncatus, had as sad a Fate. The Book was written against Mr. Whiston: The Design of it was to show, that most of the Antenicene Fathers were orthodox and not Arian, contrary to that learned Man’s gross Mistake: It was written in an Epistolary Way: Dr. Edwards a famous Divine of the Church of England was bringing it into the World, and had written a Preface to it; but Dr. Edwards dying404 when it was upon the brink of appearing, the Work was bro’t to a full Stop, and I have not heard where the Letter is disposed of.405

On behalf of Mr. Denison R. Slade, a Corresponding Member, Mr. Matthews exhibited a photograph of the head of Richard Clarke taken from Copley’s large painting of the Clarke family in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts; and communicated a copy of the will of Richard Clarke, Copley’s father-in-law.406 The will follows.

I Richard Clarke407 formerly of Boston in New England merchant but now residing in George Street Hanover Square Westminster do make and ordain this to be my last will and Testament. I commit myself to the infinite mercy of Almighty God through the merits and mediation of our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ praying through Him to obtain the pardon of my Sins and a Resurrection to Eternal Life. I will and direct that my Body be interred in a frugal manner I desire my Executors to send to my good friend Joseph Lee408 Esquire of Cambridge New England a Ring which I request his acceptance of as a token of my Grateful sense of the Long and Constant friendship he has favored me with. I do hereby give and bequeath to my daughter Mrs. Susannah Copley a Gold watch and Chain which were her mothers.409 I do hereby give and bequeath to my said daughter Mrs. Susannah Copley and to her heirs a sum equal to three hundred pounds Bank Stock at the rate said Stock shall at the time of my decease to be paid by my Son-in-law John Singleton Copley Esquire out of the sum which he may then be indebted to me by Bond Note or Account. I do hereby give and bequeath to my said Son-in-law John Singleton Copley Esqr. whatever he may be indebted to me by Bond Note or Account more than the amount of the value of the three hundred pounds Bank Stock to be paid by him to my daughter Mrs. Susannah Copley or her heirs from all which said Sum or Sums I do hereby release and acquit him excepting the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds sterlg. which I do hereby reserve for my Grand daughter Mrs. Sarah Cabot410 on his giving my son Isaac Winslowe Clarke Executor of the will of his brother Jonathan Clarke a release of the Sum of three hundred pounds which the said Jonathan bequeathed to his sister411 to be paid at my decease which sum I have already paid my said son in law. I do hereby give and bequeath to my son in law Mr. Charles Startin of New York all which he stands indebted to me for by my Book of Account for which I do hereby accquit and release him as my daughter Mrs. Sarah Startin has become possessed of a farm and house in Lancaster and of sundry other tracts of land the late property of my Grandson Edward Clarke who died in his minority which said property became mine in Equity but my right to it being contested by Mr. John Watson and my claim of possession being adjudged invalid on account of my being deemed an alien my attorney judged it best to put an end to the Contest with Mr. Watson by paying him 1500 dollars of my money invested in the 6 p. cent funds of the United States of America in which sum I include the £100 bequeathed her by my late son Edward Clarke if his son Edward should die during his minority and whereas my said daughter Mrs. Sarah Startin will become entitled on my decease £300 sterling which is secured by a mortgage on the house of John Singleton Copley Esqr. in Saint George Street Hanover Square to my son I. W. Clarke Executor of the will of his late Brother Jonathan Clarke I find that as my property has lately been much reduced I can only give her the sum of Sixty pounds of my Bank [ ] which I do hereby give and bequeath her, and I hope and trust that she will be assured of my truly affectionate regard to her. I give and bequeath to my Granddaughter Mrs. Sarah Cabot one hundred and fifty pounds sterlg. to be paid out of a debt which my son in law John Singleton Copley owes me. I give and bequeath to my Granddaughter Elizabeth Bromfield412 one hundred pounds New England Currency which my late son Edward Clarke bequeathed to her late mother, if his son Edward should die during his minority. I give and bequeath to my son in law Henry Bromfield413 Esqr. of Harvant414 in New England one hundred pounds of the Currency of the United States of America. I do hereby give and bequeath to my son Isaac Winslow Clarke Esqr. after my debts and funeral charges are paid all my remaining property Consisting in Bank Stock or otherwise. I do hereby constitute and appoint my son Isaac Winslow Clarke Esqr. my son in law John Singleton Copley Esqr. and Mr. Henry Bromfield Junr.415 of London merchts. to be the Executors of this my last will and Testament, and I do hereby give Mr. Henry Bromfield, Junr. Twenty pounds. Westminster in the county of Middlesex the Eleventh day of December in the year of Our Lord One Thousand seven hundred and ninety four. I do hereby declare this to be my last will and Testament and do hereby revoke any former wills.

Richard Clarke.

On 2 June 1795 appeared George Erving416 of George Street Hanover Square Esq. and John Singleton Copley the younger417 of George Street in the parish of St. George Hanover Square and made oath as to their knowledge of the testator and that the will was in his writing.

Will proved 5 June 1795 by John Singleton Copley Esq. with power reserved to the other executors.418

The Rev. Henry A. Parker read extracts from a pamphlet printed at London in 1642 describing Lord Forbes’s expedition to Ireland of that year, and said that the pamphlet was doubtless written by Hugh Peters.419

Mr. Matthews communicated the following paper, written by Mr. Alfred B. Page:

JOHN TULLEY’S ALMANACKS, 1687–1702

The earliest series of American almanacs covering any considerable period of years is that prepared by John Tulley, issued from 1687 to 1702 inclusive. Of this series no complete set is found in any library, though the collection in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society lacks only the issue for 1694. The American Antiquarian Society possesses most of the series and the Boston Public Library has many of them. The Brinley set, although remarkably complete, lacked the issues for the years 1694 and 1695; and of the number for 1687 Mr. J. H. Trumbull wrote as follows:

The first of the very popular series of Almanacs made by John Tulley. They are all — but especially the earlier years — Extremely Rare. This Almanac for 1687 was the first New-England almanac in which the holidays of the Episcopal church were entered in the calendar, and the first that began the year with the month of January. Opposite to Jan. 30, is the entry, “King Charles murdered.”420

Though all of Tulley’s Almanacks were published at Boston, he was of Saybrook in Connecticut, and his publications may be considered as an early contribution to the literature emanating from that Colony.

While it is impracticable to reproduce here each title-page in facsimile, care has been taken to furnish a fairly close typographical reproduction in each case as far as is necessary for purposes of comparison and identification. To furnish such a basis is the object of this list. The excessive rarity of all these numbers warrants full extracts from their contents so far as they afford examples of the information and reading matter supplied to the readers.

These Almanacks were each printed on a single sheet of paper, with the exception of those for 1688, 1692, 1693, and 1695, each of which has 12 leaves and carries signature marks; and of that for 1694, which also has 12 leaves but is without signature marks. This statement holds true if the known copies of each year’s issues are complete; for it is possible that in the case of those numbers indicated as containing 8 leaves only, a copy may sometime be found which contains more leaves.

1687

Prime 16 Exact 26

Exact 26

Cicle of the 16 |

Domin: Letter. B |

Boston, Printed by S. Green for Benjamin | Harris; and are to be Sold at his | Shop, by the Town Pump near the Change 1 1687.

16mo. 811. No signature marks. AAS. LC. MHS.421

The Weather-Glass comprises a page and a half of the last leaf under the title “Prognostica Georgica: Or the Country-mans Weather-Glass;” and this collection of observations forms a very early contribution to the study of meteorology in America.

At the bottom of the last page appears an “Advertisement” as to “the good setting” of a market in Boston, as follows:

THere is Appointed by Authority a Market to be kept in Boston, and a Committee is ordered to meet and state the place, and days, and other circumstances relating to the good setting thereof: Of which a more particular Account may be speedily expected.422

1688

BOSTON, | Printed by Samuel Green. | 1688.

16mo. 8ll. + pp. [15]–22. Signature [A] in 8 leaves, B in 4. AAS (8ll). LC(8ll). MHS.

In the table of “Chronoligy,” following the calendar pages in this number, the main item of interest is the entry “Since the Arrival of his Excellency SIR EDMOND ANDROSSE Knight, Governour of His Majesties Territories of New-England: Decemb. 20. 1686. 2 [years].”

Signature B comprises pp. [15]–22, which follow the preceding 16 unnumbered pages of the Almanack proper, and the first page of the signature should rightly have been numbered 17. These pages are devoted to an unusual contribution entitled —

A PROGNOSTICATION

For the Year 1688. Calculated for the

Meridian of BOSTON; and may

without any sensible Error serve for any

other place in NEW-ENGLAND.

Thus Reader, by our Astrologick Art,

Future Events we unto thee impart;

But yet ’tis with this Reservation, tho’

If they come not to pass, we’d have them do.

For all Predictions do to this belong,

That Either they are right, or they are wrong.

There can be no question as to these additional pages of signature B having been issued with some copies of the Tulley Almanack for this year, although of the copies that have been preserved only one contains these pages. That copy is the one belonging to Judge Samuel Sewall and has been saved intact. It bears two notes in his handwriting, one on the title-page reading “Bought of Benj. Harris Jan^y 4^th 168⁷/₈,” and the other at the foot of page 22 which reads “No Cambridge-Almanack this year.” These two contemporary memoranda, coming at the beginning and end of the Almanack, show that the two signatures were published together in the same pamphlet. It is plain that the Prognostication was intended to accompany some New England almanac for 1688, and, so far as we know, there was none other than Tulley’s for that year.

It is entirely possible that some or many of the copies were issued without the additional pages. To a willing mind it is permissible to discover in this Prognostication and the accompanying Observations and verses the hand of Benjamin Harris. His talents were exercised in directions not now capable of proof, perhaps, but of which a strong probability exists. Sufficient extracts from the Prognostication have been printed elsewhere.423

As to the accuracy of his forecasts, the author humbly says, “antient Writers have been often deceived about the Weather and therefore I do desire a charitable censure concerning it.”

The instructions for the computation of the time of tides are simple and expressed in these words:

The last Colume in each Page sheweth the time of Full Sea or High-water at Boston, which agreeth with the time of Full Sea or High-Water at Say-Brook; but it flows sooner without the Bar at least three quarters of an hour, and Mariners going in or out may hereby be informed to mind the Tide.

Skill in orthography neither was, nor is, a necessary qualification for skilful navigators, and this “last Colume” is indifferently headed in these pages “ful sea,” “Ful sea,” “full sea,” or “full se.”

1689

BOSTON, | Printed by Samuel Green, | and are to be Sold at his house over- | against the South-Meeting-House. | 1689.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. LC. MHS.

On the verso of the title-leaf, below the account “Of the Eclipses, 1689.” is given “A Table shewing the time of Full sea, or High Water at Boston and Say-brook.” This is the earliest case in this series of almanacs where the tides are given in tabular form.

1690

Boston Printed and Sold by Samuel | Green, near the South Church. I 1690.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. ADF. LC. MHS.

The last leaf contains remarks “Of the Rain bow Whence it is, and what it signifieth.” and “Of Thunder and lightning.”

At the bottom of the last page is advertised “Aqua-antitorminalis,” “With Printed Directions for the use of it. Sold by Benjamin Harris at the London Coffee House in Boston.” It is doubtful if a copy of these directions has been preserved.

1691

CAMBRIDGE. I Printed by Samuel Green, and B. Green. | And are to be Sold, by Nicholas Bultolph, | at Gutteridg’s Coffee-House in Boston. 1691.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. H. LC. MHS.*

This Almanack and the one for the following year were printed at Cambridge for the Boston booksellers, instead of being printed in Boston. Trumbull says:

Samuel Green Jun., the Boston printer, died, July, 1690. The Almanac for 1691 [and that for 1692] was printed by his father and younger brother (Bartholomew) in Cambridge.424

The verso of the title-leaf comprises an account “Of Eclipses of the SUN | and MOON.” and the last leaf, “PROGNOSTICKES | or Presages of the weather \ by the Sun, Moon, & Stars,” as well as a new feature “A TABLE of Expence.”

1692

CAMBRIDGE. | Printed by Samuel Green, & Bartholomew Green, | for Samuel Phillips, and are to be Sold | at his Shop at the West end of the | Exchange in Boston. 1692.

16mo. 8ll. + pp. [1]–7. (1). Signature mark B at foot of page [1]. AAS. BPL* LC* MHS. NYHS.

On the verso of the title-leaf is given “The Explanation of the Use | of the Following TABLE,” and this table constitutes the first half of the second leaf. The table gives the time of the rising and setting of the sun on “the 1. 6. 11. 16. 21. 26. day of each Moneth,” and the time of the “Northing” of the two “Pointers (two Stars by some called the Guards of the great Bear).”

Following the unnumbered calendar pages are pages [1]–7 which contain “Astronomicall Observations | of the Weather & Winds from | the Planets & their Aspects.” In the lower half of page 3 is found a typographical diagram under the heading “Of the Spring Quarter,” showing “The Suns Ingresse into Aries, March 9th. 1692.” The last page comprises the following:

Advertisement.

THere may Speedily be Published a little Book, Entituled, Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion: Or, The Character & Happiness of a Vertuous Woman. A Discourse, which with an Acceptable Variety may Entertain Women of all qualities, & in all Conditions, with such Things as may Conduce to their Temporal & Eternal Welfare. By a Reverend Divine of BOSTON.

Sold by Samuel Phillips.

This book was by Cotton Mather, and there were several editions, the first of which was printed at Cambridge in 1691 for Samuel Phillips the Boston bookseller. Undoubtedly this edition is the one advertised.

1693

Boston Printed, by Benjamin Harris at the | London-Coffee-House. 1693. |

16mo. 12ll. Sigs. [A], B, C, in 4’s. The line at the foot of the last page reads “Sold by Benjamin Harris.” AAS. ADF.* LC. MHS.

Besides the usual information, this number contains “A Brief discourse of the Natural Causes of Watry Meteors, as Snow, Hail, Rain &c,” and an “Advertisement” of Mather’s “The Wonders of the Invisible World.” The poetical contribution is comprised in four stanzas entitled “Some few Lines by another Hand, we shall leave to the Interpretation of Time, & the Intelligent READER.” There is reason to suspect that Harris, the printer and bookseller, was the author of the verses running through this series and that he served on other occasions as the people’s poet of his time, although hitherto he has not been regarded as a maker of verses.425

Another variety of the Almanack for this year has the imprint:

Boston Printed, by Benjamin Harris for | Samuel Phillips. 1693. The line at the foot of the last page reads “Sold by Samuel Phillips.” MHS.

Still another variety of the 1693 Almanack has the same imprint as noted in the second example just above, but the line at the foot of the last page in this specimen reads “Sold by Benjamin Harris.” BPL.

In all these examples signature C was printed on a different paper from the earlier leaves, and there were two varieties as far as the line at the bottom of the last page is concerned. Care was not taken always to select the proper variety to correspond with the imprint on the title-page. This issue of the series is the first to give a rude typemetal cut showing the signs of the zodiac.

Of more interest to the attorneys and barristers was a leaf headed “A Table of the Courts!” “Printed & Sold by Ben. Harris.” which is sometimes found pasted into copies of the Almanack for this year; and at the bottom of this leaf is advertised the “Acts and Laws Passed by the Great & General Court” of 1692.

In some copies the leaf containing the Table of the Courts has been set up anew and has the imprint “Printed & sold by Benja. Harris.” Again was the little leaf set up, and this variant has the imprint “Printed, & Sold by B: Harris.”

1694

Boston, Printed and Sold by Benj. Harris, | over-against the Old-Meeting. House. 1694

16 mo. 12ll. No signature marks. ADF.

Of this issue only one complete copy426 has come to light as far as the writer has been able to discover. Through the courtesy of its owner, Mr. Alfred D. Foster of Boston, it has been possible to make an examination and a description of this issue, and to reproduce in facsimile its title-page. The only other known copy of the Almanack for the year 1694 is fragmentary, what remains of it is much decayed and very fragile, and it lacks the title-page.427 It is not impossible that this is the identical copy mentioned by Tulley in his letter to Benjamin Harris, the printer, under date of May 7, 1694, as printed by Dr. Samuel A. Green in 1902.428

The verso of the title-leaf carries the signs of the zodiac with the customary astronomical information. Then follow the six leaves covering the calendar pages for the twelve months. The next leaf is headed on the recto “Of the Eclipses. 1694.”, and at the bottom of the page is a typographical diagram and a small rude cut of the eclipse of June 12, and the account of the eclipses continues on the verso.

For a long time I had doubted whether there had really been published for circulation the issue for this year, and this surmise was, I thought, partly borne out inferentially by Tulley’s letter referred to above. But six months or a year ago an examination of the very imperfect copy brought forth enough evidence to serve for its identification as of the year 1694. For instance, one page gives a direct clue for this identification, for we find this sentence: “And Dasipodius saith the Tropick signes signifies a change of the air, Laws, manners, &c. as I hinted in my last years Almanack.” A comparison with Tulley’s Almanack for 1693 verifies this reference of the author.

The leaf following has on the recto the conclusion of the account of the eclipses and a notice “Of the Four Quarters of the Year,” having in the lower half of the page “A Figure of the Ingress of the into 1694.” The verso of the leaf is a continuation of the matter on the recto. The remaining leaf bears on the recto the conclusion of this subject, and has on the lower half of the page twenty lines of verse headed “Of the French Kings Nativity, &c.” These verses are followed by two and a half pages of astrological speculations as to the birth of the French tyrant. Apparently these verses gave offence, as Tulley apologizes in 1696 for their appearance by throwing the blame for them on the printer Harris. Then follow certain observations and advertisements, including one of the publication of “Divine Poems for Youths: Containing Forty Remarkable Scripture Histories turned into common English Verse.”

1695

16mo. 12ll. Signature marks C and C 2 appear on the recto of the ninth and tenth leaves. AAS. BPL.* MHS.

The reading matter of this issue comprises “An Account of the Cruelty of the Papists acted upon the Bodies of some of the Godly Martyrs,” which makes about as interesting reading as does a last year’s calendar. In addition are these verses at the close:

Those who in Blood their chiefest pleasure have,

Most commonly in Blood roul to their Grave.

Blood will have Blood, and seldom seen we have

That Murtherers go quiet to their Grave.

Thus some do make a sport of Cruelty,

And with delight do practice Villany.

Those who to such a height of Pride aspire,

The Devil and not God must be their Sire.

On the last page appear two interesting “Advertisements,” one of “A New Book,” by John Oliver, which had “found great Acceptation in England;” and the other of “A Narrative of the Planting of the Massachusetts-Colony,” etc., “Published by Old Planters.” The latter was the work usually ascribed to Joshua Scottow, and known as Scottow’s Narrative.

One of Tulley’s imitators and rivals, “C. Lodowick, Physician,” states on the title-page of his New-England Almanack for 1695 that to it “are added certain Impieties and Absurdities in Tulley’s Almanacks, giving a truer Account of what may be expected from Astrological Predictions.”

1696

BOSTON, N. E. Printed by Bartholomew Green, | and John Allen, for John usher, and | are to be Sold at his Shop below the | Town-House, 1696.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. ADF.* LC. MHS.

Skill in prognostication was uncertain in those days, and in the course of his remarks on the last page “Concerning Astrology & Meteorology” the author says, “As for the Weather in the Preceeding Pages, I have endeavoured to insert it according to the common Rules of Meteorology, which I have often found to fail, as to hit right.” Tulley pays his respects to “my Friend Lodowick” for certain criticisms in the latter’s late Almanack, which was published under the title “The New-England Almanack,” “By C. Lodowick, Physician.” (Boston, 1695). In regard to part of the contents of his 1694 Almanack Tulley says, “As for the French Kings Nativity, it was acted and put into my late Almanack by the Printer429 unknown to me, for which I was much displeased with him for so doing; for I would not that any thing should be put into my Almanack, that I did really apprehend or think might be displeasing to God, whatever it were to man, but I would gladly please man also.”

1697

Boston, N. E. Printed by Bartholomew Green, | and John Allen, for John Hsher, and | are to be Sold at his Shop below the | Town-House, 1697.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. LC. MHS.

The “Advertisement” at the foot of the last page contains the bibliographical note that “There will be speedily Published a small Book [by Cotton Mather], Entituled, Great Examples of Judgment and Mercy,” etc., which was “Printed for & Sold by Joseph Wheeler, at his Shop at the head of the Dock in Boston, Price stich’t 8 d.” There is also an announcement of the holding of two fairs in Boston, one a May-fair and the other in October. The English custom of regular fairs was early introduced into this country; and these fairs represent, I suppose, the beginning here of the spring cattle-shows and autumn fairs of the last century. The notice is as follows:

There are Two Fairs to be Held in the Town of Boston Annually, one on the last Tuesday in May, the other on the last Tuesday in Octob. each Fair to continue four days: Also Two Fairs to be Held at Providence Yearly, the second Wednesday of June, & first Wednesday of Octob. each to continue three days.430

1698

BOSTON, N. E. Printed by Bartholomew Green, | and John Allen. Sold at the Printing-House | at the South end of the Town. 1698.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. LC. MHS.

The poetical contribution in this issue for the amusement of the reader runs as follows, although it cannot be said to do so lightly:

“Astra regunt mundum: at sapiens dominabitur astris.

“IF Stars do rule the World, strange fate I wis

“By direful Aspects then portended is:

“The prudent Soul yet mounts above the skye,

“And antidates Cselestial destiny.

“A word of advice to those whom it may concern.

“HEre’s how the Sun his course in’s Circle goe’s:

“I write Celestial harmonie in prose:

“Because your Fancies ’twould be hard to hitt,

“You may then judge according to your witt;

“The Planets set good faces on the matter “

Then take it how you will, I would not flatter;

“Now use’t, and if Errataes you do find,

“I give you leave to mend them to your mind,

“If such there be, it is by oversight,

“Believe me, I’d as live it should be right.

“Thus right, or wrong, pray take it as it is,

“But us’t aright, and then you’l never miss.

What is believed to be the earliest guide for travellers “over the road” in New England and to the southward is found on the last page of this Almanack. Since it contains curious information in regard to the routes of travel and the stopping places and taverns along the road, this account is reprinted here, as it is doubtful if it has been reproduced before:

A Description of the High Ways, & Roads. From Boston to New-York 278 Miles, thus accounted.

FRom Boston to Dedham 10 miles, thence to Whites 6, to Billings 7, to Woodcocks 10. Or, from Dedham to Medfield 9, to Wrentham 10, to Woodcocks 4 (which is the smoother Road) to Providence 15, to the French Town 20, to Darby 24, to Pembertons 3, to Stonington 12, to New-London 15, to Say-Brook 18, to Killingsworth 12, to Guildford 10, to Branford 12, to New-Haven 10, to Mill-ford 10, to Stratford 4, to Fairfield 8, to Norwalk 12, to Standford 10, to Horseneck 7, to Rye 7, to Marineck 4, to New Rochel 4, to East-Chester 4, to Kings-bridge 6, to the Halfway-house 9, and from thence to New-York 9 mile.

From New-York to Philadelphia 96 mile, thus accounted.

FRom N-York to Elizabeth Town (by water) 20 m. to Woodbridge 8 m. to Piscattawa 8 m. to J[ ]inians 2 m. thence (the new Road) to Mill-stone-brook 14 m. to Assimpinks 4 m. to Croswicks-Bridge, over Doctors-brook 8 m. then to Burlington by the Mill 12 m. thence to Philadelphia 20 mile.

1699

BOSTON, N. E. Printed by Bartholomew Green, | and John Allen. Sold at the Printing-House | at the South end of the Town. 1699.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. LC. MHS.

An advertisement at the end announces “the speedy Publication of Two Books,” both by Cotton Mather, his Pillars of Salt, and his Decennium Luctuosum.

1700

BOSTON, Printed by Bartholomew Green, | & John Allen. Sold at the Printing-House I at the South end of the Town. 1700

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. ADF. LC. MHS.

Besides the usual meteorological comments running through the calendar pages, this number concludes with “Natural Prognosticks for the judgment of the Weather,” consisting of such observations as these:

Water Fowls (as Sea-gulls, More-hens, &c.) when they flock and fly together from the Sea towards the shores; and contrary wise, Land-birds (as Crows, Swallows &c.) when they fly from the Lands to the waters, and beat the waters with their wings, doe fore-shew Rain and Wind.

I will write no Quarterly judgment about the Weather, judging what is inserted in the foregoing pages may suffice, save only as touching the Winter Quarter, by reason of the many Bears, Wolves, and other wild Creatures coming down out of the Country to the Sea-side, may presage a very Cold, hard Winter, as we have experienced this time two year.

1701

Boston, Printed by B. Green, & J. Allen. Sold at the | Printing-House at the South End of the Town 1701,

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. EDC. ADF. LC. MHS. NYHS.

The author’s address to his readers in this number furnishes some information in regard to his series of Almanacks, which was soon to cease, and a reference to a rival series, that of Samuel Clough of Boston. This latter group beginning with the issue for this year, covered only a period of eight years, ending with “Clough’s Farewell, 1708.”

