FEBRUARY MEETING, 1918

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the house of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, No. 28 Newbury Street, Boston, on Thursday, 28 February, 1918, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Fred Norris Robinson, Ph.D., in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that a letter had been received from Dr. Frederick Cheever Shattuck accepting Resident Membership.

Mr. Worthington C. Ford made a brief report of the proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Conference of Historical Societies, held in Philadelphia the last week in December, with an outline of the proposed plans for the future.

Mr. Ford read the following communication:

SEWALL AND NOYES ON WIGS

The word periwig has a history. It has no claim to recognition, for it was of bastard origin and has almost passed into disuse except when resurrected by ambitious embryonic poets or dramatists who depend upon word coloring in place of substance. The proper word was peruke, itself of unknown or doubtful derivation, an Italian word perruca, passing into English through the French from peruque late in the fifteenth century. Ingenious speculations upon its beginnings have not resulted in overcoming phonetic difficulties. In both French and English of the sixteenth century a peruke was a natural head of hair, but already it was applied to an artificial object, a skull-cap covered with hair so as to represent the natural hair of the head, and the word was degenerating into a corrupt form of perwyke, whence periwig. Women first adopted the contrivance, as is only fitting in our gallery of beauties on public display, and Queen Elizabeth is said to have had no less than eighty-five attires of false hair; while her rival Mary, Queen of Scots, by her indulgence in such vanities has queered her portraits with posterity, and added one more confusion to a complicated career.223 From being an adornment or a substitute where nature was defective, the periwig became in the seventeenth century a distinctive feature of costume, and as a fashionable head-dress was carried to absurd extremes. Lyly wrote in 1579: “Take from them their perywigges, their paintings, etc., and thou shalt soone perceive that a woman is the least parte of hir selfe.” Barnaby Rich, in The Honestie of this Age, etc. (1615), wrote: “These attire-makers within these forty years were not known by that name; and but now very lately they kept their lowzie commodity of periwigs, and their monstrous attires, closed in boxes, — and those women that used to weare them would not buy them but in secret. But now they are not ashamed to set them forth upon their stalls, — such monstrous mop-powles of haire, so proportioned and deformed, that but within these twenty or thirty years would have drawne the passers-by to stand and gaze, and to wonder at them.” Players always wore periwigs, and, a century later, Cato at the first performance of Addison’s play wore one costing fifty guineas. Courtiers under the Stuarts commonly wore periwigs, and hence the denunciation of them by Puritans. For men to wear their own hair long, displeased these judges of innovations, and Prynne wrote a tract on The Vnlovelinesse of Lovelockes (1628), which called out a savage remark from one of his oppressors at his trial — that he could grow Lovelocks to conceal his closely cropped ears.

A whole library could be collected on what has been written about hair, real or artificial, and wigs could furnish material for many essays, some of which would involve questions of great historical moment. I must confine my attention to a single chapter concerned with our colonial history. My task is to glance at the prejudice against wigs so strongly expressed by a leading character in the colony and province of the Massachusetts Bay, one whose interests ranged from counting hairs on the head to splitting hairs on the Apocalypse. I refer to Samuel Sewall, a performer who is never dull and never more interesting as a humorist than in his most serious moods.

Why Sewall should have entertained such a dislike of periwigs is difficult to imagine. He was not a bigoted adherent to puritan views, for he indulged himself in marriages and in funerals to an excess — mere pleasure to be derived from them being the measure. The follies and fripperies of fashion had been discouraged in Boston from the early days of the plantation, as John Cotton’s preaching against veils and Governor Winthrop’s discouragement of treating.224 Expense of dress does not figure in Sewall’s Diary as a growing evil, and the cost of a periwig could not have been large.225 No one would claim that Sewall had a correct eye for beauty, either in persons or in nature, and would thus be led to condemn wigs as tending to ugliness. The aesthetic did not appeal to him, little as there was in his surroundings, and the difference between hair, some hair, and no hair, would not have engaged his thoughts if personal looks alone were involved. If he rested upon the Scriptures, that source of all inspiration and test of truth, he could not have gained much comfort. The writer in Canticles (iv. 1) says: “Thy hair is like a flock of goats, that lie along the side of Gilead,” not a compliment acceptable to woman; and Michal, David’s wife, when she deceived Saul’s messengers, represented David’s head on the pillow by a net of goat’s hair. The Nazarite vow obliged man and woman to let the hair of their heads grow long; but the later priests did not wear the hair long but polled their heads. Sewall himself had his hair cut once in three or four months when a young man.226 In 1689, when in England, he agreed “to pay for being trimmed by the quarter,” that being the custom, and it cost about 2s. 4d. a quarter.227 As a special indulgence, a week after paying his barber he was trimmed by his cousin Henry Ward.228 He must have seen many periwigs while on his English mission, and the sight did not modify his dislike of the manufactured adornment. It is impossible to give the cause of this dislike, and we must content ourselves by extracting from his Diary the comments he made as he saw the use spread among his neighbors. If he failed to stem the tide, he has left us in no doubt of his convictions.