Tulley’s address was as follows:

Friendly Readers,

I Have now served you with an Almanack twice Seven years, & as often given you the liberty to toss my name about by censure & applause: and have once again (being desired) more than I intended served you this year; but whether it may be acceptable I know not, because another Ingenious person hath undertaken the work, & may excel in this Service, in accommodating you yearly with something new that may be more pleasing. However, I have indeavoured yearly (according to what a Sheet of Paper would contain) put in such things as are needful & necessary to be inserted, and what vacant room I have had to spare something new: and if what I have also this year inserted may be well accepted, I shall be incouraged according to my ability (while I am able) to Serve you yet longer, otherwise I am willing to be released of this work considering my Age. I hope I have added nothing but what may be allowed to be Printed this year as well as the last; if any Errors of mine appear, you ought to pardon them according to the Poet.

Let him that faultless finds himself, declare

Faultless to be, or else to carp forbear.

At the time of this address Mr. Tulley was sixty-two or sixty-three years old, and he died before the end of this calendar year, on October 5, 1701. His last Almanack was for the next year, 1702. In the account of the eclipses for 1701 is a rude drawing or engraving of “the man in the moon,” and the last page offers directions for the then current method “Of Blood Letting, &c.” as well as an advertisement of Nicholas Boone’s “Military Discipline, being the compleat Souldier.”

1702

Boston: Printed by Bartholomew Green, and | John Allen. Sold at the Printing House at | the South End of the Town. 1702.

16mo. 8ll. No signature marks. AAS. BPL. ADF. LC. MHS.

As this is the last Almanack of this series, it may be well enough, for the sake of example, to reprint the running comments on one of the calendar pages as a specimen of the prognostications. Take the month of January, and we find the following expressions:

Cold enough The cold Strengthens many Heels tript up Frequent Snows about this time. Need of a Fire Snow upon Snow Norwesters Keen Twil freeze by the Fire side Pitty the poor Too many stay at Home431 Fair in some places, Cold in all. Over Shoes and Boots

There is here no reference to the traditional “January thaw;” but it may be judged that bad weather sometimes served even in those days as an excuse for “staying home from meetin’.”

On the last leaf appear references to Mr. Tulley and this explanatory note: “This being all that we find Written hereof, in Tulley’s Papers, we do not presume to add any thing more particular.” There is also this briefest memorial of the author:

Psal. 8. 3, 4.

WHen I, pure Heaven, thy Fabrick see,

The Moon and Stars produc’d by thee,

LORD, What is Man, or his frail Race,

That thou shouldst such a Shadow grace?

EPITATH upon John Tulley.

FOretel, Vain Man! No man has yet Foretold,

What thou shalt See, e’re one more Twelve-month old;

Work thou mayst for another Year lay out,

And never See One Month on’t come about.

FINIS.

At the bottom of the last page is an advertisement of Increase Mather’s “A Discourse proving that the Christian Religion is the only true Religion,” and “a Book Entituled, The Faithful Instructor,” “Sold at the Book-sellers Shops in Boston: 1702.”

The Hon. Arthur Prentice Rugg of Worcester, and Mr. Edward Percival Merritt of Boston, were elected Resident Members; Mr. Edward Robinson of New York was elected a Corresponding Member; and Mr. John Pierpont Morgan of New York was elected an Honorary Member.

1 See pp. 94–95.

2 History of Massachusetts (1795), ii. 222–223.

3 It will be seen later that News from the Moon does not deal with the currency. Still another pamphlet classified as a currency pamphlet, viz. “English advice to the freeholders, etc. of the Massachusetts-Bay,” may be cast out from this assignment. This latter pamphlet is to be found in the Library of Congress.

4 Dictionary of Books relating to America, xiii. 322.

5 Evans gives the date of the Review, Tuesday, May 2, 1810. As the pamphlet is classified under date of 1721, this typographical error is of no importance.

6 This list also includes, on page 393, “A brief account of the state of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-England, civil and ecclesiastical. By a lover of his country [Cotton Mather?] Boston: T. Crump, 1717. 8 p. 8°.” The assignment of this pamphlet to a place among the currency pamphlets is an error, and the query whether it might have come from the pen of Cotton Mather may be answered in the negative. It is to be found among the works of the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton (1672–1717), and seems to be merely a brief review of the form of government instituted under the province charter.

7 A reprint of News from the Moon will be found in Colonial Currency Reprints (Prince Society), ii. 266–270.

8 The bibliographers of the Review state that at first it was a weekly, then two copies were issued each week, and finally three.

9 The identity of the name of the compiler of this list with that of his father, the famous Librarian of the American Antiquarian Society, will explain the confusion which exists as to the authorship of the Catalogue.

10 See Duniway’s Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts, p. 94.

11 Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, 1515–1685, compiled from the Colonial Records and other Original Sources by Major-General J. H. Lefroy, sometime Governor of the Bermudas. London, 2 vols., 1877–1879. All references in my footnotes are to this work unless the contrary is indicated.

12 Lefroy thinks this letter was written to the Rev. Nathaniel Bernard (i. 535), but see pp. 60–69, below, where also the date of the letter is discussed. On Stirk’s Scottish nationality cf. also another letter of Wood’s, probably of 1632 (i. 532), which alone might not be decisive. Our associate, Mr. Charles K. Bolton, has called my attention to a mention of Mr. Stirk in C. A. Hanna’s Scotch Irish, ii. 6. Hanna adds nothing to Wood’s testimony.

13 i. 536.

14 See p. 52, below.

15 Stirk’s MS. petition, Manchester Papers, No. 422 (Public Record Office, London), printed below (p. 49) for the first time: “The booke of Orders sayeth. Article 154. That the Ministers shall haue soe much yearly, as the Company, & they shall agree vpon. And in the Court twelue yeares agoe, they agreed vpon 100 markes, & w^th this condition sent ffower Ministers w^th Capt Bernard of w^ch I was one.”

Lefroy formerly dentified Mr. Stirk with an unnamed minister sent to the Bermudas in 1619 in the Sea-flower. Captain John Smith writes that, shortly after the election of Captain Nathaniel Butler to the governorship, the Company “tooke the opportunitie of a ship, called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia, and by her sent [to Bermuda] a Preacher and his Family, with diuers Passengers, and newes of a new Governor” (Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles, 1624, book v. p. 190). Smith is following Butler’s History: “The Company of Adventurers in England, presently vpon Captaine Butlers election, tooke the opportunitie of a shyp that was to goe for Virginia, and vpon her shypped diuers passengers for the Sommer Hands, and among the rest, a preacher and his family,” etc. (Historye of the Bermudaes, edited by Lefroy, Hakluyt Society, 1882, pp. 141–142). In his edition of Butler’s work Lefroy corrected his own previous identification of the Sea-flower man with Mr. Stirk, finding Lang’s name (“Mr. Lang”) in two documents in Butler’s History,—a letter from the Company to Butler, 1620, and Butler’s reply, in the same year (pp. 212, 221). Lefroy remarks that “there is no record of such a minister in Bermuda” (p. 142 note). The Sea-flower arrived in July, 1619 (Butler, p. 142). There are various documents (unknown to Lefroy) about Lang among the Duke of Manchester’s papers in the Public Record Office, — a letter of August 12, 1619, from Mr. Lewes Hughes to Sir Nathaniel Rich (“Mr. Lang and his wife are in good health; God send us more such.” MS. No. 252 in the catalogue printed in the Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, 1881, Appendix, part ii. p. 34); two letters from the same to the same, [January, 1620] and February 12, 1620 (MSS. Nos. 262, 265, p. 34); a letter from Lang to Rich, October 16, 1620 (MS. No. 277, p. 35); a letter from Butler to Rich, January 12, 1620 (not 1621, see p. 21 note 1, below) (MS. No. 289, p. 37). Lang’s Christian name (Samuel) appears only in his own letter of October 16, 1620 (MS. No. 277, p. 35). Cf. Neill, Virginia Vetusta, p. 192.

The above-cited Historye of the Bermudaes, which is anonymous (Sloane MS. 750, British Museum), was ascribed by its editor, General Lefroy, to Captain John Smith. In 1884 Arber said that Smith was “clearly not the Author of that manuscript, which was written apparently by a Governor previous to Governor Butler;? by Governor Tucker” (Works of Capt. John Smith, p. 624). It was, however, certainly the work of Governor Nathaniel Butler (E. J. L. Scott, Index to the Sloane Manuscripts, p. 69; E. Delmar Morgan, Athenæum, December 24, 1892, p. 891, Academy, December 31, 1892, p. 609).

16 Captain John Smith says that Governor Bernard “arrived within eight days after Butlers departure, with two ships, and about one hundred and forty passengers” (Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles, 1624, p. 200). Butler’s departure, according to a contemporary record (Lefroy, i. 253) took place “about the 25^th of October,” 1622. Bernard’s commission is dated September 1, 1622 (i. 261, 264).

17 Nathaniel Bernard and Joseph Wright are mentioned as “chosen to be ministers and preachers in the said [sc. “the Som^r”] Islands” in a commission of September 5, 1622 (i. 258), which also mentions Captain John Bernard as Governor elect. We do not know positively when Staples sailed, but it was later than May, 1622 (Records of the Virginia Company, edited by Susan Myrick Kingsbury, i. 535, 544, 635; cf. E. D. Neill, English Colonization of America, pp. 323–324; Neill, History of the Virginia Company, pp. 259, 378–379; Lefroy, i. 707). In a list of “all such as were present” at the General Assembly of the Bermudas in May, 1623, we find, under the head of “The Ministers,” three names “M^r Nathaniell Bernard,” “M^r Robert Staples,” and “M^r George Stirke” (i. 316–317).

18 Lefroy says nothing of Mr. Wright’s death, remarking simply (i. 713) that “his name has only been found in the commission” of September 5, 1622 (see note 1, above). But some minister certainly died in the islands soon after Governor Bernard’s arrival and before Governor Bernard’s own decease, which occurred only six weeks after the latter reached his post (Smith, p. 200) and (consequently) in December, 1622 (note also that Governor Bernard was alive, though weak, on December 18, 1622, and that his successor, Captain John Harrison, issued a proclamation on January 1, 1623: i. 278–280). This death of a minister is mentioned by Harrison in a proclamation for a general fast, January 29, 1623: “God … beginninge to take from us the Angell of our Churches sent to breake unto us the bread of life, and last of all strikinge at the verye head our late worthye Governor and his wyfe, both buried in one day” (i. 282). Wright must be the person meant, for it is quite evident that Harrison’s words cannot apply to any of the three preachers who had been in the Bermuda Company’s service before Bernard’s administration, —George Keith (Keath, Keth), Lewes Hughes (Hewes), and Samuel Lang. Keith had left the islands in 1617 and settled in Virginia. (Neill, Virginia Vetusta, p. 172; Burk, History of Virginia, 1804, i. 337; Brown, Genesis of the United States, ii. 934; Brown, First Republic in America, pp. 624, 631; Virginia Magazine, iii. 279–280, xvi. 14.) Hughes left the Bermudas before the end of Harrison’s administration, i. e., before October, 1623 (i. 335), as is clear from a letter of Woodhouse’s (i. 349), and that this withdrawal took place before April, 1623, is extremely probable (cf. what Woodhouse says about Hughes’s salt-pans with Harrison’s order of April 8, 1623: i. 349–350, 289). He was alive in England years after (i. 349–350, ii. 586–587; Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 191–192; cf. Butler, p. 112). Lang had either died or left the islands before the end of 1622. This is inferential, but certain. In the autumn of that year the colonists drew up a statement of grievances which they put into Governor Butler’s hands and which he delivered to the Company in England in 1623 (Manchester MS. No. 295, p. 37; cf. No. 294; Lefroy, i. 275–276; Butler, p. 294; Smith, p. 199). They complain that there have never been more than two ministers in the Bermudas at once, and sometimes (as at present) only one. Their complaint is borne out by the Company’s instructions to Governor Daniel Tucker, February 15, 1616 (i. 107), and by various passages in Butler (pp. 24, 49 ff, 55 ff, 72–73, 149, 152) and Smith (pp. 178, 181, 191, 192), as well as by the Manchester MSS. (Nos. 209, 229, 233, 252, 262, 265, 289). Mr. Hughes signs this memorial (MS. No. 295). Therefore, since Hughes was the only minister in the service at the time, Lang had either died or (more probably) had left the islands.

19 i. 317. It is not surprising that the ministers are not named in the records (which are imperfect anyway) between the arrival of Governor Bernard and this time. The public business had been sadly interrupted by the death of the Governor and the “great sicknesse” of his successor, Harrison (i. 296), so that the Assembly called for December 10, 1622 (i. 267), was not held until the following May.

20 i. 317–321.

21 i. 318.

22 MS. No. 209, May 19, 1617, Eighth Report, pp. 31–32; cf. Lefroy, i. 469.

23 It is in the Public Record Office, among the Duke of Manchester’s papers (MS. No. 234, March, 1618, cf. MS. No. 233, Report, p. 33), and is printed, in part, by Neill, Virginia Vetusta, 1885, pp. 205–207. Hughes’s covering letter of March, 1618 (MS. No. 233), is also printed by Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 187–190.

24 MS. No. 239 December 15, 1618, Report, p. 33; printed by Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 190–191.

25 MS. No. 229, March 10, 1618, Report, p. 33.

26 Mr. Lewes Hughes was the older of the two ministers.

27 Where the colonial Governor resided.

28 Easter, 1620.

29 Butler, pp. 171–173. Captain John Smith (p. 192) has a condensed account of these transactions, obviously adapted from Butler’s MS. It is not so clear as Butler’s narrative, and naturally misled Lefroy (i. 151 note, 678–686), who afterwards corrected his own mistake (ii. 588–591).

30 MS. No. 289, Eighth Report, p. 37. This letter bears the date “Jan. 12, 1620.” The cataloguer remarks “i. e., 1620–1, but endorsed 1619, perhaps correctly.” There can be no doubt that the letter was written in January, 1619–20, for Butler uses the “historical” rather than the “legal” style elsewhere. See his History, p. 162, where “the 23rd of January, an. 1620,” means not 1620–21 but 1619–20. The contemporary who endorsed the letter “1619” was of course using the “legal” style, and meant 1619–20. Thus there is no real conflict between the date of the letter and the date of the endorsement. Beyond question the letter went to England by the ship Garland, which sailed about January 23, 1620 (Butler, p. 162, cf. p. 209).

31 In a postscript. The body of the letter was written February 12, 1620, and includes complaints of Mr. Lang’s conduct (MS. No. 265, Report, p. 34).

32 That the new administration was meant to settle church affairs on a more satisfactory basis is shown by the Orders and Constitutions adopted by the Company on February 6, 1622, where it is stated that there are to be four ministers (§ 154, i. 212). As we have seen, there had never been more than two (p. 18 note 2, above). Mr. Stirk’s petition shows that the full complement crossed the sea with Governor Bernard near the end of the year (p. 49, below). See also the Governor’s proclamation of December 7, 1622 (i. 277). It appears from a passage in Smith (p. 199) that Mr. Lewes Hughes did not leave the islands with Butler in October, 1622 (cf. p. 18 note 2, above). If, as seems likely, he remained there (as sole minister) until Governor Bernard’s arrival, he was of course superseded by the newcomers. On February 12, 1620, Hughes wrote to Sir Nathaniel Rich: “I lik so well of Captaine Butler … as I am more than halfe minded to stay out his time” (Manchester Papers, MS. No. 265).

33 i. 318–319.

34 See p. 50, below.

35 Of his colleagues, Mr. Copeland renounced his orders in 1644 and became an elder of Mr. Nathaniel White’s independent church (i. 585, 610, 617, 624, 626, 627, 697); and Mr. Nathaniel Bernard, after returning to England, and becoming a lecturer at St. Sepulchre’s, London, got into trouble with Laud on account of a prayer that he offered at St. Antholin’s Church on May 3, 1629, and a sermon that he preached at St. Mary’s, Cambridge, on May 6, 1632. For the second offence he was suspended, fined £1000, and imprisoned. This case was one of the principal specific charges brought against Laud by the Commons in 1644 (Prynne, Canterburies Doome, 1646, pp. 362–367, 535–536; Rushworth, Collections, ii. 32, 140–142; Laud, Troubles and Tryal, 1694, p. 371; Prince, Annals, May 6, 1632; Brook, Puritans, ii. 400–404; Gardiner, History of England 1603–1642, ed. 1899, vii. 250–251). On March 7, 1642–43, shortly before Laud’s trial, Parliament ordered a writ of habeas corpus for the removal of “Nath. Barnard “and others from Newcastle prison (Commons’ Journals, ii. 992; Lefroy, i. 692). I do not remember that the Nathaniel Bernard prosecuted by Laud in 1632 has ever been identified with the Bermuda clergyman. My identification, however, is made practically certain by a letter from Governor Roger Wood, 1634, to an unnamed minister then in England but formerly settled at St. George’s in the Bermudas (i. 540–542). Wood writes: “It pleased God in his providence to guide your tongue vnto such a strayne at Cambridge that swept you out of all your former imaginations and dreames of lyving at ease in Syon and for to make you more sensible off it the Highe Priest hath banished you forth of his jurisdiction.” He also speaks of the “sylencing” of his correspondent (i. 541). Lefroy, without being aware of Bernard’s sermon at Cambridge and his prosecution in 1632, rightly supposed that this letter was intended for the former Bermuda minister (i. 542), though he was in error in holding the same opinion about another letter of Wood’s (i. 535; see pp. 60–69, below).

What Mr. Stirk, who died in 1637, might have done if he had lived until 1644 it is idle to conjecture. We may note, however, that his father-in-law, Stephen Painter, became a member of Mr. White’s independent congregation at that time (i. 610, 617, 631–632, 634, 642, 643).

36 According to the terms of the charter granted by James I to the Bermuda Company in 1615, the islands, after the reservation of a portion as public land, were divided into eight parts, called “Tribes.” The division was made in 1618 by the distinguished surveyor Richard Norwood (i. 90, 140–143, 200). That Stirk’a parish was Southampton Tribe appears from a record of July 6, 1626 (i. 392). It is also a certain inference from the record of a settlement of differences as to the ownership of six acres of glebe between Stirk and the Rev. Patrick Copeland in 1627 (i. 431). The land was part of the so-called Overplus and appertained to Southampton Tribe (i. 228; cf. i. 451, § 42; i. 474–475). It was adjudged to belong “not to M^r Copeland but to M^r Stirke, as well for that it was M^r Stirkes ministrye before As also by casting of lotts before this assembly it fell to M^r Stirke” (i. 431). This shows that, on returning to Bermuda in 1626 (see p. 29, below, with note 9), Stirk received the same parish (by lot, in, 1627) that he had held before his banishment, — and that what he received was Southampton Tribe is perfectly clear from a later record (see pp. 44–45, below). The association of Stirk with Stephen Painter in two other votes passed by the Assembly of 1627 (i. 430) is confirmatory evidence, for Painter appears as Councillor for Southampton Tribe in the record of 1623 (i. 316). On the situation of the church of this tribe, see i. 212, 392, 414–415, 451, 561.

37 See the facsimile of the Map of 1626 at the end of Lefroy’s first volume.

38 Lefroy, i. 335.

39 Woodhouse’s latest extant record as Governor is dated “13th January 162 ⁶/₇ “(i. 403, 405). His successor, Captain Philip Bell, is mentioned as recently appointed in a letter of the Company dated “20 Septem 1626” (i. 398). The first extant record of Bell’s administration is dated “16 February 162 ⁶/₇” (i. 406).

40 In 1616 the Company ordered that this division should be made in England, not in the islands (i. 112). The order was repeated in the instructions to Butler in 1619. He evaded it in that year, and, in a letter of January, 1620, begged them to rescind it. In their reply, received by the Governor in the same year, they reiterated it instead. Butler was “disgusted,” and the inhabitants met the oppressive action with general and outspoken resentment (Butler, pp. 162, 207, 208, 209, 212, 220; MSS. No. 269, 284, 289, Report, pp. 35, 36, 37). The “non-divident” was one of the abuses of which the colonists complained in their memorial of 1622 (MS. No. 295, Report, p. 38; Butler, p. 295). These discontents led to the new order of 1622 (see p. 24, below).

41 See i. 267, 277–278 (1622), 363 (1624), 394 (1626), 474 (1628), 510 (1630). Sometimes it began in December and ran into January, as in the division for 1628 (i. 474).

42 i. 180.

43 i. 215–218 (see particularly §§ 167–169).

44 Orders and Constitutions, February 6, 1622, § 169 (i. 217).

45 For the form, see i. 401.

46 There is no direct evidence, but this procedure would be in harmony with Woodhouse’s arbitrary conduct in general, and it is consistent with the language of his letter to the Company in 1625 (i. 341–342) and with that of the Company’s letter of the same year (i. 359–360). The latter mentions “the consent of the counsell” (i. 359), but such consent, as I interpret the course of events, came at a later stage.

47 See his proceedings on a later occasion, in 1626 (i. 400–401).

48 The date is fixed by the deposition of John Middleton (i. 363), and less exactly (as before February 4, 1625) by Woodhouse’s letter (i. 340–342).

49 See the Company’s letter to Woodhouse, September, 1625 (i. 359–360), and the charges presented against Captain Thomas Stoaks (Stokes) in the General Assembly of March, 1627 (i. 425).

50 It is so described in the proceedings against Stokes (i. 425).

51 Woodhouse’s letter of 1625 (i. 341).

52 The same (i. 341–342, 344); Company’s reply, March, 1626 (i. 377); Woodhouse’s proclamation, [December (?),] 1626 (i. 400). Woodhouse held his first assizes in December, 1623 (i. 314).

53 i. 124.

54 He appears in this capacity as early as 1623 (i. 316).

55 See pp. 32 ff, 53 ff, below.

56 See pp. 43, 46, 50, below.

57 See p. 53, below.

58 This appears from the proceedings against Captain Thomas Stoaks (or Stokes) in the anti-Woodhouse Assembly of 1627: “The said Captⁿ Stoaks … hath bene the occasion of much trouble and vexation to the Inhabitants of these Islands, in subscribing at the councell table that the proceedings of the late Governor Captⁿ Wodehouso in propounding the prodigious Oathe were warrantable by the lawe of England And amongst the Inhabitants hath declared himself to be p.swaded that 500 the chiefest lawyers about London, not three of them would be of opinion that this oath was lawfull” (i. 425). Here we doubtless have a phrase from the form of acknowledgment required of the Councillors by Woodhouse, — “warrantable by the law of England.” It is of course possible that the Council Table in question was held before Woodhouse propounded the oath, but the order of events that I have adopted fits all the circumstances better. The record of this meeting is not extant. The time must at all events have been before February 4, 1625 (see Woodhouse’s letter, i. 340–342).

59 In their letter of September, 1625, to Woodhouse, the Company write: “Wee are very gladd to vnderstand both from M^r Stirke his own mouth here, as also by the peticon exhibited to you by M^r Bernard that they did acknowledge the oath not to be derogatarye to Gods lawe” (i. 359).

60 See p. 25 note 9, above.

61 This is an unavoidable inference from the fact that only Painter, Stirk, and Bernard were punished and that they were removed from the Council.

62 In his letter to the Company, 1625, Woodhouse complains of the conduct of Staples in other matters (i. 342–343), but his silence about any opposition to the oath on his part, as well as the fact that Staples remained on the Council throughout Woodhouse’s administration, is decisive.

63 This may have been at the same or at a later meeting, but, even if it was later, cannot have been after February 4, 1625 (see p. 25 note 8, above).

64 I venture to reconstruct the proceedings on the basis of what happened on other occasions, in the Council, at the Assizes, or in the Assembly. See, for example, the prosecution of Captain Thomas Elfroy (or Elfrith) in 1625 (i. 352–356), and cf. i. 404–405, 410, 426–428, 458, 464–470, 485–486, 512–513, etc.

65 See this practice in other cases, i. 355–356, 364–365, 371–372, 405, etc. The regular meaning of “censure” was “judgment,” “opinion.” There is a curious Council record of March 16, 1627, when a certain lieutenant was before that body, charged with disorderly conduct. The censures of the Councillors vary extremely. “M^r Staples censured him to bestride a piece of ordinance being fully laden and soe discharged” (i. 410).

66 That Mr. Bernard refused to give judgment is certain. In the anti-Woodhouse General Assembly under the next administration (Bell’s) in March, 1627, “Vpon the petition of M^r George Stirke and Hugh Wentworth of the long and false imprisonment of M^r Nathaniell Bernard minister, who suffered for his not censuring of M^r Stirke & M^r Painter as aforesaid It was agreed by the whole court that the record concerning him should be raised and annighilated, and sattisfaction allowed him for his long imprisonment” (i. 430). This entry follows a similar expunging resolution with regard to Woodhouse’s “vniust pr.ceedings” against Stirk and Painter “in banishing them from these Islands” (ibid.). Exactly what Bernard did may be inferred from the words used by Captain Roger Wood (Secretary to the Council, afterwards Governor) when called upon to give his “censure” in the case of Christopher Parker at the Assizes of 1626 (also under Woodhouse’s administration): “I becing (or desyring to bee) a free holder of the Sommer Islands, believing here to liue and dye, doe desire to enjoy the benifits and priviledges of the country graunted by the Honor^ble Compa and will neither for feare nor favour of any man bee transported to speake any thing against my conscience Therefore in this matter now in question my censure shall bee no censure, submitting myselfe with all due respect vnto the more able Judgements of the Gouernment and the Bench “(i. 371). That Woodhouse regarded this refusal as objectionable is shown by the fact that, under the next administration, Wood took pains to get the General Assembly to approve his action: “14 March 1026 The Assembly being moved by the Secretary to giue their opinions, whether they thought the Secretary had erred in giuing this opinion, they generally [i.e., universally] concluded he erred not” (i. 371–372). It is instructive to note that the case in which Wood refused to give his “censure” was reviewed by this Assembly of 1627. The’ defendant, Captain Christopher Parker, had been forced to sign an apology or acknowledgment, and had been otherwise punished. Both the judgment and the acknowledgment were “in open veiwe of the Assemblie by generall consent raised out of the Record” (i. 427).

That Bernard’s punishment was (at least, in part) for refusing to sign an acknowledgment that Woodhouse’s propounding of the oath was legal, appears from the Company’s letter of September, 1625 (i. 360).

67 The record of banishment was expunged by the General Assembly in March, 1627 (i. 430), and is no longer extant. Probably it was actually destroyed at that time.

68 His annual stipend was 533 pounds of tobacco (i. 361, 516).

69 The expulsion and fine are mentioned in the Company’s letter of September, 1625 (i. 360). Imprisonment during the Governor’s pleasure was very common, and was often annexed to some other penalty or penalties (i. 356, 364, 372, 403, 405, 410, 425, 426, etc.). That Bernard’s imprisonment was for this indeterminate period, or else that it was to continue until he signed an acknowledgment, is shown by Woodhouse’s letter of 1625 (i. 342).

70 Doubtless Painter also went to England, but we do not know.

71 Woodhouse’s letter of February 4, 1625, is not preserved, but his (extant) letter of 1625 mentions it and gives the date and ship (i. 340–341; cf. i. 342, line 4). The Company’s letter of September, 1625, was in reply to Woodhouse’s (lost) letter of February 4, not (as Lefroy thinks) to his extant letter of 1625. To the latter the Company’s next letter, that of March 21, 1626 (i. 372), is the reply. Comparison of the contents of Woodhouse’s extant letter with those of the Company’s letter of March 21, 1626, establishes this relation. Take for instance the following points: remission of fines (i. 341, 344, 377); the sending of 1000 lbs. of tobacco under peculiar circumstances and its receipt (i. 343, 374); whale ropes (i. 345, 374); [John] Delbridge’s ship and passengers (i. 345, 375); the stone house (i. 345–346, 375); ordnance from wrecks (i. 346, 372); offer to go to England (i. 347, 373). In all or nearly all of these points, the Company’s letter of 1626 fits Woodhouse’s extant letter of 1625. That the Company sent no letter of instructions between the letter of September, 1625, and that of March 21, 1626, is clear from the opening words of the latter (i. 372). That the letter of September, 1625, was a reply to Woodhouse’s (lost) letter of February 4, 1625, is, then, an inevitable inference, which is supported by the mention, in the September letter, of “this late shipp of Bristol” (i. 357), doubtless the “Thomas of Bristol,” by which, as we know, Woodhouse sent his letter of February, 1625 (i. 340).

The contents of the Company’s letter of September, 1625, may therefore be safely used in reconstructing the tenor of the report which Woodhouse sent to the Company in his letter of February 4, 1625.

72 i. 359–361.

73 “ffurthermore whereas there is a levye for euerye minister of 540 lb weight of tobacco yearly or thereabouts, whereof M^r Stirke alleageth he hath had no pte of this last yere past, and he is now here in greate want we pray you that that w^ch is or shalbe levyed for him for his last yeres service 1625 may be sent over to the Compa. here by this or the next shipp” (i. 361).

74 Mr. Bernard “continued in prison,” according to Woodhouse’s extant letter of 1625, until March 11, 1625 (cf. i. 342 with i. 341), after which he was “confined to his chamber and house.” There is no record of his release, but this must have taken place as soon as Woodhouse received the Company’s letter of September, 1625, which contained what was tantamount to an order to this effect. There is indirect evidence, besides, that Bernard was released and reinstated in his parish about December, 1625. For (1) his ministry seems to have come to an end in December, 1626 (see below); and (2) in March, 1627, after Bernard had left the islands (as the language of the document itself shows), the General Assembly recorded the fact that, since his release, he had “serued here one whole year … in the country” (i. 415, cf. i. 477). From December, 1625, to December, 1626, would make this “whole year.”

As to proposition 1 (above), we note that in December, 1626, Woodhouse sentenced Mr. Bernard (on altogether frivolous grounds) to apologize to one of his flock and “for performance thereof [to] lie in prison during his pleasure” (i. 402–403). This doubtless ended his ministry in Bermuda. He certainly left the islands before the Assembly of the following March (i. 415).

75 This is the document often referred to in these notes as Woodhouse’s letter of 1625. It is extant, in an incomplete draught, which may be found in Lefroy, i. 340–351. It was written later than April 7, 1625 (i. 341), and before the summer (“now Somer approachinge,” i. 347). Lefroy dates it “probably June.” Perhaps there was some delay in despatching it. Certainly it seems odd that the Company’s reply should not have been written until March, 1626, but there can be no doubt about the fact (see p. 27 note 5, above).

76 i. 341.

77 i. 341–342, 344.

78 i. 372–378.

79 i. 377.

80 On Copland or Copeland, see Neill, English Colonization of America, chaps, vii–x.

81 i. 376–377.

82 Letter of the Company, September 20, 1626 (i. 398).

83 This is a safe inference from the reply of the inhabitants to the Company’s letter of September 20, 1626 (see p. 31 note 4, below).

84 Council record of April 12, 1627 (i. 440–441) J Bell’s letter of 1627 (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48).

85 i. 430. The expunging resolution in Stirk and Painter’s case is quoted above, p. 26 note 7. Governor Bell was in full sympathy with this and the other expunging resolutions, as is shown by his letter of 1627, in which he says that the persons who petitioned the Assembly in that behalf “had all been used and proceeded against not only illegally but very cruelly and unjustly” and that “those former proceedings” were reversed (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48).

86 i. 425.

87 i. 428; cf. Bell’s letter of 1627 (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48).

88 i. 431. Paget’s Tribe was attached to Warwick’s as part of Mr. Copeland’s parish (i. 441). A “disputacon” (i.e., discussion, not dispute) between Mr. Stirk and Mr. Copeland as to glebe land was amicably adjusted. In this matter, Mr. Stirk showed his modest and amiable temper, as the record proves (i. 431; cf. i. 474–475).

89 i. 415–416 (cf. i. 515–516). The act speaks of “the 4 ministers now residing in the Somer Islands” and mentions Staples and Copeland by name. Lefroy thinks that the other two were Nathaniel Bernard and Bellingham Morgan (i. 416 note 1). They were, in fact, Morgan and Stirk. Bernard had left the islands, for this same act provides that “all such stipends and meanes w^ch are got behind and vnpaid vnto M^r Nathaniell Bernard … shall be allowed and paid either to himselfe if he shall return againe (wh. wee much desire) or to his assignes nominated in his stead and to his vse to receaue the same” (i. 415). Stirk was present at this Assembly (i. 430, 431).

90 i. 415.

91 Apparently some order concerning Mr. Stirk’s salary had been sent to Woodhouse (supplementary to that previously mentioned, p. 28, above), for Bell writes to England, in 1627, that certain glebe lands which should have gone “towards the raising of Mr. Stirk’s salary, due and yet unsatisfied” had been given by Woodhouse to Mr. Morgan, and the orders of the Company wholly disregarded (MS. No. 411, Report, p. 48). This in part explains an entry in the Council record of March 1, 1627: “M^r Morgan applauding Captⁿ Woodhouse for the many favours hee had receeued from him, and that he was his seruant vsgue ad aras” (i. 407). It took some time to get the matter of Mr. Stirk’s salary fully adjusted, as we shall see, but it is clear that he finally received his dues.

92 i. 397.

93 i. 433. The letter must date from March, 1627, for its authors are “wee whose names are here subscribed, presenting the body of this Plantacon in this our gen^rall Assemblie” (i. 432—433). Lefroy erroneously identifies “our banished minister” with Mr. Robert Staples (i. 433 note), and he makes the same slip with regard to “the banish4 of one minister”. mentioned in the record of this Assembly (i. 425). That Staples was not banished by Woodhouse is as certain as that Stirk was. The records show, on the contrary, that he continued a member of the Council throughout Woodhouse’s administration (see i. 342–343, 356, 365, 371, 378, 388, 396, 405). Lefroy’s error was perhaps induced by a record of February 10, 1629: “M^r Staples having been formerly dismissed from [his employment in] the compa and countreys service, Was now againe … re-appointed to his charge at Hambleton and S^t Georges” (i. 484). But this has nothing to do with banishment. The dismissal, doubtless at his own request (and very likely as a result of differences with an exasperating colleague, the Rev. Abraham Graham: see i. 464–470), apparently occurred in 1628 (i. 475). Staples went to England (i. 480), but soon returned, and he was reinstated in his charge in 1629 (i. 484, 504–505). In the same year Graham was dismissed for seditious and turbulent conduct (i. 486). In 1630, however, Staples’s relations with the colony came to a sudden and violent end. On November 2d of that year, Captain Thomas Chaddock (the Sheriff, afterwards Governor) deposed that he had waited upon Mr. Staples, “according to the Governors comand,” in order “to demand a cowe calfe belonging to the company.” The minister got very angry, and said to Chaddock, “If you take the Calfe away I would I might hang on Hell if euer I preach in the Islands more,” and, “stamping with his foote,” added, “If euer I preach in the Islands againe I would I might smoke where I stand.” Mr. Staples, being questioned at the Council Table, declared that he would stand to his words, whereupon “It was consented vnto by the Gouern^r and Counsell by the irrection of hands that hee should bee discharged from the Honor^ble Compa^s service and should take his course as may seem best for himself for tyme to come” (i 512–513).

94 i. 469.

95 i. 419.

96 i. 466. The record of the Council suspending the act has not been found, apparently.

97 i. 463, 466–470.

98 i. 468, 470.

99 i. 464–470.

100 At the Council of October 11, 1628, the Governor told Mr. Graham “hee wonndered that hee w^ch was the youngest minister, and but newly arryved in the land should thus offer first to meddle and stirre in that w^ch all the rest were contented withal, or at least obeyed” (i. 468). Compare the remarks of Mr. Copeland (ibid.).

101 MS. No. 416 (Public Record Office). My attention was called by our associate Mr. Worthington C. Ford to a summary of this letter in the Eighth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Appendix, part ii. pp. 48–49. I have procured a copy of the whole document, as well as of Bell’s supplementary letter to Rich (MS. No. 417). Both are important in the present investigation. I am indebted to Mr. Salisbury, of the Record Office, for his kindness in this matter, and also for obtaining permission for me to have two of Mr. Stirk’s letters photographed (Manchester Papers, Nos. 419, 422).

102 It seems not to be extant.

103 The records and letter do not seem to be preserved.

104 It will be noted that the cause which Bell (in his first letter to Rich) assigns for Painter’s initial opposition is extremely vague: “becaus I would not suffer the conclusiones of the Generall Assemblye & the Generall equitye of the whole lande to giue place & waye to his proude & licentious humore” (p. 33, above). Perhaps Painter did not like the decision of the Assembly of 1627 that no church should be built at the Overplus (i. 414–415; cf. i. 212, 392–393, 451). This was at all events a matter of some interest to both him and Mr. Stirk.

105 i. 432, 452.

106 The Council, according to the Orders and Constitutions of 1622, was to consist “ordinarily” of the Sheriff, the minister of the St. George’s church, the minister of Hamilton’s and Smith’s Tribes, the Secretary, two Captains of the chief forts, and the first of the Overseers of the Public Land. At the General Sessions “and upon other especiall and extraordinary occasion,” it was to include also the other two ministers, “and the first of the two Overseers of every Tribe” (§ 172, i. 218; cf. § 154, i. 212). These two Overseers were to be chosen by the Governor and Council “out of the sixe persons sent yeerely from every Tribe to serve for that Tribe at the Generall Sessions to be held in the Spring or former part of the yeere” (§ 166, i. 215). The records are too incomplete to enable us to make a good list of the Councillors from year to year.

107 Leycroft (Leicroft, Lucroft) signs the Council record of March 10, 1629 (the Council which dismissed Graham), and he was present at the meeting of December 3, 1629 (i. 486, 487). He was of Southampton Tribe (i. 380, 487, 524) and his land lay next to Painter’s (ii. 704–705). That he owed his membership in the Council to his position as first Overseer of the Tribe is not only obvious from the organization of that body (see note 1, above), but is plainly indicated by “South.” after his name in the Council record of December 3, 1629 (i. 487). Leycroft (“Levicroft”) is one of the signers of the Council’s letter in favor of Bell (MS. No. 415, Report, p. 48), and Painter is not. This letter was delivered April 28, 1629. When it was written we do not know, but obviously not earlier than December 2, 1628 (since it mentions the action of the Council that was taken on that day: see i. 473–474). It is almost certain, then, that Leycroft was Councillor for 1628. If he had not been, it is hard to see how he could have assumed responsibility for an act’of the Council which took place in that year. Leycroft was in England at some time in 1628 (i. 480), but he had returned before December 2 (indeed, before November 6: see i. 470) Staples, who was in England at the same time, had returned before December 18, 1628 (i. 475), or at all events before February 10, 1629 (i. 484).

108 i. 502.

109 i. 466.

110 See p. 33, above.

111 i. 469.

112 MS. No. 415, Eighth Report, p. 48.

113 The Company laid oppressive restrictions, ruinous to the colony, on trade with the islands, desiring to confine it to their own ships, sailing from London. John Delbridge, of Barnstaple (he himself spells it Barnstable), a member of the Company, made insistent efforts to break through these restrictions. He sent various ships to the islands from Barnstaple, and the colonists were eager to trade with him (see Manchester Papers, MSS. Nos. 243, 415, 417, Report, pp. 33, 48, 49; Butler, pp. 189, 216, 225, 272; Lefroy, i. 99, 345, 375, 443–447, 448–449, 470–474, 714). The ship referred to in the letter of the Council arrived at the Bermudas about November 6, 1628 (i. 470); the inhabitants petitioned the Governor and Council for leave to trade (i. 471); the permission of the Council, “the Gouernor only excepted,” is dated December 2, 1628 (i. 473–474). Benjamin Delbridge, a relative of John (see Butler, p. 272), commanded this ship (i. 473). In a letter of Butler’s meant as a supplement to that under discussion, the Governor says that the responsibility was with the whole Council, but that he did not share it (MS. No. 417, Report, p. 49).

114 Thomas Chaddock (Chaddocke, Chadwicke) was Sheriff. He was afterwards Governor (1637–1640), succeeding Roger Wood (i. 548), Bell’s successor, and it is extremely probable that he hoped at this time to succeed Bell, whose term was about to expire.

115 Manchester MS. No. 417. It begins, “I must needs inlarge my self a litle further in one buisines or two w^ch I had allmost forgotten.”

116 I.e., “that was “(by a very common ellipsis of the relative).

117 Mr. Nathaniel Ward reached the Bermudas in the autumn of 1628. The evidence is as follows: (1) Mr. Abraham Graham is shown to have arrived about July, 1628, by the fact that, before he came, Mr. Staples, whom he was to succeed, was “seated and [had] served halfe the yeare or thereabouts” in Pembroke Tribe (i. 465; cf. i. 388, 473), and also by the fact that on July 17, 1628, Mr. Graham’s motion “to knowe the certeine place of his charge and residence” came before the Council (i. 461). Now Graham was in the islands before Ward, for Governor Bell (early in 1629) speaks of Ward as the latest comer among the ministers. (2) Mr. Ward was on the Council in December, 1628 (i. 475, 514–515, 710; Manchester MS. No. 415, Report, p. 48. November 18 [i. 514] seems to be an error of the recorder for December 18 [see i. 475]). (3) In December, 1628, an appropriation of 200 lbs. of tobacco (two-sevenths of a year’s salary) was made for Mr. Ward’s stipend “since his entertainment,” i.e., since his engagement as minister (i. 477, 485).

That the Bermuda Nathaniel Ward was not the Nathaniel who wrote The Simple Cobbler (as Lefroy thought, i. 710, cf. i. 545) has been proved by our associate the Rev. Henry A. Parker (Publications of this Society, xii. 166–167). I have no doubt that he was that Nathaniel’s nephew. We know that Samuel Ward, Town Preacher of Ipswich in Suffolk, had a son (his second child) named Nathaniel, who was a clergyman (Candler’s pedigree in J. W. Dean, Memoir of Nathaniel Ward, p. 125; Samuel Ward’s will, Dean, p. 154, Waters, Genealogical Gleanings, p: 19). Since Samuel Ward married on January 2, 1604–05 (C. H. and T. Cooper, 2 Notes and Queries, xii. 426; Dean, in Waters, p. 19), his son Nathaniel may well have been old enough for the Bermuda ministry in 1628. My identification derives some support from the fact that in 1634 (two years after the Bermuda Nathaniel returned to England) we find Governor Roger Wood applying to Samuel Ward to procure a minister for the islands (i. 541). It is quite possible that Governor Wood was related to the Wards, either by blood or marriage. John Ward, father of Samuel and of Nathaniel (the Simple Cobbler), was of Haverhill, which is partly in Suffolk and partly in Essex (Dean, p. 12, and note 5). Roger Wood was Nathaniel Bernard’s uncle (Lefroy, i. 542; cf. p. 22 note 2, above), and Bernard’s family lived in Essex (i. 361). A certain John Wood of Stratford (Suffolk), in his will, proved February 2, 1615–16 (Waters, p. 583), speaks of “my cousin Samuel Ward, now preacher at Ipswich,” and “my cousin Nathaniel Ward, his brother.”

Since the Bermuda Nathaniel returned to England in 1632 (p. 46, below, and note 2), I venture, further, to identify him with the Nathaniel Ward, A.M., who became Rector of Hadleigh (Hadley ad Castrum), Essex, June 7, 1639, on the resignation of John Ward, A.M. (Newcourt, Repertorium, ii. 291). This John was son of the elder Nathaniel (the Simple Cobbler) and came to Massachusetts in 1639 (Mather, Magnalia, book iii. part ii. chap. 31, ed. 1702, p. 167; Dean, pp. 32 note 4, 187). Thus it would appear that our Nathaniel succeeded his own cousin in the Hadleigh rectorship. The patron of the living was Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick, who was Governor of the Bermuda Company in 1628 (i. 473), when our Nathaniel was sent to the islands. Doubtless he owed his Bermuda appointment to the Earl, as well as the Hadleigh living. (Note that another Bermuda minister, Mr. Nathaniel Bernard, an Essex man, was certainly a protégé; of Warwick’s: see i. 360–361.) Nathaniel Ward retired from his Hadleigh rectorship almost immediately, his successor being instituted on June 30, 1639 (Newcourt, ii. 291). On the 8th of the following January, Nathaniel Ward, A.M., — unquestionably the same man — was instituted as Rector of another Essex church of which the Earl of Warwick was likewise patron, — that of Hawkwell (Hack-well). He resigned this living, and his successor, Thomas Oresby, was instituted on December 7, 1643 (Newcourt, ii. 320; cf. Davids, Nonconformity in Essex, pp. 269, 401; Shaw, Church under the Commonwealth, ii. 379). Mr. Dean was rather inclined to identify the Rector of Hadleigh and Hawkwell with Samuel Ward’s son (p. 32 note 4). Probably he would have expressed himself more positively if he had known of the career of Nathaniel Ward in Bermuda.

Nathaniel Ward’s next living, as I read the records, was Walkern, Herts. Urwick, to be sure, positively identifies the Walkern minister with the elder Nathaniel, the author of the Simple Cobbler (Nonconformity in Herts, p. 613). But this is certainly a mistake. The elder Nathaniel was in New England as late as December, 1646 (Dean, p. 88), and perhaps later, whereas the Walkern Nathaniel signed a petition of sixty-three beneficed Hertfordshire ministers which was presented to the House of Lords on July 24th of that year (Lords’ Journals, viii. 445; Urwick, pp. 124, 612). John Gorsuch, D.D., Rector of Walkern, was sequestered not later than 1643 (First Century of Scandalous Priests, 1643, p. 5; Urwick, p. 612). Since the minutes of the Committee “for Plundered Ministers, October 26, 1647, speak of the rectory as sequestered to Ward (Urwick, p. 612), and since there is no trace of an intervening incumbent, we may infer that Ward received the Walkern charge immediately after the resignation of his Hawkwell rectory, which took effect, as we have seen, December 7, 1643 (Newcourt, ii. 320). On August 20, 1647, Nathaniel Ward, as minister “settled” at Walkern “by Order of Parliament,” petitioned the Lords for relief against Dr. Gorsuch, who was attempting to make reentry, and relief was promptly granted (Lords’ Journals, ix. 389, 390; cf. Shaw, Church under the Commonwealth, ii. 260 note 3). The next year Ward lost the living, which was declared “void by the death of Jo. Gorsuch” and bestowed on Simon Smeath, July 3, 1648 (Lords’ Journals, x. 358; cf. Urwick, p. 614 and note 2).

The identity of Nathaniel of Walkern with Nathaniel son of the Ipswich Town Preacher, Samuel Ward, is practically settled by the will of George Marvin, March 24, 1648–49. Marvin leaves £10 to “Mrs Ward, widow of Mr Samuel Ward,” and £5 to “Mr Nath; Ward late of Walke-horne,” making Nathaniel and Joseph Ward (whom he calls ministers) his executors (Waters, p. 1103). Here we manifestly have to do with Samuel, Town Preacher of Ipswich, and his sons Nathaniel and Joseph (see Candler’s pedigree, Dean, p. 125). “Walk-horne” is of course Walkern. The description “late of Walke-horne” suggests that Mr. Nathaniel Ward had not received another benefice by March 24, 1649, and this fits perfectly with what we can ascertain from other sources. Thus, on June 2, 1648, “Nath. Warde” petitioned the Lords “to have the Parsonage of Althorpe, in the County of Lyncolne.” Obviously this is the Walkern man. The dates fit to a nicety. His petition was granted, but almost immediately (June 22–26, 1648) the Althorpe living was given to Thomas Spademan instead (Lords’ Journals, x. 297, 342, 347).

Matthias Candler’s pedigree of the Wards calls Nathaniel (son of Samuel of Ipswich, Suffolk) “D^r of Divinity, Rector of Stapleford in Essex” (Dean, p. 125; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xii. 283). This fits our successive identifications admirably. Richard (or Thomas) Nicholson had the rectory of Stapleford Tawney (Tany) from March 11, 1596–97, until April 29, 1643, when he was sequestered (Newcourt, ii. 556; Commons’ Journals, iii. 50, 53, 58; Lords’ Journals, vi, 20, 21, vii. 142, 174, 272, ix. 389, 390; First Century, 1643, pp. 25–26; Davids, Nonconformity in Essex, pp. 422–123). Nicholson was succeeded by Daniel Jennour, Jennour by Edward Benthall, and Benthall by Thomas Horrocks, who, in 1650 or immediately after, removed to Maiden, Essex (Davids, pp. 423–424; cf. Lords’ Journals, ix. 389, 390). Thus it is clear that Candler’s designation of Nathaniel Ward as Rector of Stapleford applies to a time not earlier than 1650. In fact, we find Ward there in 1657, for, on February 9, 1656–57, “Samuel Warde, son and heir of Nathaniel W., Stapleford Toney, Essex, clerk,” was admitted to Gray’s Inn (Foster, Register of Admissions, p. 281; cf. Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, p. 1570). Palmer registers “Mr. Ward” as ejected from Stapleford Tawney in 1662 under the Act of Uniformity (Nonconformist’s Memorial, i. 522; Dean, p. 125 note 2). This is of course our man, and, indeed, Newcourt records that Henry Carpenter was inducted as rector on July 17, 1661 (ii. 556). Newcourt (more suo) ignores all the incumbents between Nicholson and Carpenter as intruders thrust in by “the wicked Rebellion.”

After his ejection from Stapleford, Mr. Ward is heard of no more until his death. This appears to have occurred in 1667, for the will of Nathaniel Warde of Old Winsor, Berks, D.D., was proved February 11, 1667–68 (Waters, p. 20). We do not know the source of this degree of D.D., but its possession (see Candler’s pedigree) is good reason for identifying this Nathaniel with Samuel’s son (as J. J. Muskett does, Register, xii. 283).

Thus, by highly probable and sometimes certain identifications, we have followed the career of Nathaniel Ward, son of Samuel and nephew of the Simple Cobbler, from 1628, when he went to the Bermudas, to his death in 1667. There is a strong temptation to identify him also with the “Nathaniel Ward, B.A.,” who was appointed Perpetual Curate of St. James, Duke’s Place, London, on June 8, 1626, and was succeeded on February 14, 1627–28, by Ezekiel Clarke (Hennessy, Novum Repertorium, p, 118; Newcourt, i. 917). This would accord admirably with the date of our Nathaniel’s arrival in the Bermudas (autumn of 1628). But, since Samuel Ward was not married until January, 1605, his son Nathaniel (who was his second child) would have been very young for this curacy. It remains possible, then, — though I can hardly think it probable, — that the Perpetual Curate was the elder Nathaniel (the Simple Cobbler), and that the recorder carelessly wrote him down a Bachelor of Arts, though he had received his Master’s degree many years before, in 1603 (Dean, pp. 32–33; Savage, 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 248; C. H. and T. Cooper, 2 Notes and Queries, xii. 426; Dictionary of National Biography, lix. 328). Mr. Waters, in the Ipswich Historical Society’s edition of The Simple Cobbler, does not commit himself on this point.

118 i. 485.

119 i. 485–486.

120 I extract that part of the postscript which concerns this affair, since it has never been printed:

“Since the drawght and wrighteinge both of yours [i.e., Rich’s] & the Generall letters M^r Graimes y^e vnrulye minister hath broke out further into such highe acts & words of disorder scorne & contempt against all authority as is no longer to be indured & so whereas I purposed not to have him sent home vntill the rest retourne I am forced to doe it now. but w^th such a pasporte as by the Book of records will at large appeare as I thinke no man of his Coate & callinge ever had or did deserve before, for besides those formerly mentioned of him. vpon the Counsells wrighteinge & subscribeinge a Generall letter from themselves to the Companye M^r Graimes reported & saide he had writt it out in two of his owne letters y^t M^r Warde our new & worthy minister had gotten the Counsell together into his chamber made them drinke till they were drunke or merry & so had then procured their subscriptione w^ch otherwise would not have bine done, beinge likewise questioned for it & desired to know whither this came merely from himself or y^t he had any other author for it. he answered he had but would not reveale him. therevpon it was told him y^t if he would reveale no author himself then must be made the author of it, & further I charged & required him in his Ma^ties name to declare the author of it if there ever [wer?] any but himself, he still replyed peremptorily he would not vntill he had heard from the companye vnto whome he did appeale & vnto whome he is likewise accordingly sent. Another time when my self & the Counsell had mett & determined vpon some buisinesses because they wer not to his minde he saide openly before one of them w^ch was retourned & allmost his whole family y^t we wer a companye of Idle fellowes & did what we list whither iust or vniust much more of this nature vnfitt any man in his right witts much less a devine & preacher of Gods word, for brevityes sake therefore I referr you in all the rest to the booke of records.”

121 Neither of Bell’s letters to Rich is dated. The first, however (MS. No. 416), is endorsed “Captaine Bells letter from y^e S Ilands Delivered 28 Ap. 1629.” The Council’s letter (MS. No. 415) is also endorsed as delivered on the same date. Bell’s second letter (MS. No. 417) has no endorsement, but it was manifestly written to go with his first, to which it is a supplement. In his first letter Bell says “two of your ships the Earle Warwicke & Somer Ilands are now retourninge home againe & in the Earle Warwicke is Daniell Ellfrith himself comeinge” (MS. No. 416). Now on February 10, 1629, the Council put Lieut. James Warley in charge of the King’s Castle “in the absence of Capt Elfrey now bound for England” (i. 483). About this time, then, the ships must have sailed, and whichever of them sailed first must have taken Graham and the letters. We are certain that both Bell’s two letters to Rich and that of the Council (MSS. 416, 417, 415) were written after December 2, 1628, since that was the date on which the Council gave Delbridge leave to trade (i. 473–474), — an act which is dwelt on in all three letters.

Mr. Nathaniel Ward’s deposition about Mr. Graham’s slanders is undated, and so is the record of the Council which dismissed Mr. Graham, but it is clear that the meeting was held before Bell’s letters were despatched.

122 i. 524 (cf. p. 45, below).

123 See pp. 25–30, above.

124 i. 585, 610, 617, 631–634, 642–643.

125 Of three motions made in Mr. Stirk’s behalf at a Council of December 18, 1628, one was passed, one was refused, and one was referred to the Company. All three concern stipend (i. 474–475).

126 See p. 46, below.

127 Wood succeeded to the office between December 3 and December 29, 1629 (i. 487, 492).

128 i. 502.

129 i. 515–516. There is a copy of Mr. Stirk’s revised account for 1627–1631 among the Duke of Manchester’s papers (MS. No. 418, Report, p. 49). This shows a credit of £90 in 1630, and a balance due of £103 2s 3d.

130 i. 516.

131 Act of 1623 (i. 319).

132 i. 448.

133 Record in Lefroy, i. 524.

134 In April, 1630, Bell was still in Bermuda, but he was about to go to Santa Catalina (i. 502). He was commissioned Governor of that island on February 7, 1631 (i. 502 note 1). Apparently his wife had not yet left the Bermudas when the seating arrangements were perfected. Captain Elfrith (or Elfrey) belonged in Southampton Tribe (i. 380). He was interested in the Catalina settlement (MS. No. 416, Report, p. 40). Mrs. Bell was Captain Elfrith’s daughter (MS. No. 416, Report, p. 49; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial; 1574–1660, p. 125). Nobody knows where Captain Woodhouse was in 1631, but he had not lost his interest in the islands in 1634 (i. 405).

135 i. 532, 710. Lefroy prints the major part of the letter twice, from the draught in Wood’s Letter-book. There are variants. Thus, near the end, Lefroy’s second copy reads “to loose the least pretence he had to any Title or anything due vnto him.” I suspect Wood wrote: “the least pretence he had to any Title [i. e., tittle] of anything.” Another variant is more important. The second printing omits “meeke,” clearly by error. The letter seems to be undated, but it was certainly written in 1632, and doubtless in February.

136 On October 20, 1631, Mr. Ward had presented to the Council a claim for 1115 ½ lbs. of tobacco, which was allowed, and he had then and there announced his intention “by Gods leaue to depart from this place by the next shipp” (i. 527). In another letter (February, 1632) Wood says that there is now only one minister in the islands (i. 531), —meaning, of course, that there will be only one left when his correspondent gets the letter (which clearly went by the ship that carried away Mr. Stirk and Mr. Ward).

137 Mr. Copeland had a special arrangement with the Company (dating from his first employment in the islands in 1626) that fixed his stipend at this sum (see i. 376, 416, 483–84).

138 Wood did not like Scots (i. 534, 538).

139 i. 534.

140 Manchester Papers, No. 419, Public Record Office, London.

141 Richard Caswell (Casewell), a man of influence in the Bermuda Company, and at one time Treasurer.

142 The address (in Mr. Stirk’s hand) is on the outside. There is also a seal, but the impression is indistinct.

143 Manchester Papers, No. 422, Public Record Office, London.

144 I. e., Mr. Lewes Hughes, who is frequently called “Mr. Lewes” (as by Butler, pp. 72, 81, 91, etc.).

145 The address, which is on the outside, is not in Stirk’s hand.

146 Perhaps “m[^r],” i. e., Minister.

147 i. 534. In this letter Wood speaks of having “received a commission from the company for continuacoen of my Gouernm^t for three yeares more” (i. 534). His first term expired in December, 1632. No doubt Mr. Stirk arrived by the same ship that brought the new commission. We have learned from his petition of January, 1634, that in 1632, after considerable delay in England, the Company paid him some money and required him to return to the Bermudas by the next ship (p. 48, above).

148 See p. 61, below.

149 General Lefroy thinks this letter was addressed to the Rev. Nathaniel Bernard, but that is out of the question. See pp. 60–69, below.

150 I have restored this word Coronis according to a conjecture suggested in my Note on Dr. William Ames (p. 65, below).

151 i. 536. See also the next letter given by Lefroy (i. 536–537).

152 i. 537.

153 Winthrop’s Journal (Savage’s edition), i. 133 (159).

154 See Lefroy, i. 535, 536. Neither letter appears to be dated in Wood’s Letter-book. Lefroy dates one of them 1633, the other 1634. Close resemblance in phraseology suggests that they were written at the same time. Wood does not call the Thunder by name, but speaks of the recent arrival and the presence of a ship from New England: “Here is a shippe come from New England for trade w^th vs for victualls” (first letter); “some men that are come now vnto vs in a shippe from thence, to commerce with vs for victualls and provisions from vs” (second letter).

155 It must have been later than May, 1634, the date on which Sir Nathaniel Rich received the letter and petition of January, 1634 (see pp. 48–49, above).

156 Hotten, Original Lists, p. 133.

157 i. 708.

158 See pp. 56 ff, below.

159 The year is inferred from the grant to his widow.

160 i. 708. I cannot tell whether the word “education” stands in the original letter or not. If so, it may mean “bringing up” rather than “education” in our sense. In any case, the children were young. Mr. Stirk married one of his parishioners, and he did not come to the island himself until 1622. The younger George Stirk did not take his degree at Harvard until 1646.

161 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 279. The letter is dated “Pagets-Tribe, this 4^th of Decemb. 1639.” Winthrop dates its receipt “(5) 7. –40.”

162 Cf. Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. 140; Neill, Virginia Vetusta, pp. 196–197; Publications of this Society, iii. 421. The manuscript is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

163 i. 631–634, 640–643.

164 i. 653–655; ii. 8–11, 13, 20, 118.

165 See p. 53, above.

166 The exiles to Eleuthera were recalled in 1650 (ii. 8–11, 13, 20). That Mrs. Stirk, at least, was dead, seems to be a safe inference from the fact that Dunster specifies “Mr. Stirks sister” and not “Mr. Stirks mother.”

167 i. 659; ii. 13.

168 i. 660.

169 i. 671–673.

170 i. 673–674.

171 It is not absolutely certain that Stirk was in England in 1651, but we have to choose between that year and 1652 and the probability is strongly in favor of the earlier date. The evidence comes from an undated tract of Stirk’s in the British Museum, printed between October 19, 1663, and September 30, 1664, entitled George Starkeys Pill Vindicated. That Stirk was practising medicine in Boston as late as 1650 is proved by an entry in William Aspinwall’s MS. Notarial Records, p. 372 (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii. 304). The same entry proves that he was practising there in 1648.

172 Lefroy, ii. 24 (from a pamphlet entitled Petition from the Governor and Company of the Sommer Islands, &c, to the Council of State, July 19, 1651).

173 ii. 607, 609, 627, 94.

174 ii. 120.

175 ii. 607, 609, 627.

176 ii. 53.

177 ii. 111.

178 ii. 120.

179 ii. 134 note.

180 ii. 704–705.

181 ii. 473–475.

182 Musæ Somerenses: Id est, Sacræ Historiæ series, à Mundi Creatione, ad Linguarum confusionem Poeticè deducta; Authore Georgio Stirk, sacri Evangelii in Somerensibus Insulis Ministro. Ad usum Scholæ, quam illic, ante annos duos instituere cœpit illustrissima Societas. Londini, Excusum per E. P. 1635. The licenser’s date is “Iulii 30. 1635.”

183 Yale College Pamphlets, Vol. 52. I am greatly indebted to our associate Dr. Franklin B. Dexter, of the Yale library, for enabling me to examine this rare tract under exceptionally favorable circumstances, and to my friend Professor Hanns Oertel for a careful collation of my extracts (in proof) with the original.

184 A number of books once belonging to the Winthrop family are in the Yale library.

185 Of the eight pages remaining the first has the title, the second is blank, then follow four pages prefatory (in Latin prose), then (after the separately paged poem of twelve pages) two more pages “Ad Lectorem” in Latin prose.

186 “In insulis vestris horis succisivis,” says Mr. Stirk in his dedicatory address to the Bermuda Company.

187 This school had not been opened when Mr. Stirk wrote, as appears from his address to the Reader and from his dedication to the Company (“Illustrissimæ & Nobilissimæ Societati Somerensi”), but from the latter it is clear that the Company had voted to establish it and had set aside certain lands for the support of a schoolmaster (“de schola in vestris insulis legem tulistis, & ad ludimagistrum alendum agri aliquot jugera consecrâstis”). The title-page shows that this vote was passed two years before the Musæ Somerenses was published. We have no other record of this vote of 1633, but a letter of Governor Wood’s (dated 1634 by Lefroy) tells us that Mr. Copeland was hoping for such an order: “Mr. Copeland thinks the Company will give all their com̄on land to build a free School, as some of vs here have done with ours” (i. 395 note 1). I suspect Wood’s letter was really written in 1633, — the year in which, as Mr. Stirk’s words prove, some action of the kind was really taken by the Company.

188 The final i and half of the t are pared off by the binder.

189 The Address to the Reader and that to the Bermuda Company are interesting enough to reprint, in view of the exceeding rarity of Mr. Stirk’s volume. In the Address to the Company, the original has a marginal reference, “Psal. 2. 8”, opposite the sentence “Promisit ohm Deus” in line 8.

Ad Lectorem.

Quæris forsan amice Lector, cur pœsin hanc non tam concludam, quàm abrumpam. In promptu responsio est: hæc Scholæ nondum apertæ satis esse videntur. Si earn aperuerit nobilis nostra Societas, ut ex orienti bene ominor, sic florenti gratulabor, si vitam prorogaverit Deus. Hæc etiam tentandis doctorum judiciis sufficiunt. Si hæc genium habere videbuntur, quo possint vivere, plura, & forsan meliora dabimus, ut sunt δευτέραι ϕροντίδεs ἀμεινόνες.

Si verò tam sacrum opus ingenii culpa deterere videbor, cedo, & cursu trado lampada. Hac spe tamen, fore ut hoc exemplo alii, quibus opportunitas melior, & vena ditior, per totam Scripturam carmen, deducant: ut puen simul cum Lingua Latina sacra Historiæ seriem à teneris imbibant.

G. S.

ILLUSTRISSIMÆ & Nobilissimæ Societati Somerensi, dominia suis summa observantia colendis.

Svperioribus sæculis (illustrissimi & amplissimi viri) occidentals India adeò erat incognita, ut Ptolomæus ultra Herculis columnas (quæ in Gadibus erant) nullam esse terram putaverit. Nunc verò postremo hoc mundi senescentis ævo, novum orbem, vetere non minorem deus aperuit. Non ut preciosas merces negotiatores hinc aveherent, avectis ditescerent: nec ut novis colonis sit habitandi locus. Nam neque tanti sunt merces illæ, ut ad eas effundendas terra tamdiu ignota patefieret; neq; Europæis, in suis regionibus deest habitatio satis ampla. Sed majus quid divina spectat dementia. Promisit olim Deus filio suo se mundi fines daturum. Nunc præstat, quod olim dixit. Quare piè faciunt qui magnum hoe opus maximè curant, ut ipsorum opera Scripturæ impleantur; barbari convertantur, & Regni Christi pomæria latiùs dilatentur. Et vos (honoranda societas) opus Deo gratum, & vestra dignum pietate fecistis, cum de schola in vestris insulis instituenda legem tulistis, & ad ludimagistrum alendum agri aliquot jugera consecrâstis. Hæc via est ad barbaros convertendos rectissima. Nam in schola Somerensi non solùm liberi nostri (quorum illic numerus est, pro insulæ amplitudine non parvus) sed etiam Americani institui possunt, idque tutò: ubi nullus est hostium metus, qui à studiis absterreat: sed pax tranquilla quæ musis semper amica est. Nullum erit cum suis popularibus commercium, qui à discendo dissuadeant, aut patriis superstitionibus corrumpant, aut ad transfugiendum alliciant. Quanti autem momenti sit Americanorum uti opera ad suos convertendos non opus est dicere. Cum ergo tantum hinc ad evangelium propagandum emolumenti pro veniat, vos (spero) qui operis tam pii, ante annos duos fundamenta fæliciter jecistis, idem ad dei gloriam ad exitum perducetis. Qua spe inductus, poesin hanc, quam in insulis vestris horis succisivis scripsit, scholæ vestræ, quae vestris jam surgit, & brevi (spero) florebit auspiciis, sub vestri nominis umbra, & tutela, dicat consecratque

Vester humillimus in Domino servus, Georgius Stirk.

190 In a letter, probably of 1632, Wood speaks of something “that I haue observed from my youth and since i was a souldier” (J. H. Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 532).

191 See Lefroy, i. 535, 536, 540–542, 543.

192 See his letter of January 12, 1632–33 (Lefroy, i. 534).

193 Lefroy, i. 492.

194 i. 527, 531–543, 710. Lefroy’s publication of these letters is usually (or often) in extracts. There are dated letters of 1631–32 (i. 527, 531, 532), 1632 (i. 533), 1632–33 (i. 534), and (as Lefroy says, i. 531) 1634.

195 Lefroy remarks: “The name of the work quoted is quite unintelligible, Towins or Towius” (i. 536 note 1).

196 For Patrick Copland or Copeland, see Lefroy, index; 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 98; 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 277, 350; Neill, The English Colonization of America during the Seventeenth Century, 1871, chaps, vii-x; Virginia’s God be Thanked, or A Sermon of Thanksgiving for the Happie successe of the affayres in Virginia this last yeare. Preached by Patrick Copland at Bow-Church in Cheapside, before the Honorable Virginia Company, on Thursday, the 18. of Aprill 1622 … London, 1622 (Harvard College Library).

197 If the intended recipient of this letter were to accept Governor Wood’s invitation, the total number of ministers contemplated would be five. This corresponds to an item in the “generall Leuy” for 1630 (at a Council of November 2, 1630, as it seems): “Inp^rmis fo^r 5 ministers stipends albeit but 4 resident in the Islands “(Lefroy, i. 517). Of the four who were in the service in 1630, Mr. Richard Staples was discharged on November 2 of that year and Mr. Nathaniel Ward resigned on October 20, 1631 (i. 527). This left only Mr. Stirk and Mr. Copeland in the islands. Mr. Stirk went to England soon after — apparently in February, 1632 (see i. 531, 532), but I feel sure that he returned in the ship that brought over Governor Wood’s commission for a second term, not later than January, 1633 (i. 534), and the letter which we are considering was certainly written after his return. See pp. 45–50, above.

198 Yarmouth, Massachusetts, was not settled until 1639. Captain Wood is speaking in rather general terms, and the English Yarmouth was a natural place for him to think of.

199 The italics are Lefroy’s. Here and elsewhere they indicate his conjectural restoration of the torn or obliterated manuscript.

200 What follows is here given as Lefroy prints it. He is obviously summarizing.

201 See Lefroy, i. 317, 342, 347, 359–361, 401–403. The Rev. Nathaniel Bernard was still in the Bermudas on December 12, 1626 (i. 402–03); but he left the islands before the General Assembly of March, 1626–27, for that Assembly voted that the arrears of his salary “shall be allowed and paid either to himselfe if he shall return againe (wh. wee much desire) or to his assignes nominated in his stead and to his vse to receaue the same” (i. 415). The same vote mentions “the 4 ministers now residing in the Somer Islands.” Lefroy (i. 415 note 1) thinks these were Patrick Copeland, Nathaniel Bernard, Bellingham Morgan, and Robert Staples. For “Nathaniel Bernard,” however, we should substitute “George Stirk.” Stirk was in England in September, 1625 (i. 359, 361), but it is clear that he returned with Captain Philip Bell, the new Governor, in 1626; for, in the reply of the inhabitants to the Bermuda Company’s letter (i. 397) of September 20, 1626, the colonists thank the Company for “restoring our banished minister” (i. 433). This was Stirk, not (as Lefroy says) Staples. Staples had never been banished; whereas Stirk had been, by the tyrannical Governor Henry Woodhouse. The record of his banishment was expunged by the General Assembly of March, 1626–27 (i. 430), and Stirk was present at this Assembly (i. 430, 431). See pp. 29–31, above.

202 See Lefroy, i. 415, etc.

203 Lefroy, i. 317; Stirk’s letter and petition (Manchester Papers, Nos. 419, 422, Public Record Office). See pp. 17–19, 47–48, above.

204 Lefroy, i. 376.

205 Guilielmi Amesii SS. Theologiæ Doctoria & in Academia Franequerana Professoris Opera Quae Latinè scripsit, omnia, in quinque volumina distributa. Cum Præfatione introductoria Matthiæ Netheni. [Tom. I.] Amsterdam, 1658. The Harvard College copy of this volume has on the first flyleaf the autographs of three clerical Simon Bradstreets of three successive generations. The third has written “Avus,” “Pater,” and “Filius & nepos” after the three signatures respectively. The first Simon adds the date 1670; the third, the date 1742. On the second flyleaf the third Simon has written “Simon Bradstreet March 25. 1742” and “Simon Bradstreet Ejus Liber 1742 a Patre honorando hæreditat —.” The first of these three Simons (son of Governor Simon Bradstreet and of Anne Bradstreet, the poetess) graduated at Harvard College in 1660, the second in 1693, the third in 1728 (Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 54, 57).

206 ii. 405–408 (London, 1813).

207 History of Congregationalism and Memorials of the Churches in Norfolk and Suffolk, London, 1877, pp. 66–71, 422.

208 i. 355–357. This article, by J. Bass Mullinger, is based, for the biographical part, on Nethenus. The author has overlooked Browne’s book. There is a short account of “Amesius” in Hauck’s Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, i. 447–449. Cf. also A. J. van der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, i. 254–256 (Haarlem, 1852); John T. Hassam, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxiii. 196, note (1879). Dr. Hugo Visscher’s Guilielmus Amesius zijn Leven en Werken (Haarlem, 1894) is partly theological, but treats Ames’s life with fulness and gives a number of unprinted documents.

209 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 576–577.

210 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 11.

211 vi. 16.

212 John Browne, History of Congregationalism, p. 69 (cf. p. 422). It appears that Ames did not actually get “settled” at Rotterdam until July, 1633 (Peters’s letter, in Browne, p. 422). For the original city records relating to his call to this position and that of Instructor in Rhetoric and Practical Ethics, see Hugo Visscher, Guilielmus Amesius, pp. 74–76.

213 There is a clear account of these transactions, from the Arminian point of view, in Philipp van Limborch’s Historia Vitæ Simonis Episcopii, Amsterdam, 1701, pp. 31 ff, and in the same author’s posthumous Relatio Historica de Origine & Progressu Controversiarum in Fœderato Belgio de Prædestinatione, et Capitibus Annexis, attached to the 1715 Amsterdam edition of his Theologia Christiana. A Calvinistic account (strongly partisan) may be found in the Præfatio to the Acta Synodi Nationalis … Dordrechti habitæ, Leyden, 1620. On the services of Ames, see the highly laudatory account in the Praefatio Introductoria of Nethenus. For an excellent summary history of the Remonstrants, one may consult H. C. Rogge’s article “Remonstranten” in Hauck’s Realencyklopadie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3d edition, xvi. 635–639 (1905).

214 For the full text of the Remonstrance, see Henrik Brant’s Latin version of the official report of the proceedings of the Hague Conference (Collatio Scripto Habita Hagae Comitis anno ab Incarnatione Domini 1611. Ex sermone vernaculo Latina facta, 1615, pp. 1–13) or van Limborch’s Præstantium ac Eruditorum Virorum Epistolae, Amsterdam, 1704, pp. 251–256.

215 See van Limborch, Historia Vitæ Simonis Episcopii, p. 39.

216 A good account of the synod, written from the Arminian point of view, but without passion or declamation, may be found in van Limborch’s biography of Episcopius (see page 65 note 4, above). The Acts of the Synod were officially published in 1620 (Acta Synodi Nationalis … Dordrechti habitse, Leyden, printed by Isaac Elzevir), and the Remonstrants, then in exile, issued their Acts in the same year with the proud motto “Destructo Fato. Adserta Pietate” (Acta et Scripta Synodalia Dordracena Ministrorum Remonstrantium in Fœderato Belgio, Herder-wiici, [Harderwijk,] 1620). The Harvard College copy of the Remonstrants’ Acts has the autographs of Increase Mather (“Crescentius Matherus his Booke, 1668:”) and his grandson Samuel (“S. Matheri, 1734.”). Ames replied to this book in bis Anti-Synodalia Scripta, vel Animadversiones in dogmatica ilia, quæ Remonstrantes in Synodo Dordracena exhibuerunt & postea divulgarunt (I have used the Amsterdam edition of 1661). In his dedication to Henry, Count of Nassau, he adverts to the motto as an “inscriptio magnifica.”

217 The British Museum has a copy of that date, published at Leyden. I have used the Amsterdam edition of 1664 (Harvard College Library).

218 “Ingruentibus totis Remonstrantium castris primus in acie occurrit & illorum impetum fortiter excepit ac retudit, editâ … Coronide ad Collationem Hagiensem, qua immarcessibilem [sic] laudis & gloriæ coronam apud omnes pios Gratiæ Dei æstimatores & deprædicatores meruit” (Nethenus, sig. (a) 3 v° — (a) 4 r°). Nethenus’s Latin is sometimes amusing. He speaks of “Amesius” as defending God’s cause “contra Pelagianizantes Remonstrantium phalanges.” The Arminians are “inimici divinae Gratias & cultores Liberi Arbitrii humani.”

219 Nethenus, in his Præfatio Introductoria, misprints “Sletcher,” and this error is followed by the Dictionary of National Biography.

220 See the record of May 11, 1637, printed by Savage (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 100) and by Hotten (Original Lists, p. 294). Oddly enough Lefroy quotes this record (from Hotten) apropos of the Mrs. Ames mentioned in Wood’s letter (i. 536), though it does not occur to him that it throws any light on the identity of the person to whom the letter was addressed.

221 Massachusetts Colony Records, November 15, 1637 (i. 208).

222 Sibley, Harvard Graduates, i. 107–110. See John Browne, History of Congregationalism, pp. 426–128; Waters, Genealogical Gleanings in England, pp. 278–280.

223 Compare with the language of the letter to Ames the following passage from this other letter:

“Here is a shippe come from New England for trade w^th vs for victualls who reports that there comes over to them the most able ministers in England & their congregations, when their [read “and their”?] they build Townes and call them by the names of those from whence they come As Boston Lymne Plimouth Yarmouth.…

“I wish some of those that fly so fast into that could clymate would come more southerly to vs. We pay 2 ministers £40 per ann for each vntill wee are enabled to raise it higher” (i. 535).

Lefroy thinks this letter was addressed to the Rev. Nathaniel Ward, but I see no evidence for such an opinion.

224 See p. 51, above.

225 Nethenus, Præfatio Introductoria; John Quick, Icones Sacræ Anglicanæ, MS, in Browne, History of Congregationalism, p. 69 note §.

226 Last Report of the English Wars, 1646, p. 14. I have not seen this tract, but take the quotation (which has more than once been repeated without a reference) from [William Harris’s] Historical and Critical Account of Hugh Peters, 1751, p. 68.

227 One title in the lists now given — Wisdom in Miniature (1796)—was not in the leaflet, as its existence was then unknown to me; and since the leaflet was printed, several numbers then unknown of other magazines have come to my notice.

In his Check-List of American Magazines Printed in the Eighteenth Century, printed in 1889, Mr. Paul Leicester Ford listed fifteen New England magazines — namely, those in the above lists numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18. The magazines in the above lists numbered 10, 14, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, are now listed for the first time.

228 Number 1 is entitled The New England Magazine for August 1758. Numbers 2 and 3 are entitled The New England Magazine Of Knowledge and Pleasure, but are not dated.

229 Twelve undated numbers were published.

230 Continued as a newspaper.

231 Continued into the nineteenth century.

232 This statement is repeated in Warren’s History of the Harvard Law School, ii. 388.

233 Harvard Law Review, xxii. 113.

234 In 1879–1880 the total enrolment of students in the Law School was 177; in 1909–1910 it is 763.

235 This book was published privately by the generosity of the late Samuel Cabot at the Riverside Press in 1907.

236 Publications of this Society, vii. 316.

237 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. 5.

238 Hotton’s Original Lists, p. 149.

239 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii. 304.

240 Publications, x. 253.

241 xi. 195.

242 Literary Diary, ii. 324.

243 An editorial in the Boston Journal of February 22, 1910, stated that Washington’s birthday was celebrated at New York on February 22, 1783. As New York was then in possession of the British and was not evacuated by them until November 25th following, it may well be doubted whether such a celebration took place.

244 These three extracts were communicated by the late William Kelby to the Historical Magazine for February, 1869, Second Series, v. 134–135.

245 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xix. 147.

246 The treaty between France and the United States had recently been concluded.

247 Conrad Alexandre Gérard, the French Minister.

248 Continental Journal, Boston, February 18, 1779, p. 3/2.

249 In 1782 “a large company of Gentlemen met at Mr. Robinson’s Tavern on Milton Hill.” In 1906 (Publications, x. 253) I was unable to identify “Mr. Robinson” or his tavern, but I can now do so. On August 14, 1769, was “celebrated the anniversary of the 14th of August 1765, the day of the Union and firmly combined association of the True Sons of Liberty in this Province” (Boston Gazette, August 21, 1769, p. 1/1). The Sons assembled at eleven o’clock in the morning at Liberty Tree, Boston, where certain toasts were given out; after which “the Sons repaired to Liberty-Tree-Tavern, Mr. Robinson’s, Dorchester” (ibid.). Under date of August 14, 1769, John Rowe wrote that “the Sons of Liberty met at Liberty Tree, and dined at Robinson’s at Dorchester” (2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 72). On the same day Col. Samuel Pierce made this entry in his Diary: “Was a very grand entertainment at Mr. Lemuel Robinson’s. All the Sons of Liberty met” (in Orcutt, Good Old Dorchester, p. 159). Col. Lemuel Robinson was born March 4, 1736. On July 23, 1775, he had a son born who was christened July 30. “Last Sabbath a Child of Col. Robinson of Dorchester, was baptized, by the Rev. Mr. Dunbar of Stoughton, by the Name of GEORGE WASHINGTON” (New England Chronicle, August 3, 1775, p. 3/2). Col. Robinson died July 29, 1776. “Last Monday departed this Life, (at Boston, of the Small Pox), greatly lamented, Colonel Lemuel Robinson, of Dorchester” (Boston Gazette, August 5, 1776, p. 3/2). On July 30, 1776, Ezekiel Price wrote in his Diary: “Colonel Lemuel Robinson, who died of the small-pox, buried this evening” (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 261). See also Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 768; E. D. Harris, William and Anne Robinson of Dorchester, Mass., pp. 16, 17; New England Historic and Genealogical Register, xxvii. 85, xxxix. 82–83, xlix. 341.

250 Continental Journal, February 17, 1780, p. 2/3. John Gill was the publisher of the paper.

251 Publications, viii. 275–287.

252 New Jersey Archives, Second Series, ii. 143. In a former communication I stated that in 1768 the members of the Massachusetts House of Representatives spoke of George III as “our best Protector and common Father” (Publications, viii. 281). It may not be uninteresting to point out that when William Franklin was made Governor of New Jersey he was presented on March 3, 1763, with “The humble Address of the President and Tutors of the College of New-Jersey,” signed by President Samuel Finley, in which Franklin is spoken of as “being entrusted with so honourable and important a Commission, by the Father of his Country, the Royal Patron of Religion, Virtue, Learning, and whatever is good” (New Jersey Archives, xxiv. 150).

253 Magazine of American History, xiii. 200. When he published his Political Americanisms in book form in 1890, Norton stated that the editorial in the Nation appeared about 1866, and added that the term “occurs in the Nation as early as July, 1868” (p. 42). See the Nation, vii. 21.

254 American Commonwealth, London, i. 552.

255 Garland, Life of Randolph, ii. 240. For this extract I am indebted to Mr. Richard H. Thornton of London.

256 Andrew Jackson.

257 Niles’ Register, lviii. 250.

258 William Cabell Rives (1793–1868).

259 “Hugh Swinton Legare” (1797–1843).

260 Niles’ Register, lix. 98.

261 Niles’ Register, lix. 156, 157, 158.

262 lxv. 57.

263 Richard Mentor Johnson, Vice-President of the United States from 1837 to 1841.

264 The battle of the Thames, in which the famous Tecumseh met his death — perhaps at the hand of Col. Johnson himself — was fought October 5, 1813. The battle near Tippecanoe River, Indiana, which gave Harrison his celebrated sobriquet, took place November 7, 1811.

265 Niles’ Register, lxv. 371.

266 Niles’ Register, lxxiii. 393.

267 In the Independent Ledger of June 11, 1781 (p. 1/3), it is stated that “A Sketch of General Washington’s Life and Character,” by the author of the poem, is dated “Maryland, May 3, 1779.”

268 Independent Ledger, Boston, June 4, 1781, p. 1/2.

269 The story that Cornwallis hid himself in a cave ran the rounds of the contemporary American newspapers.

270 Miscellaneous Works (1790), p. 17. The poem was also printed in the American Museum, 1787, i. 231.

271 New York Daily Gazette, May 1, 1789, p. 426/1.

272 Massachusetts Centinel, July 8, 1789, p. 132/1.

273 Ibid. October 28, 1789, p. 50/2.

274 Massachusetts Centinel, October 28, 1789, p. 52/1.

275 Ibid. November 11, 1789.

276 New York Journal, July 9, 1794, p. 3/3. In the New York Daily Advertiser of July 5, 1790, p. 2, was printed a poem in eight stanzas in which the term is used in a figurative sense. The first and fourth stanzas follow:

The River Delaware to the River Hudson.

TOO long your boisterous waves confine

Some favorite sons that once were mine;

That long have rov’d from plain to plain,

But soon shall be my own again.

Within your bosom, wild and deep,

Huge Porpoises their lodgings keep;

Here, swoln with what their betters leave,

My lovely Cat-Fish throng the wave.

277 Columbian Centinel, February 19, 1800, p. 4/1.

278 This is taken from a copy in the Washington Collection in the Boston Athenæum. The inscription was noted in the Massachusetts Centinel of April 23, 1788, p. 42/1.

279 When Washington visited Boston in 1789 (see p. 107, above), he was “attended only by Mr. Lear, and Major Jackson, (his Secretaries) and six servants” (Massachusetts Centinel, October 24, 1789, p. 3/2).

280 See pp. 134–139, below.

281 The address to the Rev. “Sam.” Willard was of course an inadvertence.

282 Publications, x. 323.

283 For notices of Capt. John Walton and Josiah Moore, see Paige’s History of Cambridge, pp. 219, 231, 305, 466, 611, 612.

284 College Book, No. 8, p. 134.

This diploma, with its seal and silver box, is now deposited with the Massachusetts Historical Society, and was on exhibition in the College Library at the time of President Lowell’s inauguration. The diploma contains the following characterization of its recipient:

Vir ille admodum honorabilis, JOHANNES ADAMS armiger, omnibus scientiis ornatus; in legibus vero tam Naturae et Gentium, quam Civili et Municipali versatissimus; Patriae suae et generis humani patronus fervidus, constans, immotus: His rebus patriae natali commendatus ad summos honores ab ea fuit evectus: inter quos Delegatio ad primum ilium Congressum Americanum haud fuit minimus In rebus Americanis gerendis ita se Congressui probavit, ut ad Europam, pacis conciliandae causa, mitteretur Plenipotentiarius: Ea autem re frustratus, Legatus postea apud Provincias Batavorum federatas est constitutus.

The drafts of all three diplomas still exist in the College Archives.

285 College Book, No. 8, p. 182.

286 J. Quincy, Memoir of the Life of John Quincy Adams, p. 4

287 William Sacheverell (1638–1691).

288 Grey’s Debates of the House of Commons (1769), ii. 74.

289 Journals of the House of Commons, ix. 260.

290 Journals of the House of Lords, xii. 554, 555.

291 Sir John Vaughan (1603–1674); Sir Hugh Wyndham (1603–1684).

292 Journals of the House of Commons, ix. 271.

293 The matter can be followed in the Manuscripts of the House of Lords, Ninth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, part ii. pp. 29–31.

294 Sir Edward Seymour (1633–1708).

295 Grey’s Debates of the House of Commons, ii. 177.

296 Journals of the House of Lords, xii. 584. Nine titles of public Acts are given, after which follow the titles of private bills. “To these Bills the Royal Assent was pronounced in these Words, ‘Soil fait come il est desiré’” (xii. 585)

297 Edward Conway, first Viscount Conway.

298 Richard Jones, third Viscount and first Earl of Ranelagh.

299 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1673, p. 100. Cf. pp. 397, 398, 482, 593.

300 Anthony Sparrow, later Bishop of Norwich.

301 Diary (Wheatley’s edition), ii. 290. In 1885 the Rev. John H. Overton said that “This Test Act … originated in the panic which arose from the marriage of the Duke of York with a Romanist, and his Romish tendencies generally” (Life in the English Church, p. 170). James’s first wife, Anne Hyde, died March 31, 1671; and his marriage by proxy to Mary of Modena did not take place until October 30, 1673 — and hence had nothing to do with the Test Act.

302 Statutes of the Realm (1819), v. 782–785. The Act is printed in full in Gee and Hardy’s Documents Illustrative of English Church History, pp. 632–640. The Corporation and Test Acts Repeal Bill received the Royal assent on May 9, 1828 (Journals of the House of Commons, lxxxiii, 333).

303 Thomas Lamplugh, Bishop of Exeter, 1676–1688; Archbishop of York, 1688–1691.

304 Diary, ii. 291.

305 I am also indebted to Mr. Merritt for permission to reproduce the certificate in facsimile.

306 William Smith, New & Compendious History of the County of Warwick, 1830, p. 90.

307 Dugdale, Antiquities of Warwickshire (1730), i. 573, 574.

308 Publications, iii. 194–195.

309 John Adams.

310 Publications, xii. 254.

311 John Hancock.

312 Columbian Centinel, Wednesday, March 19, 1794, p. 3/1.

313 Columbian Centinel, March 7, 1795, p. 3/2.

314 This was Mr. Welde’s first wife, Margaret.

315 Winthrop in his Journal notes the arrival of Welde on June 5, 1632, and the thanksgiving on June 13.

316 The allusion is to Sanballat the Horonite: see Nehemiah, iv. 1.

317 Probably Ralph Mousall: see Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii. 688.

318 The manuscript is thus described by Mr. Scott: “Weld al. Wells (Thomas), Vicar of Terling, co. Essex. Letter from New England to his people at Terling, 1633. Copy. 922, ff. 90–93 b” (Index to the Sloane Manuscripts in the British Museum, p. 563).

319 Dr. Nichols’s paper will be printed in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1911.

320 See pp. 110, 111, above.

321 Through an inadvertence or a misprint, Quincy (History of Harvard University, ii. 394) gives the date as 1790, and this error has been repeated in various books. The address, dated October 27, 1789, is printed, together with Washington’s reply, in Eliot’s Sketch of the History of Harvard College, pp. 150–152.

322 Massachusetts Mercury, February 18, 1800, p. 3/2; Columbian Centinel, February 19, p. 3/2.

323 The Boston Athenæum owns a copy of this edition in its original dark blue paper cover, having on a fly-leaf this inscription:

The Hon’ble Bushrod Washington Esq.

from his respectful & humble servant

Jed^h Morse

324 The Boston Athenæum owns a copy of this edition in its original light blue paper cover.

325 J. B. Flagg’s Life and Letters of Washington Allston, pp. 26–27. Jarvis’s account is not dated, but presumably it was written after Allston’s death in 1843. The following extract is taken from the Massachusetts Mercury of July 18, p. 2/3:

Exercises of the Candidates for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts.

1. A Salutatory Oration in Latin — “Comprehending a Dissertation on the Progress and Improvement of the eighteenth Century.” By Benjamin Marston Watson.… 10. An English Poem upon “Energy of Character.” By Washington Alston. 11. An English Conference upon “The Characters of Epaminondas, Fabius, Alfred, and Washington.” By David Greene, Leonard Jarvis, Charles Lowell, and James Morse.

326 Some of these volumes are now in the library of the American Antiquarian Society.

327 The Town Records of Petersham tell us that Samuel Calhoon of Petersham and Lucy Gibbs of New Salem entered their intentions of marriage 18 November, 1788, and that James Calhoon of Petersham (perhaps a brother of Samuel) was published to Susannah Hinds of Greenwich 29 June, 1787. We also find an entry of the death of Lucy Calhoon, the subject of the poem in our text, which gives a different date (11 July, 1806) from that printed by Mr. Dunn. See Vital Records of Petersham, pp. 76, 182.

328 John Howe, a small printer living in Greenwich, published for many years an almanac, at first called Howe’s Almanac and later Howe’s Genuine Almanac, notable for being largely given over to poetry, jingles, and jokes. His Prefaces are dated at “Mont Prospect.” In his first issue (1804) he says, “I am a stranger to a great Part of the Public where my Labours are now to appear.” The imprint was Greenwich until 1818, when it was changed to Enfield, the adjoining town. The authorship of this Almanac is stated on the title-page to have been John Howe, 1804–1811; Philo Astronomiæ, 1812–1820; J. M. Howe, 1821–1823; and Philo Astronomiæ, 1824. Howe’s press was a poor one.

Mr. Clarence S. Brigham has kindly furnished the facts for this note.

329 There can be no doubt that Samuel Dunn, the author of this poem, was also the author of another effusion, a copy of which was in the Brinley library and is thus described:

Dunn (Samuel) A Word in Season; or, The Burthen of Samuel, (the son of Richard, the son of Samuel, the son of James the Rhode-Islandite,) which he saw while under the mountain, in the land of Prescott, Mass. in the days of James Munroe, President, … concerning the Division of Christianity … [With] Some Remarks on … Free-Masonry, pp. 12, uncut, curious. 12° n. p., n. d. [1825] (Brinley Catalogue, iv. 101, no. 6839.)

The town of Prescott, incorporated in 1822, was formerly the southern part of New Salem. It is a curious fact that while the towns of Petersham, New Salem, Greenwich, and Prescott are contiguous, they lie in three different counties, — Worcester, Franklin, and Hampshire.

As our author is so obliging as to record his pedigree on the above-described title-page, it seems probable that he is the Samuel Dunn, son of Richard and Mary Dunn, who was born in Newport, Rhode Island, 14 July, 1746 (Arnold, Vital Record of Rhode Island, vol. iv. part ii. p. 94. See also p. 34).

I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. William P. Greenlaw for the reference to the Brinley title.

330 Cf. p. 53, above.

331 College Book, i. 55.

332 i. 82. This sum is expressed in New England currency.

333 iii. 60.

334 College Records, x. 131. For this extract I am indebted to Mr. Lane.

335 Massachusetts Province Laws, ii. 149.

336 ii. 663.

337 iii. 195.

338 iv. 834, v. 212. The passage of the Act of 1765 on June 24 was noted in the Boston Gazette of July 1, 1765, p. 3/2; but apparently the lottery did not reach the advertising stage.

339 Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (1789), ii. 405.

340 Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (1807), iii. 361.

341 Lawful money.

342 Boston Gazette, July 13, 1772, p. 1/1. The advertisement was repeated in the issue of August 10, p. 4/1.

343 Columbian Centinel, March 18, 1795, p. 3/1. In the Harvard College Library there is a broadside dated “Boston, October 22, 1795,” which begins as follows:

Harvard College Lottery.

THE Managers of Harvard College Lottery, present the Public with a SCHEME of the Fourth Class of said Lottery, which will commence Drawing on, or before the first Thursday in April next, in the Representatives’ Chamber in Boston.

The strict punctuality which the Managers have hitherto observed, as to the time fixed for Drawing, and in the payment of the Prizes — They flatter themselves, has so established the Credit of the Lottery — that the Tickets will meet with a rapid Sale, both in this, and the neighbouring States.

SCHEME

of the 4th Class Harvard College Lottery,

Not two Blanks to a Prize.

344 Columbian Centinel, February 7, 1807, p. 2/3. In the College Library there is a pamphlet containing twelve unnumbered leaves, the gift of Mr. Charles P. Greenough on November 4, 1868. The title reads:

At the bottom of the verso of the eleventh leaf is this statement: “The Managers expect all Prize Tickets to be endorsed by the person to whom they are paid.” Attached to the second leaf is a lottery ticket of the Fifth Class, No. 9997, dated “Boston, February, 1811,” the gift of the late J. Wingate Thornton on September 19, 1864. This ticket has on the back the following endorsement:

Pay seven dollars, to W. & T. Kidderor

their order, & to none other —

15. Sept. 1811 S. Greenleaf

And this again, across the centre of the back, is endorsed “W & T K”

The last leaf of this pamphlet contains an advertisement of the Second Class, dated February 24, 1807, and an advertisement of Gilbert & Dean’s “Lottery and Exchange Office.”

There is in the Boston Athenæum a pamphlet containing twelve unnumbered leaves, entitled —

This has manuscript notes, doubtless written either by the Treasurer of Harvard College or by one of the managers of the lottery, and on the title-page is written in ink “For the Treaser,” who at that time was John Davis. From this List of Prizes it appears that ticket No. 9997, mentioned above, drew seven dollars. The last page of this pamphlet contains an advertisement of the Sixth Class.

345 There is a copy of this broadside, dated “Boston, July 9th, 1812,” in the Boston Public Library. Attached to it is a lottery ticket of the Seventh Class, No. 14637, dated “Boston, Feb. 1812.”

346 Columbian Centinel, July 18, 1812, p. 4/1.

347 Columbian Centinel, August, 19, 1812, p. 2/4.

348 Columbian Centinel, October 3, 1812, p. 3/1.

349 Besides the one reproduced in the text, the College Library has four other tickets of the Third Class, Nos. 17417, 17432, 17436, 17437; and two quarter tickets of the Second Class, unnumbered. These last two were the gift of Dr. Samuel A. Green. There are also four tickets of the Third Class hanging in the hall of the Harvard Club of New York City.

The number was not printed on a ticket, but was inserted in ink, presumably by one of the managers.

350 College Records, x. 133–134. For this extract I am indebted to Mr. Lane. Room No. 12 in Holworthy Hall contains an interesting transmittendum. When the late King Edward, then Prince of Wales, visited Cambridge in 1860, and when the Grand Duke Alexis went there in 1871, both were shown No. 12 by the College authorities, and each left in the room his photograph. These photographs were in the room in 1875 (Harvard Book, i. 83 note). Mr. H. Chessman Kittredge, one of the present occupants of No 12, informs me that the photograph of the Prince of Wales is still hanging in the room, though that of the Grand Duke Alexis is no longer there, having apparently disappeared many years ago.

351 History of Harvard University, i. 183.

352 This will is printed on pages 175–176, below.

353 This Robert, whose will was dated August S, 1600, and proved January 13, 1601, is the only Robert Holworthy that appears in the Holworthy pedigree sent me by Mr. Holworthy. It is interesting to note, however, that “A List of Names of the Passengers on board the Ship Arabella Richard Sprague Master for New England, May y^e 27th, 1671,” contains that of “Robert Halworthy” (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 407). Who this Robert Holworthy was is not known.

354 Nicholls and Taylor, Bristol Past and Present, i. 292. The date of Richard Holworthy’s mayoralty is variously given as 1634 and 1635.

355 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1619–1623, p. 619.

356 The Lord Admiral was Eliot’s patron, George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham.

357 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1619–1623, pp. 605, 606, 611; 1623–1625, pp. 29, 53, 69. In his sketch of Eliot in the Dictionary of National Biography, Gardiner says that “Eliot was committed to the Marshalsea on some trumped-up charges connected with the arrest” of Nutt.

358 Nicholls and Taylor, Bristol Past and Present, i. 300.

359 Barrett, History and Antiquities of Bristol, p. 230; Seyer, Memoir of Bristol, ii. 418–119; Nicholls and Taylor, Bristol Past and Present, i. 310.

360 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1641–1643, p. 516; 1645–1647, p. 275.

361 Narrative and Vindication of John Ashburnham, 1830, vol. ii. app. p. xiii.

362 An abstract of Richard Holworthy’s will is in Waters’s Genealogical Gleanings, i. 500.

363 To Principal Heberden of Brasenose I am indebted, through our associate Professor George L. Kittredge, for the information that “we have no signature of Matthew Holworthy and nothing in our archives to add to the information” in the text.

364 This Andrew Henley was made a Baronet June 20, and a Knight July 21, 1660, and died in or shortly before 1675. For a notice of him, see Cokayne’s Complete Baronetage, iii. 69–70.

365 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1652–1653, pp. 437, 481.

366 James Holworthy is mentioned in this petition.

367 Publications of the Harleian Society, xxiv. 106.

The genealogy of the Henley family is complicated, and I am indebted for information to Mr. Holworthy and to our associate Mr. Henry W. Cunningham. Robert Henley of Leigh, Somerset, whose will was proved July 19, 1614, was the son of George Henley of Taunton, Somerset, and was twice married: first to Anne Truebody, and secondly to Elizabeth Freake. By his first wife, Robert Henley had a son, Andrew Henley of Taunton, whose will was proved January 14, 1630–31. This Andrew Henley married Dorothy Sandford and was the father of the Robert Henley who was buried in the Temple Church on February 29, 1655–56. This Robert Henley married Anne Eldred and had, among other children, Sir Andrew Henley and Mary Henley, the latter of whom was the first wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy.

By his second wife, Robert Henley of Leigh had a son Henry Henley of Leigh, who married Susanna Bragge and died in 1638. Henry and Susanna (Bragge) Henley had a son also named Henry Henley, of Leigh, who married for his first wife Susan Morridge. It was their daughter Susanna who became the third wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy.

It thus appears that the first wife and the third wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy were second cousins.

368 Environs of London (1795), ii. 450.

369 This rare little volume was reprinted by Hotten in 1863 under the title of “The Little London Directory of 1677. The oldest printed List of the Merchants and Bankers of London.” There is a copy of the reprint in the Boston Athenæum.

370 A plan of the “Walks “as they were in 1837 is given in Thornbury’s Old and New London, i. 497. See also Notes and Queries, Tenth Series, xii. 356.

371 Lysons, Environs of London, ii. 499.

372 Lysons, Environs of London, ii. 499.

373 The will is printed on pp. 176–180, below.

374 At Hinton, Devonshire.

375 Lysons, Environs of London, ii. 499.

376 The name is also spelled Desborow and Disbrowe. I adopt the form given in the Dictionary of National Biography.

377 College Book, iii. 53.

378 In October, 1908, Mr. Holworthy sent me photographs of the portraits, which were exhibited at the meeting of this Society held in January, 1909 (Publications, xii. 237). As the photographs were old and not suitable for reproduction, Mr. Holworthy kindly had new photographs taken and sent me the negatives in July, 1909. The one of Sir Matthew not being altogether satisfactory, when the portraits reached Cambridge new photographs of both were taken, and from these are reproduced the illustrations in the text. The facsimile of Sir Matthew’s signature is from an autograph appended to Sir Edward Bysshe’s Visitation of London, 1664, in the Heralds’ College. The manuscript Holworthy pedigree, also sent me by Mr. Holworthy and exhibited in January, 1909, has been placed in the library of the New England Historic Genealogical Society. Many names appear in the pedigree that are not mentioned in this sketch.

379 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Carew, 19.

380 A previous will, dated March 20, 1676, of which a copy was sent me by Mr. Holworthy, contained a similar provision.

381 For a sketch of the Rev. Thomas Gouge (1609–1681) and his labors in Wales, see the Dictionary of National Biography.

382 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Reeve, 41. An abstract of Sir Matthew’s will is given in Waters’s Genealogical Gleanings, i. 500, where also will be found various Holworthy, Haviland, Desborough, and other wills. See also Notes and Queries, Tenth Series, ix. 208, 273, 377.

Since the above paper was written, several matters have come to light that are worth recording. First, Mr. Charles Warren kindly calls my attention to a curious letter quoted in his History of the Harvard Law School. It was written in 1812 by President Kirkland to Treasurer Davis and reads as follows:

I find some gentlemen are sorry to have our new college receive so hard a name — Holworthy Hall — has two aspirates besides the W. and the T. H. — which twist and squeeze the organs not a little. Is there other any better or more suitable — or will you reconsider on account of the objection — which is of some consequence (i. 323 note).

Secondly, Mr. Edward W. Forbes writes me that the Holworthy portraits have, at the request of our associate President Lowell, been transferred from the Fogg Art Museum to the Faculty Room in University Hall.

Thirdly, Mr. Charles N. Baxter informs me that the Bostonian Society owns two Harvard College lottery tickets. On inspection, one proves to be No. 10699 of the Fifth Class, dated February, 1811, and signed by John Williams as manager. The other is a quarter-ticket, also of the Fifth Class, No. 11280, dated May, 1811; but instead of a manager’s name there is written in ink “W & T Kidder,” and at the bottom is the line, “At their Real Fortunate Lottery Office, No. 9, Market-square.” Apparently, therefore, this quarter-ticket was printed not by the managers of the lottery but by the lottery dealers.

Fourthly, I have been able to identify the Henry Henley of Lyme Regis who in 1669 gave £27 to Harvard College (p. 174, above) as Henry Henley of Colway, son of Henry Henley of Leigh and own brother of Susanna Henley, the third wife of Sir Matthew Holworthy. See Publications of this Society, xiv. 45–49.

383 In his Lists of New England Magazines, 1743–1800, communicated to the Society in January, 1910, Mr. Matthews gave the title of this magazine, but at that time no copy was known to be in existence. See p. 70, above. For the information given in the text, the Editor is indebted to Mr. Clarence S. Brigham.

384 “Pole” is of course a misprint for “Equator.”

385 So far as I have been able to ascertain, these journals were never published.

386 Here follows the Table printed in this volume on p. 190.

387 The page is here indistinct.

388 The page is here indistinct: perhaps “¹/₉₀” was written.

389 The material in this paragraph is gathered from “Principal Facts Relating to the Earth’s Magnetism,” referred to in the text, p. 183, above.

390 Memoirs, London, 1749, i. 223. A second edition, containing the portrait here reproduced, was published in 1753.

391 Memoirs, i. 296–297.

392 i. 315–316.

393 For information in regard to Beale, I am again indebted to Mr. Matthews.

394 History of South Carolina, i. 311–312. The date of this voyage is not given, but Hewatt is describing events that occurred about 1721. Previous to that time, Beale had married, on March 25, 1722, Katherine Gale at Charleston. Hewatt is slightly mistaken in regard to Beale’s age: see page 196 note 1, below.

395 His wife died January 4, 1774. He and his wife were buried in the cemetery of St. Philip’s Church, and in 1788 their son John (who married Mary Ross) erected to their memory in the church (which was destroyed by fire on February 15, 1835) a monument from which the above dates are taken. On August 17, 1746, Othniel Beale’s daughter Hannah married William Bull, Jr. Born in 1710, Bull became Lieutenant-Governor of South Carolina in 1759, frequently administered the government between 1760 and 1775, retired to England in 1780, and there died in 1791. See E. McCrady, History of South Carolina, 1719–1776, pp. 61, 175, 246, 288, 683, 684, 801; W. R. Smith, South Carolina as a Royal Province, 1719–1776, pp. 178, 199, 202–206, 218–219, 312, 316; Mrs. Ravenel, Charleston: the Place and the People, pp. 88, 91–92, 169; City of Charleston Year Book for 1880, p. 271; A. S. Salley, Jr., Register of St. Philip’s Parish, Charles Town, 1720–1758, pp. 62, 111, 152, 184; South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, i. 84–85, ii. 134 note, 136. An attempt to find a portrait of Othniel Beale in Charleston or elsewhere has not met with success.

396 Publications of this Society, xii. 382.

397 xii. 192.

398 See pp. 193–194, above.

399 John Theophilus Desaguliers (1683–1744).

400 Page 193, above.

401 Rev. John Edwards (1637–1716).

402 This Latin inscription to Dr. Edwards is reprinted line for line in the London edition in the collation of which it is given below in full (p. 200), though with two slight changes.

403 Of two copies of this edition in the British Museum, one has, the other has not, this translation of the Latin dedication on the verso of the title-page.

404 He died April 16, 1716.

405 S. Mather, Life of C. Mather, p. 73.

406 Richard Clarke died at London on February 27, 1795, “at the House of his Son-in-law, J. S. Copley, Esq. in the 84th year of his age” (Morning Chronicle, London, March 3, 1795, p. 4/1).

407 Richard Clarke graduated at Harvard College in 1729.

408 Joseph Lee graduated at Harvard College in 1729.

409 Mrs. Copley’s mother was Elizabeth (Winslow) Clarke.

410 Richard Clarke’s daughter Mary married Samuel Barrett, and their daughter Sarah married Samuel Cabot.

411 Presumably Mrs. Mary (Clarke) Barrett.

412 Elizabeth Bromfield, who later married Daniel Denison Rogers, was the daughter of Col. Henry Bromfield by his second wife Hannah Clarke, a daughter of Richard Clarke.

413 Col. Henry Bromfield (1727–1820).

414 Doubtless the copyist’s error for “Harvard.”

415 Henry Bromfield, Jr., was a son of Col. Henry Bromfield by his first wife Margaret Fayerweather.

416 George Erving graduated at Harvard College in 1757.

417 Later Baron Lyndhurst.

418 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Newcastle, 372. There were no witnesses.

419 There is a copy of this pamphlet in the British Museum, though it is not entered in the catalogue under Peters’s name. It is ascribed to Peters by C. H. Firth in his sketch of Peters in the Dictionary of National Biography. As apparently no American library contains a copy of the pamphlet, its title is given in part: A True | Relation | of the | Passages of | Gods Providence in a | Voyage for Ireland. | With | The Additionall Forces sent for reducing of | that Kingdome by his Maiesie | and Parliament | Wherein every Dayes worke is set downe faithfully by H. P. an | Eye-witnesse thereof, under the Command of Alexander | L. Forbes, Lieutenant Generall under the L. Brooke | for that Service; from the 29. of June to the | 29. of September. 1642. | … | London | Printed by Luke Norton, for Henry Overton. | in the Yeare. MDCXLII.

420 Brinley Catalogue, i. 92. Cf. iv. 163.

421 The following list explains these abbreviations. An asterisk following an abbreviation denotes an imperfect copy:

AAS = American Antiquarian Society

BPL = Boston Public Library

EDO = E. D. Church Collection

ADF = A. D. Foster Collection

H = Harvard College Library

LC = Library of Congress

MHS = Massachusetts Historical Society

NYHS = New York Historical Society

422 This advertisement is quoted in Drake’s History and Antiquities of Boston (1857), p. 474 note. There was a market in Boston as early as 1634, but there was much opposition to one. See Drake, pp. 166, 334, 555, 596, 610–611; Memorial History of Boston, ii. 462 note.

423 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, viii. 21–22.

424 Brinley Catalogue, i. 92

425 In Mr. A. D. Foster’s collection is a volume containing many almanacs from 1690 to 1747, one bearing the title in part as follows:

This contains ten leaves. On the recto of the eighth leaf is a poem in twenty lines, beginning and ending as follows:

To Their Most Sacred MAJESTIES

King WILLIAM, and Queen MARY.

MAy Heav’nly Delights, & Joys Transcending, wait

About the Throne of your illustrious State.

. . . . . .

And Your New-England Subjects with one voice,

Shall both in You and your blest Seed Rejoyce.

B H

Beneath the poem is a line containing the words “Bills, Bonds, and Indentures, &c.”

426 Though Mr. Foster’s copy is complete in the sense of having all the leaves, yet the tops of some of the pages have been cut by the binder.

427 This fragment is owned by Mr. E. S. Phelps of Boston.

428 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 414–415.

429 Benjamin Harris.

430 Act of June 15, 1696 (Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 237–239). This is mentioned in the Memorial History of Boston, ii. 462 note; but neither in that work nor in Drake’s History and Antiquities of Boston is any account given of earlier fairs. Spring and autumn fairs were appointed in Massachusetts in 1638 and in Plymouth in 1639: see Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 241; Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 32; Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 141–142.

431 This entry is against Sunday.

432 Presumably the Rev. Thomas Hooker.

433 December, 1909, Publications, xii. 382–398.

434 xii. 384.

435 Lippincott’s New Gazetteer, 1906, gives the longitude of Ferro as 18° 7′ 5″ west of Greenwich.

436 Publications, xii. 389, 392.

437 The features of Champlain’s three maps as given in the text are taken from the reproductions of the same in The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain translated from the French by C. P. Otis and published by the Prince Society in three volumes (1878–1882). The large map of 1612 and the small map of 1613 face p. 228 of vol. iii; the map of 1632 faces p. 304 of vol. i.

438 Publications, xii. 392; Encyclopaedia Britannica, ninth edition, xxiii. 394.

439 Memorial History of Boston, i. 52.

440 Memorial History of Boston, i. 56.

441 i. 54.

442 The number 315 at the bottom of the map was engraved below the framing lines because its proper space in the field was occupied by Smith’s coat-of-arms, and in Arber’s reproduction it is not shown; but it appears, in the original figures, on the photographic copies made from the Lenox Library specimens.

443 The map of Virginia was first published in a book entitled A Map of Virginia with Description of the Countrey, … by Captaine John Smith, Oxford, 1612, but was afterwards reissued in his Generall Historie, 1624, and in Purchaa his Pilgrimes, 1625. According to Mr. Eames it exists in eight states, of which the last two have much more detail than the earlier six. (See Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606–1625, edited by L. G. Tyler, 1907, p. vi; map at p. 76.) The facsimile that I have examined accompanies Deane’s edition of Smith’s A True Relation of Virginia, Boston, 1866. It bears figures referring to the pages at which it appeared in the Generall Historie and in Purchas, and appears to be taken from one of the last two states.

444 Publications, xii. 384–385.

445 In Stanford’s London Atlas, third edition, 1904, in the List of Names with Latitudes and Longitudes at the end, the longitude of the Island of St. Michael is given as 25° 30′ west. In W. F. Walker’s The Azores, London, 1886, on the map of St. Michael’s opposite p. 46, that island extends in longitude from about 25° 9′ west to about 25° 52′ west.

446 The Charlestown records are now in the custody of the City Clerk of Boston. Regarding Greene’s narrative, see also H. H. Sprague’s Founding of Charlestown by the Spragues, 1910, pp. 5–9, 33–37.

447 Arber, facing p. 694.

448 These lines are taken from a copy of the First Folio in the Boston Public Library. Cf. Works of Ben Jonson, Gifford’s edition (1816), viii. 328; R. G. White’s edition of Shakespeare, Boston, 1865, vol. ii. p. xxx.

449 Complete Works of John Davies of Hereford, Grosart’s edition, vol. ii., The Scourge of Folly (1611), p. 26, Epigram 159.

450 Arber, pp. 181, 491.

451 Edition of 1840, ii. 79.

452 The statement above, that he was buried in St. Dunstan’s, is taken from the Dictionary of National Biography, xiv. 139.

453 Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 417–421; Historical Notices of the New North Religious Society in the Town of Boston, p. 28.

454 Mr. Prentice graduated at Harvard in 1726. He was settled at Arundel, Maine, 1730–1737, and at Charlestown, Massachusetts, 1739–1775. He died in 1782.

455 John Burt graduated at Harvard in 1736, was ordained as minister of Bristol, Rhode Island, in 1741, married a daughter of Lieut.-Gov. William Ellery, and died in 1775.

456 So attractive as a preacher was he, that Mr. Prentice received, almost simultaneously, calls to the pulpits of the New North Church in Boston, of West Cambridge, and of Charlestown. He accepted the call to Charlestown and declined the other two on the same day.

457 Daniel Rogers graduated at Harvard in 1725, was a tutor, 1732–1741, and in 1748 was settled over the Second Church in Exeter, New Hampshire. Another man of the same name graduated in the class of 1725 and in 1732 was ordained at Littleton, Massachusetts.

458 Jonathan Helyer graduated at Harvard in 1738, was settled at Newport, Rhode Island, in 1744 and died in 1745.

459 Lately Gee, an influential, though blind, man and a zealous friend of Mr. Eliot, was son of John and Joane Gee; was born in Boston 4 February, 1687–88; was cousin to the Rev. Joshua Gee; and married Sarah Ellise, 2 November, 1710. On the previous thirteenth of September, his intention of marriage with Priscilla Thornton was published (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 174, xxviii. 28, 32). See also Historical Notices, etc., p. 20.

460 We have here a reminder of the quarrel when the Rev. Peter Thacher of Weymouth was settled as the first colleague of the Rev. Mr. Webb, in 1719, which resulted in the founding of the New Brick Church.

461 Records of the Church of Christ at Cambridge in New England (1906), p. 100. By an unfortunate mistake this entry is erroneously indexed under the surname Andrew.

462 The Records of the New North Church, besides being remarkably full as regards the doings of the members, contain upwards of six thousand entries of admissions, baptisms, marriages and deaths covering more than a century, beginning with 1714. As these entries relate to the Cabot, Barrett, Parkman, and other prominent North End families during a period when the public vital records of the town of Boston are very imperfect, it is much to be desired that these valuable and important Records should be printed and indexed, and thus be made available to students and scholars interested in the history of Boston and its families.

463 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, v. 403–414.

464 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 166–173.

465 G. B. Merrick, Merrick Genealogy (1902), pp. 15–17.

466 See D. B. Hall, Halls of New England (1883), pp. 211–215; Swift, History of Old Yarmouth, pp. 100–102; Genealogical Notes of Barnstable Families, i. 450–456.

467 Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 65, 112, 130, 132, 169.

468 Church, History of Philip’s War (Drake’s edition, 1829), p. 170, and cf. Dexter’s edition (1867), ii. 10 note.

469 Documentary History of the State of Maine, v. 4.

470 Massachusetts Province Laws, vii. 92.

471 vii. 486. The order was allowed December 11, 1695, after striking out the words printed in italics.

472 History of Hingham, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 314.

473 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, i. 148, 163.

474 vii. 113, 141.

475 Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 483 note.

476 Drake, p. 524; Sewall’s Diary, i. 359 note.

477 See Felt, Annals of Salem (1827), pp. 346, 545; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvi. 238.

478 See Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 431; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vii. 125.

479 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 43.

480 Suffolk Deeds, viii. 322–324.

481 Sewall’s Diary, i. 71, 96, 134, 235.

482 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 1672.

483 See Hammatt Papers, pp. 167–169; Waters, Ipswich, pp. 146, 157, 357.

484 Tyler, History of American Literature, i. 335.

485 Suffolk Deeds, x.

486 Diary, i. 213.

487 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vii. 219, x. 136.

488 See Mr. Park’s sketch of Oliver, pp. 92–94, above.

489 Dr. Henry Goddard Leach of Harvard University called Mr. Kittredge’s attention to the portrait and procured the photograph from Professor Wulff. Dr. Leach recognized the photograph as of the Lansdowne type.

490 MS. 23. L. 35, p. 128.

491 Contractions are expanded in italics.

492 Read B[reagh]?

493 Perhaps to be expanded scealaidhe.

494 Before n-gléasfaigh, n-glaoghfaigh is written and then expunged.

495 For the suggestion that miledh is Milesius, the translators are indebted to Professor Douglas Hyde.

496 That laoisigh is Louis XVI, is Professor Hyde’s suggestion.

497 For Chrotaigh perhaps we should read chruthaigh, “shapely.”

498 Letter to Mr. Albert Matthews, March 3, 1911. Cf. p. 259 note 2, below.

499 See p. 257 note 2, above.

500 As to the air (the Irish name of which is not wholly legible) Dr. W. H. Grattan Flood, the distinguished authority on Irish music, informs Dr. Hyde that the tune is probably that sometimes entitled Sa Maidin Fear gan Bríste (“In the Morning the Man without Breeches”) and better known as Nora an Chuil Omra (“Nora of the Amber Hair”). The music, Dr. Flood adds, was printed as “The Poor Thresher” in 1790, and a different version, entitled Bean Dubh an Ghleanna (“The Dark Woman of the Glen”) is in O’Daly’s Poets and Poetry of Munster (see the third edition, Dublin, 1850, p. 184).

501 Writings of Washington, ix. 13–14.

502 By Mr. Charles Butler Brooks, who had recently bought it at auction.

503 There is another contemporary copy of this paper, in the handwriting of Caleb Gibbs, enclosed in Washington’s letter of 14 May, 1779, to the President of Congress, in the Papers of the Continental Congress. (Library of Congress, Calendar of the Correspondence of George Washington … with the Continental Congress, Washington, 1900, p. 306.)

504 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, vol. 7, folio 335.

505 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 152, vol. 7, folio 331.

506 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 163, folio 341.

507 The following passage, under date of 18 May, 1779, is taken from the Journals of the Continental Congress (Ford’s edition), xiv. 607:

A letter, of 16, from G. Morgan, agent for Indian affairs in the western district, was read, accompanied with the Indians speech to General Washington, and the General’s answer:

Ordered, That the letter be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

508 Sparks, ii. 47 note.

509 Journals of the Continental Congress (Ford’s edition), iv. 268, 294–295.

510 Pennsylvania Archives, vi. 587, 652.

511 C. Gist’s Journals (1893), pp. 281–285.

512 See Monette, History of the Valley of the Mississippi, i. 475; Albach, Annals of the West, pp. 505–506; 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii. 190.

513 The horn-book measures 3 by 4 ¹¹/₁₆ inches, and the oak frame (including handle) 4½ by 9 inches.

514 Tuer, History of the Horn-Book, i. 5.

515 i. 7.

516 G. E. Littlefield, Early Schools and School-Books of New England, p. 113.

517 John Davis was Governor of Massachusetts in 1833, 1834, 1840, 1841, and United States Senator from 1835 to 1840 and again from 1845 to 1853, when he retired.

518 Probably John Bell of Nashville, Tennessee, then Member of Congress, and in 1860 a candidate for President.

519 “Plotty, a hot drink, composed of wine or spirits with hot water or spices” (Oxford Dictionary). It is a Scotch word.

520 In the campaign of 1840, much was said in the Whig papers about the splendid appointments and furniture of the “Palace,” as they called the White House — thereby reviving a term employed in the War of 1812.

521 The following passage is taken from Parton’s Life of Andrew Jackson:

To the last day of his residence in the presidential mansion, General Jackson continued to receive proofs that he was still the idol of the people. The eloquence of the opposition had not availed to lessen his general popularity in the least degree. We read of one enthusiastic Jacksonian conveying to Washington, from New York, with banners and bands of music, a prodigious cheese as a present to the retiring chief. The cheese was four feet in diameter, two feet thick, and weighed fourteen hundred pounds — twice as large, said the Globe, as the great, cheese given to Mr. Jefferson on a similar occasion. The President, after giving away large masses of his cheese to his friends, found that he had stih more cheese than he could consume. At his last public reception he caused a piece of the cheese to be presented to all who chose to receive one, an operation that filled the White House with an odor that is pleasant only when there is not too much of it (iii. 626).

From the following contemporary account, taken from Niles’ Register of November 28, 1835 (xlix. 212–213), it appears that the cheese was sent during the closing months of Jackson’s presidency:

The Jackson cheese. Yesterday were exhibited in our village ten of the most splendid cheese ever manufactured in this state, or in the nation. Their aggregate weight was 8,150 lbs. highly ornamented with paintings upon the belts and coverings around them, interlarded with appropriate historical extracts and statistics of state and national character. The mammoth cheese, measuring three feet nine inches in diameter, two feet thick and weighing 1,400 pounds was superscribed to Andrew Jackson, president of the United States. It appears from an account in the Pulaski Banner, that there was a great display in transporting them from Sandusky Creek, where made, to Selkirk, where shipped on board the schooner North America for this place. We received the Banner too late for insertion, but it appears that about sixty gray horses were employed in the procession, guns were fired, &c. They will proceed upon the canal via Syracuse, Schenectady, Troy and Albany, thence to New York, at all of which places the citizens will have an opportunity of seeing them. [Oswego (N. Y.) Observer.

522 The Rev. Joseph Allen (H. C. 1811), the father of our late associate the Rev. Joseph Henry Allen.

523 Magnalia (1855), i. 342, 265.

524 Winthrop, History of New England (1853), i. 104.

525 Magnalia, i. 342.

526 See letter of Hooker to Winthrop, in Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, i. 1–18.

527 Hubbard, General History of New England, p. 173.

528 History of the First Church in Hartford, pp. 82–83.

529 The name of the Massachusetts town of Newtown was changed to Cambridge on May 2, 1638; that of the Connecticut town of Newtown was changed to Hartford in February, 1636–37. (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 228; Connecticut Colonial Records, i. 7; Publication of this Society, xii. 56, 58.)

530 Magnalia, i. 385.

531 Magnalia, i. 385. See also Winthrop, History of New England, i. 214–215; W. Newell, Discourses and Poems, pp. 37–74.

532 Newell, p. 77.

533 Walker, pp. 83–84; Paige, History of Cambridge, pp. 36–39.

534 Walker, pp. 410, 478.

535 Magnalia, i. 71.

536 Magnalia, i. 70.

537 First Church in Cambridge, p. 32.

538 The original is in the library of the New Hampshire Historical Society at Concord, New Hampshire. See p. 284 note 8, below.

539 Perhaps “25^th.”

540 The letters A–H to indicate the columns, and the numbers prefixed to the names, are not in the original but are inserted for convenience.

541 Perfectly distinct, and might be “Seinior.” William Slemmons came to Maine.

542 Perhaps “Roe.”

543 An asterisk indicates pale ink.

544 A 20 and 21 are not in the same hand.

545 A 35–45 are perhaps in the same hand.

546 Perhaps “Love.”

547 B 28 and 29 are in the same hand.

548 Perhaps “Jamson.”

549 Later at Londonderry, New Hampshire.

550 C 13 and 14 are in the same hand.

551 There is a blot here.

552 Of Garvagh, County Deny. Later at Merrymeeting Bay in Maine.

553 F 1 and 2 are in the same hand.

554 F 13–16 are in the same hand.

555 F 19 and 20 are in the same hand.

556 Of Ballymoney, Antrim.

557 F 25–27 are in the same hand.

558 Later at Rutland, Massachusetts

559 F 33–47 are probably in the same hand.

560 G 6–8 are in the same hand.

561 Of Macosquin, County Derry.

562 Perhaps “Tarbel.”

563 Perhaps “Tarbel.” G 27 and 28 are in the same hand.

564 A ruling elder in Macosquin.

565 G 32–38 are in the same hand.

566 Perhaps “Mattbey” or “MacCoy.”

567 Same signature as A 2.

568 Some of the names in the above list differ from those printed in my Scotch Irish Pioneers, pp. 325–330. A photograph of the petition was exhibited a year ago (see p. 145, above) but since then a new photograph has been taken, and a study of the photographic plate has rendered clearer some names that were before obscure. Permission was kindly given to remove the MS from its frame when the new photograph was taken.

569 In this list, surnames are printed as in the original petition; christian names are modernized.

570 Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, New Series, xx. 280–290.

571 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 76, 77.

572 Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, New Series, xx. 290.

573 xx. 270 et seq.

574 Suffolk Probate, ii. 146; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxx. 432.

575 Suffolk Probate, iv. 137; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, si. 344.

576 Suffolk Probate, ix. 175.

577 College Book, iii. 4. Cf. Quincy, History of Harvard University, i. 512.

578 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 212.

579 xiii. 36–43, for a sketch of his life.

580 xiii. 38.

581 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 10. The brackets appear in the original MS, and a few letters torn off are printed in italics.

582 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 247.

583 This map was bought by Mr. Farwell from a London firm in 1904. The map was originally published in 1720, but Mr. Farwell’s copy is of an impression not earlier than 1733. Its title reads as follows:

An actual Survey of the Sea Coast from New York to the I Cape Breton, with Tables of the direct and thwart Courses & Distances from Place to Place, by Capt. Cyprian Southack. Illustrated, with Particular Plans, of the Harbours of New York, Boston, Canso Bay & Annapolis Royal, on a larger Scale. As also, A New Chart of the Atlantic Ocean. Printed and Sold by w^m Herbert under the Piazzas on London Bridge & Robert Sayer facing Fetter Lane, Fleet Street.

584 On December 23, 1712, Nicho. Zinzan married “Edward Stables of Lincoln’s Inn and Susanna De Berdt of Wandsworth in Surrey” (Publications of the Harleian Society, Registers, xxxii. 53).

On April 29, 1729, took place the marriage of “John de Berdt of S^t Andrew, Holborn, Midx., B., and Jane Greer of S^t Gyles in the fields, Midx., S.” (Publications of the Harleian Society, Registers, xxxix. 363).

The Gentleman’s Magazine for August, 1731, records the death of “John de Berdt, of Battersea, Esq; Grandson to the late Sir John Fleet, and Son-in-Law to Edward Staples, Esq; Clerk to the H. of Commons “(i. 354). The will (Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Isham, 207) of John De Berdt of Battersea, County Surrey, dated August 5 and proved August 19, 1731, contains these items: “I bequeath all my freehold lands & tenements & all my copyhold & leasehold estates in Battersea, Wimbledon & Wandsworth, co. Surrey, to my wife Jane De Berdt & her heirs for ever. To my sister in law, M^rs Amy Greere, £20. A gold ring to each of my wife’s brothers & sisters. Residuary legatee & executrix, my said wife.”

The Gentleman’s Magazine for December, 1731, notes the death on the 12th of “Edward Stables, Esq; Clerk of the House of Commons, at Wandsworth” (i. 540). Unless there was a double marriage between the Stables and the De Berdt families, it would seem as if this John De Berdt must have been the brother-in-law, not the son-in-law, of Edward Stables.

585 In Austin Friars, London.

586 William B. Reed, Life of Esther De Berdt, afterwards Esther Reed, pp. 188–191. This book was privately printed in 1853.

587 William B. Reed, Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, i. 37 note. This work was published in 1847.

588 Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 62.

589 Massachusetts Papers, pp. 22–23. This volume, otherwise called Papers relating to Public Events in Massachusetts preceding the American Revolution, was printed for the Seventy-Six Society at Philadelphia in 1856. The documents printed in it originally belonged to the late Dr. Alfred Langdon Elwyn, but were by him given to the Massachusetts Historical Society on January 10, 1878. See p. 454 note 2, below.

590 The Curse of Cowardice: A Sermon preached To the Militia of Hanover County, in Virginia, at A General Muster, May 8, 1758. With a View to raise a Company for Captain Samuel Meredith.… London:… MDCCLVIII.

591 Brief Narrative of the Indian Charity-School, In Lebanon in Connecticut, in New-England, London, MDCCLXVI, p. 13.

592 Massachusetts Historical Society. The letter is printed in full, though not with verbal accuracy, in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 113–115. The following passage is from the Massachusetts House Journals of July 13, 1769:

Upon a Motion made, Ordered, That Mr. Hancock, Mr. Gardner of Cambridge, and Mr. Turner, be a Committee to count and sort the Votes of this House for an Agent of the Province.…

The House according to Order, proceeded to bring in their Votes for an Agent, and upon sorting and counting the Votes, it appeared that Dennts De Berdt, Esq; of London, was chosen, by a great Majority (p. 72).

See also House Journals, July 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 1769 (pp. 49, 52, 53, 56, 64, 67); 6 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 149–150, 160.

593 Belknap Papers, iii. 41. The reasons for De Berdt’s financial difficulties are given by Joseph Reed in a letter dated May 7, 1770 (Life of Esther De Berdt, pp. 146–148). In his Life of James Otis (1883), Tudor is severe on De Berdt: see pp. 283 note, 292, 309, 311, 323–325, 329–330. On the other hand, as the extracts quoted in the text show, De Berdt was uniformly spoken of with respect and even affection by his contemporaries on this side of the water. In a latter to Sayre dated November 23, 1770, Samuel Adams alluded to “our worthy Friend M^r De Berdt” (Writings, ii. 66).

594 London magazines; Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 144 note.

595 Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 53.

596 The elder De Berdt always spelled his christian name Dennys, while the younger De Berdt always spelled his christian name Dennis.

597 London Chronicle, April 17–19, 1770, xxvii. 374.

598 Boston Evening Post, June 4, 1770, p. 4/2.

599 Boston News-Letter, June 7, 1770, p. 2/2. De Berdt’s death is also mentioned, but without characterization, in the Boston Gazette, June 4, p. 1/2; Boston Post Boy, June 4, p. 4/2; Boston Chronicle, May 31–June 4, iii. 179/2.

600 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 99.

601 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 18.

602 House Journals, p. 81.

603 House Journals, p. 143.

604 For references to grants, and other allusions, to De Berdt, see Massachusetts House Journals, 1765, November 5, 6, 7, pp. 167, 173, 175, 176; 1766, February 12, 19, 20, pp. 268, 291, 297; 1766, May 29, June 13, 19, 20, 28, November 7, 12, December 3, 4, 6, 9, pp. 9, 81, 104, 106, 138, 180, 190, 191, 205, 206, 213, 219; 1767, February 7, March 3, 16, 17, 19, pp. 259, 350, 393–404, 409, 412; 1767, May 29, June 9, 11, 17, December 30, pp. 10, 33, 34, 40, 60–61, 88; 1768, January 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 16, 26, February 1, 12, 20, pp. 102, 104, 107, 108, 109, 116, 135, 142, 143, 161, 183, 184, App. pp. 22, 25–34; 1768, June 18, 30, pp. 64, 96, App. p. 4; 1769, June 1, July 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 15, pp. 10, 49, 52, 53, 56, 64, 67, 72, 73, 83; 1770, March 16, 29, April 9, 21, 26, pp. 92, 114, 141, 176, 189, 191, 192.

For grants to De Berdt or his heirs, see Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 467? 504, 566–567, 568–569, 570, 572–579, 589, 590, 592, 597, 636, 637, 638, 639–640; 1. 320.

The account rendered by Dennis De Berdt on February 1, 1771 (xxii. 572–579), contains many interesting items throwing light on the duties and expenses of an agent, such as: “Coach hire £30.0.0;” “a Pair of Horses £105.0.0;” “To a Servants Wages Livery & Board £25.0.0;” “To the Annual Excise Tax on the Coach Wheels £4.0.0;” “Tavern & Coffee House Expences;” “To a General Retaining fee to the Clerk of the house of Commons to be immediately informed when any Affairs of Importance came before the House respecting America £10.0.0;” “To republishing 500 Appeals to the World £7.4.0;” “Publishing 500 Extracts of a Letter & Remarks £3.8.6;” “To Serj^t Glynn’s General retaining ffee £2.2.6;” “To Printing 500 Junius Americanus £16.10.6.”

This account, caught the eye of Governor Gage, and some of the items were transmitted in his letter of June 26, 1774, “because they appeared to him extraordinary” (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 717). The third pamphlet was Arthur Lee’s “The Political Detection; or, the Treachery and Tyranny of Administration, both at Home and Abroad; displayed in a Series of Letters, signed Junius Americanus. London: … M DCC LXX.”

605 Massachusetts Archives, clxxi. 170. The letter is addressed “To The Honourable James Bowdoin Esquire President of y^e Councell Boston;” and is endorsed, “Letter from Rich^d Cary Esq^r Presenting a Picture of Dennis De Berdt Esq^r & Vote of Council. June 7^th 1780.” The “Vote of Council” is of course merely a copy of that given in the text, and is signed “Attest John Avery D Sec.”

606 Council Records, xxv. 175. See also Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, i. 38 note.

607 Richard Cary was an intimate friend of the De Berdts. On November 2, 1774, Mrs. Joseph Reed wrote from Philadelphia to her brother Dennis De Berdt:

The Congress brought some private pleasure as well as public advantage. It gave us the opportunity of seeing some of our old correspondents, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Adams, etc., with whom we spent some cheerful hours, but especially our very worthy friend Mr. Cary, who has just left us, after spending near a month with us, and giving us much pleasure with his company. He is a most cheerful, worthy old gentleman, and from his former friendship with our dear father, and regard for us and you, I never entertained any person more affectionately or with greater pleasure. We were all low-spirited when he went away.… He gave us a kind invitation to his house, which we intend to accept about this time next year, if no accident prevents, and if things take a favorable turn, I think you must come and go with us (Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 204).

Richard Cary died on February 7, 1790. Of the two following notices, the first is taken from the Massachusetts Centinel of Wednesday, February 10, 1790 (p. 3/1), and the second from the same paper of February 17 (p. 3/1):

DIED] — Suddenly, at Charlestown, Sunday morning, Richard Cary, Esq. aged 73, greatly esteemed and lamented. His funeral will be from his late Dwelling House, this afternoon at half past 3 o’clock which his relations and friends are requested to attend from this invitation.

On Wednesday, the 10th inst. the remains of Richard Cary, Esq. of Charlestown, were committed to the grave with every mark of respect due to so excellent a character. Mr. Cary was an ornament and blessing to society. His temper was gentle, pacifick and benevolent; his deportment polite and engaging; his friendships were sincere and affectionate; his piety ardent and exemplary; his charity warm and extensive. He was a true friend to religion, and zealously engaged in every practicable design of promoting the cause of Christianity. His virtues and accomplishments gained him the love of a numerous acquaintance: He maintained a large correspondence, and was highly respected at home and abroad. Strangers were always happy in his company. He was affable, condescending and obliging to all; and was never more in his element than when doing good. His death was sudden; but he died as he had lived, and as every good man would wish to die, bearing testimony with his last breath to the religion of the gospel, and supported by the hope of a blessed immortality.

608 Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, ii. 258; Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 292.

609 W. B. Reed states that he “died at an advanced age in or about the year 1820” (Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 35 note). His death is recorded in the Morning Chronicle, London, of April 1, 1817: “On the 31st ult. Suddenly, by the rupture of a blood vessel, Dennis De Berdt, Esq. of Clapton, Middlesex” (p. 3/5). The death of a “Mrs. De Berdt, of Totenham,” is noted in the Gentleman’s Magazine for March, 1803, lxxiii. 283.

The will (Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Jenner, 284) of Dennys De Berdt of St. Luke’s, Middlesex, merchant, dated August 11, 1769, and proved August 6, 1770, contains the following items: “I desire that not more than £20 be paid on my funeral. I hereby confirm the gift of a house at St. John’s Row, Exeter, to my cousin Francis Bedwell, of the said city, to him & his heirs for ever. I bequeath to the widow of the late M^r Thomas Zouch, of the Bank of England, or if she be dead to be equally divided among their children, £100. To my late partners, Wright Burkitt & Stephen Sayre, £20 each. To my son Dennis & my daughter Esther, £1000 each. To my wife Martha De Berdt, £2000. To my executor, Thomas Uffington, £50. Residuary legatee, my wife Martha. Executors, my said wife, M^r Thomas Uffington & my son, Dennis De Berdt.” The name of Wright Burkitt, broker, appears in a list of bankrupts printed in the Gentleman’s Magazine for April, 1773 (xliii. 104).

The will (Prerogative Court of Canterbury, Effingham, 237) of Dennis De Berdt of Freeman’s Court, Cornhill, and Clapton, parish of St. John, Hackney, Middlesex, dated March 20, 1811, and proved May 3, 1817, contains the following items: “Residuary legatees, my son Dennis De Berdt & my daughter, Mary Hovell. I desire to be buried in Bunhill Fields. Executors, James Comerford & my son-in-law, Thomas Hovell. Codicil dated December 6, 1811, that having given large sums of money to his son, the same are to be counted as part of his legacy.”

610 On May 11, 1769, William Franklin wrote to his father:

Mr. Morgan, our Secretary, is in Canada.… Mr. Reed, our Dep’y Sec’y, has, I understand, let his house in Trenton, and intends soon for England, to marry De Berdt’s Daughter. He has not, however, mentioned his intention to me, and perhaps will not think it necessary (New Jersey Archives, x. 114).

On January 5, 1776, Governor Franklin wrote to Lord Dartmouth:

But I am told that they have obtained a Copy of the whole of that Letter, though only a part was laid before Parliament. By what means this has been done I cannot learn, but I find it is suspected that it was obtained by some management of M^r De Berdt, and that this has been one Reason for the Assembly appointing him their Agent (New Jersey Archives, x. 681).

To this passage is appended this note: “Dennis De Berdt, father-in-law of Joseph Reed. He was appointed November 24, 1775. — Minutes of Provincial Congress, etc., 1775–6, 295.” The person alluded to in the first of these extracts was of course the elder De Berdt, while the person mentioned in the second was the younger De Berdt.

611 From a letter written by Esther De Berdt (Life, p. 49) on March 16, 1765, it appears that her parents were married about 1745. Mrs. De Berdt lived with her son-in-law Joseph Reed until 1783, when she returned to England. The date of her death is unknown.

612 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 107.

613 Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 210.

614 Exactly how many have previously been printed it would be impossible to say without an exhaustive search in the contemporary Boston newspapers. Some were there printed with De Berdt’s name attached, others were there printed but without naming De Berdt as the writer.

615 Many letters written to De Berdt will be found in Massachusetts Papers, in Bradford’s Massachusetts State Papers, and in 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 347–366.

616 Many letters written to De Berdt will be found in Massachusetts Papers, in Bradford’s Massachusetts State Papers, and in 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 347–366.

Attention may not inappropriately be called to Edwin P. Tanner’s paper on “Colonial Agencies in England during the Eighteenth Century” (Political Science Quarterly for March, 1901, xvi. 24–49).

617 Samuel White (1700–1769), Speaker of the Massachusetts House.

618 Richard Jackson.

619 A copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives contains the following sentence, not in the Letter Book: “I write this as a Committee man as well as as Agent as I would omitt nothing that would ease the minds of the province being ambitious in every Capacity of shewing you how much I am Yrs &c” (lvi. 467).

620 Capt. Thomas Dixey.

621 The Stamp Act Congress.

622 John Smith, a Boston merchant, often mentioned.

623 A copy of this letter is in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 468–169.

624 Arthur Onslow (1691–1768).

625 George Wyllys (1710–1796), long Secretary of Connecticut.

626 George Cooke: cf. p. 335, below.

627 Capt. Robert Calef.

628 Richard Jackson. See Massachusetts House Journals, December 8, 1766, February 5, 1767, pp. 216–217, 250.

629 A letter dated February 28, 1766, about the Declaratory Act, signed by De Berdt and twenty-eight others, is in 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xi. 446–448. For allusions to De Berdt, see Massachusetts Historical Collections, First Series, ii. 44; Fifth Series, ix. 214; Sixth Series, ix. 150, 160, 165, 269; New Jersey Archives, xxv. 40.

630 Capt. Howard Jacobson.

631 William Smith (1697–1769) graduated at Yale College in 1719. He married (1) Mary Het, who died in 1754; and (2) Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Scott of England and widow of Col. Elisha Williams (H. C. 1711), fourth Rector of Yale College. The second William Smith (1728–1793) graduated at Yale in 1745 and wrote the well-known History of New York.

632 This is apparently an allusion to the case of Waddel Cunningham, about which there is much in the Colden Papers.

633 Stephen Sayre, who graduated at the College of New Jersey in the same class with Joseph Reed (1757), became De Berdt’s partner, and to him Reed attributed the financial disasters that overtook De Berdt at the close of his life. Sayre was elected a sheriff of London in 1773 — not, as usually stated, in 1774 — and, after a varied and picturesque career, died in Virginia in 1818.

634 See p. 324 note 1, below.

635 See p. 324 note 1, below.

636 Probably Capt. Barnabas Binney.

637 Probably Charles Townshend.

638 Esther De Berdt, who married Joseph Reed.

639 On January 19, 1765, John Sargent was returned to Parliament from West Looe (alias Portpigham) Borough, Cornwall, vice Francis Butler, deceased. In June, 1766, the New York Assembly resolved to make provision for an equestrian statue of George III, a statue of Pitt, and a piece of plate for Sargent; but it was not until February 6, 1768, that the money was actually voted — £1000, £500, and £100, respectively. (Colonial Laws of New York, iv. 1002–1003; Journal of the Legislative Council of New York, h. 1653.)

640 Probably George Grenville.

641 Perhaps “Shelly.”

642 Joseph Reed (1741–1785).

643 Dennis De Berdt.

644 William Brattle (1706–1776).

645 Doubtless “A Thanksgiving Sermon on the total Repeal of the Stamp-Act. Preached in Cambridge, New England, May 20th, … By Nathaniel Appleton, M.A., Pastor of the First Church in sajd Town. Published by the Desire of the Audience, and at the Expence of the Honorable Brigadier General Brattle.… Boston: … 1766.”

646 In the Diary of Dr. Nathaniel Ames is the following entry under date of November 20, 1765: “Scholars punished at College for acting over the great and last day in a very shocking manner, personating the Jude etertat Devil, &c.” (Dedham Historical Register, ii. 27).

647 Thomas Cushing (1725–1788) was chosen Speaker of the House on June 28, 1766, after James Otis had been disapproved by Governor Bernard.

648 See p. 301, above.

649 Probably Capt. Robert Young.

650 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, Ivi. 487. It was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 10, 1766, p. 1/2; in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 101; and in the Massachusetts Province Laws, iv. 936. The following is taken from the Massachusetts House Journals of November 7, 1766:

Bill read.

A Bill intitled, An Act for granting Compensation to the Sufferers, and of free and general Pardon, Indemnity and Oblivion to the Offenders in the late Times, was considered and Debated according to Order: And it was moved that a Clause be inserted therein to oblige every Town for the future, where any Riots shall happen and Damage ensue, to make Compensation for the same: And the Question being put, it pass’d in the Negative, 27 Yeas, 45 Nays.

Printers directed.

Ordered, That the Printers be directed to publish a sufficient number of copies of this Bill; and also Mr. Agent De Berdt’s two Letters of 6th of August, and 19th of September, and deliver the same to the Members for the Consideration of their several Towns (p. 182).

There is in the Boston Public Library (H. 90a. 88) a four-page leaflet which begins as follows:

The following Bill now pending in the House of Representatives, is published by their Order for the Consideration of the several Towns in this Province.

A Bill intituled, An Act for granting Compensation to the Sufferers, and of free and general Pardon, Indemnity and Oblivion to the Offenders in the late times.

Then follow the Act, an extract from Secretary Conway’s letter of August 31, 1766, and De Berdt’s letters of August 6 and September 19. The Act was passed December 6, 1766 (Massachusetts Province Laws, iv. 903–904), but was disallowed by the Privy Council May 13, 1767.

651 “A Faithfull Narrative of the Remarkable Revival of Religion, in the Congregation of East-Hampton, on Long-Island, In the Year of our Lord 1764. With Some Reflections. By Samuel Buell, A.M. Minister of the Gospel there. New-York: … 1766.”

The dedication is dated September 25, 1765; and the Narrative concludes (p. 87) as follows:

Some late Accounts from the Rev. Mr. Wheelock, of Lebanon, together with the prevailing and excellent Disposition of many Persons both in Europe and America generously to contribute towards the Support of the collegiate School, more immediately under his indefatigable Care, gives ground to hope for the Propagation of the Gospel among the original Natives of America: Whereby the Kingdom of our inthroned Saviour will have the greater Extension, and the brighter Resplendency on Earth. Amen! Even so come Lord Jesus; Come quickly!

On the verso of the half-title of the copy of this pamphlet in the Harvard College Library is written in ink “For M^r John Bailey from Samson Occom.” In 1761 Mr. Buell published at New York “The Excellence and Importance of the saving Knowledge of the Lord Jesus Christ in the Gospel-Preacher, plainly and seriously represented and enforced: And Christ preached to the Gentiles in Obedience to the Call of God. A Sermon, Preached at East-Hampton, August 29, 1759; at the Ordination of Mr. Samson Occum, A Missionary among the Indians.” See pp. 426, 444, below.

The Boston Gazette of December 23, 1765 (p. 3/1), states that Occom and the Rev. Nathaniel Whitaker sailed that morning for England. Landing at Brixham, Devonshire, on February 3, 1766, the two rode on horseback to Exeter, thence in a coach to Salisbury, and reached London on the 6th. There they were “hospitably entertained at the house of Mr. De Berdt,” and the next day were conducted by John Smith to the house of Whitefield.

652 The Rev. Dr. Samuel Chandler (1693–1766). In the Dartmouth Manuscripts is a memorial and petition, dated March 18, 1766, from the Presbyterian Church in New York to the Moderator and Members of the Assembly of the Church of Scotland, “soliciting the help of the venerable Assembly in obtaining a charter of incorporation for them. They have also applied to Mr. Dennis Debert and Doctor Samuel Chandler to make and solicit their application for the royal order “(Historical Manuscripts Commission, 14th Report, app. part x. p. 38).

653 The Rev. Samuel Finley (1715–1766), President of the College of New Jersey.

654 George Onslow (1731–1814), afterwards first Earl of Onslow.

655 Probably Thomas Townshend (1733–1800), afterwards first Viscount Sydney; but possibly Thomas Townshend (1701–1780), son of Charles Townshend (1674–1738), second Viscount Townshend.

656 Charles Townshend (1725–1767), son of Charles Townshend (1700–1764), third Viscount Townshend.

657 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 507.

658 See Massachusetts House Journals, June 20, October 30, November 13, 1766, pp. 108–109, 150, 202.

659 Probably Capt. John Blake.

660 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii, 496.

661 Capt. James Bruce.

662 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 515–516. It was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 10, 1766, p. ½; in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 102; and (in part) in the Massachusetts Province Laws, iv. 936. See also p. 322 note 2, above.

663 Cæsar Rodney (1728–1784), Thomas McKean (1734–1817), and George Read (1733–1798).

664 See pp. 300–301, above.

665 This letter is concluded on a page torn out. It is quoted in J. T. Scharf’a History of Delaware, i. 144, 185.

666 Edward Sheafe represented Charlestown in the General Court during 1764–1770. He was chosen Commissary General April 26, 1770 (Massachusetts House Journals, p. 189). The Boston Gazette of May 17, 1771, contained this notice: “This Morning died at Charlestown, Edward Sheaff, Esq; Commissary-General” (P. 2/3).

667 Samuel Dexter (1726–1810). He represented Dedham in the General Court. Cf. p. 296, above.

668 Doubtless Charles Townshend, who died September 4, 1767.

669 Doubtless the Rev. David Sherman Rowland’s Divine Providence Illustrated and Improved, a sermon preached in Providence, Rhode Island, on June 4, 1766, on the repeal of the Stamp Act.

670 De Berdt’s memorial to Shelburne is printed below, pp. 448–450.

671 Sir John Cust (1718–1770) was Speaker of the House of Commons, but doubtless De Berdt refers to the Speaker of the Massachusetts House — Cushing.

672 Capt. James Scott, commander of the brig Lydia. He afterwards married the widow of John Hancock.

See p. 338 note, below.

673 See De Berdt’s letter to S. White of February 15, 1766, p. 312, above.

674 See Massachusetts House Journals, December 9, 1766, p. 219.

675 John Dickinson’s Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies.

676 See p. 304 note 2, above.

677 George Cooke, Member of Parliament for Middlesex, died in June, 1768.

678 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 524–526. It is printed in Massachusetts State Papers, pp. 160–161.

679 Edward Church: see Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 213.

680 Probably Capt. Benjamin White.

681 A copy of this letter is in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 527–529. It is printed, but dated August 29, 1768, and lacking the final paragraph, in Massachusetts State Papers, pp. 160–161. So many petitions to the King were adopted that it is not always easy to distinguish between them. One was voted January 20, 1768 (Massachusetts House Journals, pp. 122, 124, app. pp. 1–3); another was voted June 30, 1768 (Massachusetts House Journals, pp. 95–96). That of January 20 caused De Berdt much trouble, and perhaps accounts for some of the dissatisfaction already noted (pp. 298–299, above). In the Massachusetts Gazette of November 3, 1768 (p. 1/2), it is stated that the “Transactions of the Colonies having peculiarly attracted the Attention of the Public in England: the public Papers in London of the latter End of August are taken up with Accounts” of various matters. After mentioning some of these, the writer goes on to say:

As [misprint for At] the End of these Publications is inserted the following Advertisement, which we shall print Word for Word as it is in the Gazeteer, of August 26, 1768.

WHEREAS it has been publicly reported that the Earl of Hillsborough has neglected to deliver a petition from the Assembly of the Massachusetts-Bay to his Majesty, at a time when his Lordship had not even seen the said petition, I think it my duty to inform the public that such insinuations are entirely groundless. My reasons for any delay and proceedings therewith, I have duly given the Assembly in my letters to them of the 12th and 18th of March, and 27th of June.

DENNYS DE BERDT.

De Berdt’s advertisement was also printed in the Boston Post Boy, November 7, p. 2/1; Boston Evening Post, November 7, p. 2/2; Boston News Letter, November 10, p. 2/2; Boston Gazette, November 14, p. 2/2; Boston Chronicle, November 7–14, i. 435/3. See also Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, iii. 209 note; American Gazette, p. 289; Boston Gazette, November 21, 1768, p. 3/1.

The Boston Evening Post of November 21, 1768 (p. 4/2), contains a letter signed “The Public,” addressed “To Mr. dennys de Berdt, Agent for the General Assembly of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay,” copied from the Public Advertiser of August 31st. This letter was written by Franklin: see Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, iii. 474, where the letter, being without date, is conjecturally assigned to “1770. September?” See also pp. 330, 331, 332, above.

682 This was dated February 11, 1768.

683 That is, the mother country and her colonies.

684 They arrived September 28.

685 Perhaps “lenity.”

686 Probably Capt. Alexander Watt.

687 The circular letter of February 11, 1768: see Publications of this Society, viii. 95 note 1.

688 Probably the copyist’s mistake for “Nov.” There is a copy of this letter, but dated November 16, 1768, in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 546–549.

689 Harrison Gray, Treasurer of the Province.

690 The convention was held September 22–29. For the petition to the King and Richard Jackson’s opinion on it, see Massachusetts Papers, pp. 108–113.

691 De Berdt and Sayre.

692 George Hayley, at one time alderman of London, died in 1781. He married Mary Storke, widow of Samuel Storke and sister of John Wilkes. Mrs. Hayley came to Boston in 1784 and here married Patrick Jeffrey in 1786.

693 This letter was printed in part in the supplement to the Boston Gazette of January 23, 1769, p. 1/2.

694 In a letter to Sayre dated February 20, 1769, Cushing says: “Mr. De Berdt writes the 19th Nov. that his Lordship informed him that he had seen this Petition in Print before he offered it. Hi a Lordship must be under a mistake if he means that he saw it in any of our public Prints because I am sure it never has been printed on this side the Water, what ever it may have been on your side” (Massachusetts Papers, p. 119). An examination of Boston papers confirms Cushing’s statement.

695 A copy of this letter is in the Massachusetts Archives, xx. 530–533.

696 “A Letter from a Gentleman in Boston,” dated August 18, 1768, encloses “one of the Commissioners Commissions,” and mentions the receipt of a copy of Sayre’s “Englishman deceived.” See the American Gazette, p. 127, where also are printed (pp. 112–120) the Commissioners’ instructions.

697 This is not an autograph signature.

698 The deposition, dated June 11, 1768, of “Benjn. Hallowell the younger, Comptroller of his Majesty’s Customs at Boston,” is printed in Massachusetts Papers, p. 74. Hancock’s sloop Liberty was seized June 10, 1768.

699 These affidavits, dated June 16 and 17, 1768, are printed in the American Gazette, pp. 101–112. Cf. Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xvi. 255, 257.

700 William Dowdeswell (1721–1775), Chancellor of the Exchequer.

701 See p. 352 note, below.

702 John Pownall.

703 Lord Shelburne. See p. 353, below.

704 On October 31, 1768, certain persons entered a complaint with the selectmen against Capt. John Wilson of the 59th Regiment “for practising on their Negro Servants to induce them immediately to enter into a dangerous conspericy against their Masters, promissing them their freedom as a reward — whereupon M^r. Justice Ruddock was desired by the Selectmen to take the several Affidavits relative to the above mentioned complaint” (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xx. 313, 314). An account of the affair was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 7, 1768, p. 3/2.

705 This is printed in the American Gazette, pp. 218–225.

706 The Boston Chronicle of November 7–14, 1768, contains this notice: “Philadelphia, Nov. 3. We are informed that the assembly of the three Lower counties of this province, have appointed Dennys de Berdt, Esq; their agent, in England, and have harmonized with their sister colonics, in petitioning the King, Lord and Commons for redress of the grievious burdens laid on America” (i. 434/1).

707 This petition is printed in the American Gazette, pp. 240–243. De Berdt’s letters to the Delaware Committee are of particular value, as so little has been preserved relating to the history of Delaware at that period.

708 Probably David Barclay.

709 This letter was printed in part in the Boston Gazette of April 10, 1769, p. 3/1, but dated February 5th.

710 It is impossible to identify this pamphlet, but possibly it was Sayre’s “Englishman deceived.”

711 Capt. Nathaniel Byfield Lyde.

712 Charles Pratt (1714–1794), first Baron Camden and first Earl Camden.

713 Sir George Savile (1726–1784).

714 Isaac Barré (1726–1802).

715 Probably Frederick Montagu (1733–1800).

716 The instructions are printed in the Gentleman’s Magazine for February, 1769, xxxix. 73–75, 107. One of the Members of Parliament for London was Barlow Trecothick: cf. Notes and Queries, Eleventh Series, iii. 11, 330.

717 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 555–556. It is printed, but with some omissions, in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 194

718 William Wildman Barrington (1717–1793), second Viscount Barrington.

719 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 534–535.

720 The convention held in Boston in September, 1708: see p. 342, above.

721 Phineas Lyman (1716–1774).

722 Perhaps “story.”

723 There is a copy of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives, xx. 536–538, but dated March 13, 1769.

724 See p. 338 note, above.

725 Privy Council.

726 The Paoli was commanded by Capt. James Hall.

727 For the Selectmen’s address of February 16th, and the Governor’s reply of the 18th, see Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiii. 6–7.

728 Bernard was not knighted, but was made a baronet on April 5, 1769.

729 The letter ends here. It was printed in part in the Boston Gazette of July 31, 1769, p. 1/1.

730 See the Gentleman’s Magazine, xxxix. 289–291.

731 The Boston Evening Post of June 11, 1770, contained this notice: “The Rev. Mr. Moore, Minister at Halifax, now in England, solliciting Charity for the Support of Dissenting Ministers in that Province, has had the Honor of Doctor of Divinity conferred on him by the University of King’s College, Aberdeen” (p. 3/2). The degree was conferred on “Mr. Gulielmus Moore,” “Minister of Halifax, Nova Scotia,” on March 2, 1770 (P. J. Anderson, Officers and Graduates of University & King’s College, Aberdeen, 1893, p. 102).

732 The Rev. Eleazar Wheelock (1711–1779), whose Indian Charity School at Lebanon, Connecticut, developed into Dartmouth College.

733 Charles Garth, Member of Parliament for Devizes Borough, Wiltshire, and agent for South Carolina.

734 The rest of this letter is crossed out.

735 William Bollan

736 Perhaps Col. Jonathan Hoar (1720–1771). The Boston Gazette of May 27, 1771, contained this notice: “We hear that Col. Jonathan Hoar, who was employed in the Service of this Province during the last War, and some Time since went from this Place to London, lately died on his Passage thence to Newfoundland” (p. 4/1).

737 Col. William Dalrymple and Lieut. Alexander Ross, both of the 14th Regiment.

738 See p. 344 note, above.

739 See Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 84 note.

740 John Glynn (1722–1779).

741 Perhaps “Rily.”

742 Printed in Massachusetts Papers, p. 126.

743 Printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 126–127.

744 This is not an autograph signature. The petition is printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 127–128.

745 Probably Capt. Isaac Cazneau.

746 John Robinson’s assault on Otis occurred September 5, 1769.

747 James Murray (1712–1794).

748 Joseph Reed was in Boston in the summer of 1769. A letter of his, dated August 7, 1769, is in W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 137.

749 On October 23, 1769, a committee wrote De Berdt that “in pursuance of the directions of the Town of Boston we have the honor to transmit you a Pamphlet containing some observations upon divers letters and memorials wrote by Governor Bernard and others wherein the Town has been injuriously aspersed and its inhabitants grossly misrepresented” (Massachusetts Papers, pp. 124–125). The pamphlet was the Appeal to the World, written by Samuel Adams. It was advertised as “Just Published, and to be Sold by Edes and Gill, in Queen-Street” in the Boston Gazette of October 30, 1768, p. 1/1, and was reprinted in London in 1770. Cf. p. 302 note 2, above.

750 An error for 1770.

751 See p. 302 note 2, p. 389 note, above.

752 Junius’s letter dated December 19, 1769, contained the celebrated address to the King.

753 “Extract of a Letter from the House of Representatives of the Massachusets-Bay, to their Agent Dennys De Berdt, Esq; with some Remarks. London:… M DCC LXX.” The “Remarks” are printed below, pp. 455–461.

754 The firm of Lane, Son, & Fraser is mentioned in Historical Manuscripts Commissions, 14th Report, app. pt. x. pp. 295, 304.

755 Norborne Berkeley (1717–1770), fourth Baron Botetourt.

756 For “a Copy of Minutes taken by a Gentleman who was present at a late Hearing before a C—ttee of C—1,” see the supplement to the Boston Gazette of May 21, 1770, p. 2.

757 Dr. Benjamin Avery (d. 1764), of London.

758 See pp. 296–297, above.

759 See p. 425, below.

760 Dartmouth College MSS. For copies of the letters obtained from this source, I am indebted to the officials of the Dartmouth College Library, more particularly Mr. Harold Goddard Rugg. For further information about De Berdt and Dartmouth College, see F. Chase, History of Dartmouth College and the Town of Hanover; B. P. Smith, History of Dartmouth College; D. M’Clure and E. Parish, Memoirs of the Rev. Eleazar Wheelock; W. DeL. Love, Samson Occom.

761 Absalom Peters.

762 The Rev. John Brainerd of Bethel, New Jersey.

763 See pp. 296–298, above. In a letter to De Berdt dated December 17, 1759, Wheelock said: “Sir, I heartily thank you for the service you did the public, in publishing President Davis’ serious, seasonable, and animating sermon to the soldiery, &c.” (Memoirs, p. 222).

764 In an undated letter to De Berdt, Wheelock, referring to De Berdt’s letter to him of February 25, 1757, said: “I took the freedom to read your former letter to my congregation, and if I shall think this, or any other I may receive from you, may be for their edification; I trust you will account that a sufficient excuse” (Memoirs, p. 217).

765 Dartmouth College MSS.

766 The Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy (1704–1784) was a brother-in-law of Wheelock, having married the latter’s sister Abigail.

767 Ferdinand (1721–1792), Prince of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, won the battle of Minden August 1, 1759.

768 Louis Georges Erasme (1704–1795), Due de Contades; and Victor Francois (1718–1804), Due de Broglie.

769 Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet (1684–1761), Due de Belleisle.

770 Dartmouth College mss.

771 The Bedford was commanded by Capt. Thorpe Fowke (W. L. Clowes, The Royal Navy, 1898, iii. 206 note). Whether De Berdt married a sister of Capt. Fowke, or Capt. Fowke married a sister of De Berdt, it has been impossible to determine. For a notice of Capt. Fowke, who died in 1784 (Gentleman’s Magazine, liv. 238), see J. Charnock, Biographia Navalis (1797), v. 173–175.

772 François Thurot (1727–1760), a famous privateer.

773 The fire occurred March 20, 1760: see Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxix, 1–132.

774 Dartmouth College MSS.

775 Dartmouth College MSS.

776 See p. 461 note, below.

777 Thomas Hollis (1720–1774), the second Harvard College benefactor of that name.

778 Dartmouth College MSS.

779 The Rev. David Bostwick (1721–1763). The societies referred to are the Society in Scotland for Promoting Christian Knowledge; and the Company for Propagation of the Gospel in New England (London).

780 Dartmouth College MSS.

781 Elisha Gunn, an interpreter.

782 Samuel Ashpo, an Indian: see Chase, History of Dartmouth College, i. 41.

783 Martinique was taken by the British in February, 1762.

784 See p. 437 note, below.

785 Dartmouth College MSS. The MS is torn in places.

786 Dartmouth College MSS.

787 The Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton (H. C. 1721). See Chase, History of Dartmouth College, i. 30.

788 Charles de Rohan (1715–1787), Prince de Soubise, and Louis Charles César Le Tellier (1697–1774), Due d’Estrées.

789 Havana was taken by the British in August, 1762.

790 It would be of interest to identify this pamphlet and its author, but unfortunately the data are insufficient. The death on May 31, 1762, of the “Rev. Mr. Barker, an eminent dissenting minister,” is recorded in the London Magazine for June (xxxi. 341), and perhaps this was De Berdt’s “venerable pastor.” If so, it was the Rev. John Barker (1682–1762), of whom there is a notice in the Dictionary of National Biography. The Rev. George Benson, “an eminent and learned dissenting minister” (London Magazine, xxxi. 229), died in April of the same year, but as he was born in 1699 he was scarcely old enough to have been called “venerable.”

791 Doubtless an error for Whitefield, who was then in Holland (L. Tyerman, Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, ii. 453).

792 Dartmouth College MSS.

793 “Muir’s” is doubtless a mistake for “Buell’s.” See p. 323 note 1, above.

794 Dartmouth College MSS.

795 Dartmouth College MSS. The following letter is obtained from the same source:

Boston Sept. 6th: 1764

Rev’d & Dear Sir

My present indisposition would forbid my writing at this time; But as I just received from Mr. De Berdt a letter with the following words I forward them & am most respectfully

Your obedient hum. Serv.

John Smith.

“Mr. Wheelock’s Institution is certainly good & promises singular advantages

“to the Interest of Christ in your western world. Tho’ we learn by the last

“packett The Indians are still making depradations on the southern colonies.

[Addressed]

The Rev’d Eleazer Wheelock

Lebanon

Connecticut.

[Endorsed]

Letter from Mr.

John Smith

Boston Dec. 2. 1764

796 Doubtless John Smith.

797 Wheelock’s Memoirs, p. 263.

798 Dartmouth MSS. This letter is not dated, but it must have been written before the letter which next follows: see p. 432, below.

The ten letters in this correspondence drawn from the Dartmouth MSS are calendared in the Historical Manuscripts Commission, 14th Report, app. part x. pp. 16, 19, 25, 29, 34, 48, 58. I am indebted to the present Earl of Dartmouth for his courtesy in sending those ten letters to the Public Record Office for the purpose of being copied.

799 Rockingham’s ministry was formed in July, 1765, and Dartmouth was appointed July 19.

800 William Pitt.

801 See p. 429, above.

802 Dartmouth MSS. This letter was printed in the Boston Gazette of November 18, 1765, supplement, p, 1/1, preceded by the following:

Messieurs Edes & Gill,

The following Letter lately wrote by an eminent Merchant in London, to a noble Lord in the present Ministry, relative to the distressing Situation of the Colonies,

I doubt not will be highly agreeable to the Publick.

803 The Rev. George Whitefield.

804 Dartmouth MSS.

805 Dieskau was defeated and captured by Johnson at Lake George on September 8, 1755.

806 An allusion to the Family Compact, a treaty made in 1761 between the Bourbon dynasties of France, Spain, and the Two Sicilies, especially against England and Austria.

807 Dartmouth MSS. This letter was printed in S. Sayre’s “The Englishman deceived; a Political Piece: wherein Some very important Secrets of State are briefly recited, And offered to the Consideration of the Publick.… London, Printed, 1768. Salem: Re-printed … 1768,” pp. 24–30. Sayre does not give the name of the person to whom it was written and wrongly dates it “November, 1765.” Sayre also printed in the same pamphlet De Berdt’s memorial to Lord Shelburne (see pp. 448–450, below), and introduced the letters with this sentence: “The following Letters, presented not long since to a noble Lord, by an old, firm, steady friend to the constitution, whose abilities enabled him to make the clearest observations, upon many years great, experience will confirm this opinion” (p. 24), The pamphlet was published anonymously, but that it was writ ten by Sayre is proved by a letter from Esther De Herdt to Joseph Reed dated May 20, 1768:

Sayre … has been very busy in writing his political piece, and is so now in sending them to the most considerable of the nobility and House of Commons, by the desire of his patron, General Oglethorpe, who has a very high opinion of Sayre’s understanding and genius. I am so really his friend that I begin to fear the effect this applause may have on his mind, but perhaps the Critical Reviewers will prevent the bad consequence, as they ever oppose books on that side of the question. I fancy the author will be guessed by those two letters of my dear father (Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 129).

The Boston Gazette of August 8, 1768, contained an “Extract from a Pamphlet lately printed in LONDON, intituled, the Englishman deceived” (p. 1/1).

The letter in the text was also printed in the Boston Gazette of December 30, 1765, where it fills the entire first page of the supplement, preceded by the following:

Messieurs Edes & Gill,

AS you inserted in your Gazette of Nov. 18, a Letter wrote by an eminent Merchant in London, to a noble Lord in the present Ministry; your publishing the following Second Letter, relative to the distressed Situation of the Colonies, I doubt not will be as highly agreable to the Public.

808 Dartmouth MSS.

809 In 1748.

810 Dartmouth MSS. Apparently written late in 1765.

811 The “Inclosed Letter,” signed by James Otis, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, and Thomas Gray, dated December 20, 1765, is printed in Writings of Samuel Adams, i. 61–71, and also in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 6–13. The “Extract” is from a letter dated Charlestown, December 21, 1765.

812 Dartmouth MSS.

813 Oliver Partridge, a member of the Stamp Act Congress from Massachusetts.

814 W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, pp. 77–79.

815 See p. 323, above.

816 See p. 322, above.

817 Dartmouth MSS.

818 Dartmouth’s letter of August 13, 1766, is printed in W. B. Reed’s Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, i. 46–47.

819 Massachusetts. On June 20, 1766, the Massachusetts House voted their thanks to various persons, among them Shelburne, Dartmouth, and George Cooke (Journals, pp. 108–109). Cushing’s letter to De Berdt of June 28 is printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 14–16.

820 Dartmouth MSS. This letter is printed in part in W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, pp. 89–90.

821 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 517. Pages 515–516 contain a copy of De Berdt’s letter to Cushing of September 19, 1766. See pp. 325–326, above.

822 Massachusetts Historical Society. Printed in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 44–46. Perhaps drawn up in the fall of 1767: see p. 453, below.

823 This memorial, though without precise date, must have been written early in 1767: see De Berdt’s letters of February 14 and March 9, 1767, pp. 450–451, below.

824 Dartmouth MSS. This memorial was printed In 1768 by Sayre in his Englishman deceived, etc., Salem, pp. 30–32, where it is dated “January, 1768;” and also in Massachusetts Papers, pp. 46–48.

825 Boston Gazette, April 27, 1767, p. 3/1. This letter is preceded in the Gazette by the following:

By the February Packet a Letter has been received from Dennys De Berdt, Esq; directed to the Speaker of the late House of Representatives, and dated the 14th of February last — As the Minds of many Persons are disturb’d with Apprehensions that the Ministry and the Parliament are displeas’d with the Representations lately sent Home by the House, and that we are to be punish’d with Troops to keep us in Order, we have obtain’d an Extract of the Letter, which we now publish for the Information and Comfort of the good People of the Province.

826 Massachusetts Historical Society.

827 Sir Hugh Palliser (1723–1796), Governor of Newfoundland.

828 Massachusetts Historical Society.

829 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 525.

830 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 534–535.

831 Maurice Morgann (1726–1802).

832 W. B. Reed’s Life of Esther De Berdt, p. 121.

833 Massachusetts Archives, xxii. 516–517. Printed in Massachusetts State Papers, p. 142.

The letters and documents in Massachusetts Papers are inaccurately printed. Copies of such as are also printed in our text have been obtained from the originals in the Massachusetts Historical Society. See p. 296 note 2, above.

834 As it has been denied that the military were set above the controul of the civil authority, the reader is referred for the truth of it, to the following Answer to a Message from the House of Representatives of Massachuset’s-Bay, dated May 31, 1769.

“Gentlemen,

“I have no authority over his Majesty’s Ships in this port, or his Troops within “this Town.”

“Francis Bernard.

835 Extract of a Letter, etc., London, 1770, pp. 15–28.

In his letter to Wheelock of August 31, 1761, De Berdt said:

Since I wrote to you I have mett the society and also writ to Scotland to the committee there and they seem resolved to support Mr. Occom’s mission £20 a year, and will propose it to the society who meet in Nov. and I hope to gett it allowed from Michaelmas (p. 420, above).

The word printed “writ” was, in the copy of the letter furnished me, spelled “wn’t;” but an appeal to Mr. Rugg brought the information that the word is really “writ.” In his History of Dartmouth College, Chase remarks:

Mr. De Berdt also, besides being very active in London, made a journey to Scotland, where he obtained in 1761 a direct appropriation from the Scotch society of £20 for Occom (i. 27).

As there is nothing in De Berdt’s letters to indicate that he “made a journey to Scotland,” it is possible that Chase misread the word commented upon in the letter of August 31, 1761.

Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Equat.	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
1	89	30	1	08	41
2	89	00	2	12	23
3	88	27	3	15	14
4	87	59	4	17	41
5	87	29	5	19	51
6	86	59	6	21	50
7	86	38	7	23	41
8	85	58	8	25	24
9	85	27	9	27	2
10	84	57	10	28	36
11	84	27	11	30	6
12	83	56	12	31	32
13	83	20	13	32	55

[91] Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Pole.3841	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
14	82	55	14	34	15
15	82	24	15	35	33
16	81	54	16	36	50
17	81	23	17	38	4
18	80	52	18	39	16
19	80	21	19	40	28
20	79	49	20	41	37
21	79	18	21	42	45
22	78	47	22	43	54
23	78	16	23	44	58
24	77	44	24	46	2
25	77	12	25	47	6
26	76	41	26	48	9
27	76	8	27	49	10
28	75	36	28	50	12
29	75	4	29	51	12
30	74	32	30	52	12
31	73	59	31	53	11
32	73	26	32	54	9
33	72	54	33	55	6
34	72	20	34	56	1
35	71	47	35	57	0
36	71	14	36	57	56
37	70	39	37	58	52
38	70	5	38	59	47
39	69	31	39	60	41
40	68	57	40	61	35
41	68	22	41	62	49
42	67	47	42	63	22
43	67	12	43	64	15
44	66	36	44	65	8
45	66	00	45	66	0

Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Equat.	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
1	89	30	1	08	41
2	89	00	2	12	23
3	88	27	3	15	14
4	87	59	4	17	41
5	87	29	5	19	51
6	86	59	6	21	50
7	86	38	7	23	41
8	85	58	8	25	24
9	85	27	9	27	2
10	84	57	10	28	36
11	84	27	11	30	6
12	83	56	12	31	32
13	83	20	13	32	55

[91] Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Pole.3841	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
14	82	55	14	34	15
15	82	24	15	35	33
16	81	54	16	36	50
17	81	23	17	38	4
18	80	52	18	39	16
19	80	21	19	40	28
20	79	49	20	41	37
21	79	18	21	42	45
22	78	47	22	43	54
23	78	16	23	44	58
24	77	44	24	46	2
25	77	12	25	47	6
26	76	41	26	48	9
27	76	8	27	49	10
28	75	36	28	50	12
29	75	4	29	51	12
30	74	32	30	52	12
31	73	59	31	53	11
32	73	26	32	54	9
33	72	54	33	55	6
34	72	20	34	56	1
35	71	47	35	57	0
36	71	14	36	57	56
37	70	39	37	58	52
38	70	5	38	59	47
39	69	31	39	60	41
40	68	57	40	61	35
41	68	22	41	62	49
42	67	47	42	63	22
43	67	12	43	64	15
44	66	36	44	65	8
45	66	00	45	66	0

Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Equat.	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
1	89	30	1	08	41
2	89	00	2	12	23
3	88	27	3	15	14
4	87	59	4	17	41
5	87	29	5	19	51
6	86	59	6	21	50
7	86	38	7	23	41
8	85	58	8	25	24
9	85	27	9	27	2
10	84	57	10	28	36
11	84	27	11	30	6
12	83	56	12	31	32
13	83	20	13	32	55

[91] Dist. from the Pole.	Dip.		Dist. From the Pole.3841	Dip.
°	°	°	°	°	°
14	82	55	14	34	15
15	82	24	15	35	33
16	81	54	16	36	50
17	81	23	17	38	4
18	80	52	18	39	16
19	80	21	19	40	28
20	79	49	20	41	37
21	79	18	21	42	45
22	78	47	22	43	54
23	78	16	23	44	58
24	77	44	24	46	2
25	77	12	25	47	6
26	76	41	26	48	9
27	76	8	27	49	10
28	75	36	28	50	12
29	75	4	29	51	12
30	74	32	30	52	12
31	73	59	31	53	11
32	73	26	32	54	9
33	72	54	33	55	6
34	72	20	34	56	1
35	71	47	35	57	0
36	71	14	36	57	56
37	70	39	37	58	52
38	70	5	38	59	47
39	69	31	39	60	41
40	68	57	40	61	35
41	68	22	41	62	49
42	67	47	42	63	22
43	67	12	43	64	15
44	66	36	44	65	8
45	66	00	45	66	0