Massachusetts Bay was becoming degenerate, the older generation said. It is always becoming degenerate. We have been so told at intervals, and that may be true and yet account for its vitality and strong influence. In Sewall’s day both clergy and laymen discouraged what improprieties they met. Mr. Willard, speaking to the seventh commandment, “condemns naked breasts.”229 In 1685 the ministers formally complained of a dancing master who had set up mixt dances at the time of meeting on Lecture Day, and was reported to have said that “by one Play he could teach more Divinity than Mr. Willard or the Old Testament. Mr. Moodey said ‘twas not a time for N[ew] E[ngland] to dance. Mr. [Increase] Mather struck at the Root, speaking against mixt Dances.”230 Mr. Allen devoted a sermon against observing December 25 — our Christmas — calling it anti-Christian heresy and speaking against the name.231 Increase Mather, in March, 1687, preached “sharply against Health-drinking, Card-playing, Drunkenness, profane Swearing, Sabbath-breaking, etc.”232 — perhaps the presence of Andros in town adding to his zeal. A May-pole occasioned almost a riot at Charlestown.233

The clergy appear to have been divided on the subject of periwigs, showing that it had not reached a decision by a council.234 Sewall mentioned Alsop’s235 sermon to Hayward as an argument against. Picture his feelings on a Sabbath six years later when Cotton Mather, in preaching on Hypocrites, seemed to glance at his pet antipathy. “In his proem said, Totus mundus agit histrionem. Said one sign of a hypocrit was for a man to strain at a Gnat and swallow a Camel. Sign in’s Throat discovered him to be zealous against an innocent fashion, taken up and used by the best of men; and yet make no conscience of being guilty of great Immoralities. T is supposed means wearing of Perriwigs: said would deny themselves in any thing but parting with an opportunity to do God service; that so might not offend good Christians. Meaning, I suppose, was fain to wear a Perriwig for his health. I expected not to hear a vindication of Perriwigs in Boston Pulpit by Mr. Mather; however, not from that Text. The Lord give me a good Heart and help to know, and not only to know but also to doe his Will; that my Heart and Head may be his.”236 Perhaps this may have been one of the reasons for the differences which occurred between Sewall and Mather on several occasions.

July 8, 1677, he was shocked by the appearance in church of a female Quaker, “in a Canvas Frock, her hair disshevelled and loose like a Perriwigg, and her face as black as ink.”237 Unable properly to describe her condition he compares her disordered head to a periwig. In 1685 he noted two persons taken into the church wore periwigs on the occasion,238 and late in the same year he remonstrated with John Hayward, the Public Notary: “I speak to him about his cutting off his Hair, and wearing a Perriwig of contrary Colour: mention the words of our Saviour, Can ye not make one Hair white or black: and Mr. Alsop’s Sermon. He alledges, the Doctor advised him to it.”239

His position was strengthened by receiving a manuscript treatise against periwigs from the Rev. John Higginson in November, 1697, with directions to do with it as he pleased. “I mention’d Printing it. He said [he] would not have it done while he liv’d however.”240 But a second shock awaited him, when the son of his own clergyman, young Josiah Willard, came out in a wig. Sewall expands on the subject:

Tuesday, June 10th, [1701]. Having last night heard that Josiah Willard241 had cut off his hair (a very full head of hair) and put on a Wigg, I went to him this morning, Told his Mother what I came about, and she call’d him. I enquired of him what Extremity had forced him to put off his own hair, and put on a Wigg? He answered, none at all. But said that his Hair was streight, and that it parted behinde. Seem’d to argue that men might as well shave their hair off their head, as off their face. I answered men were men before they had hair on their faces, (half of mankind have never any). God seems to have ordain’d our Hair as a Test, to see whether we can bring our minds to be content to be at his finding: or whether we would be our own Carvers, Lords, and come no more at Him. If disliked our Skins, or Nails; ’t is no Thanks to us, that for all that, we cut them not off: Pain and danger restrain us. Your calling is to teach men self Denial. Twill be displeasing and burdensom to good men: And they that care not what men think of them care not what God thinks of them. Father, Brot. Simon [Willard], Mr. [Ebenezer] Pemberton, Mr. [Michael] Wigglesworth, [Urian] Oakes, Noyes, (Oliver), [William] Brattle of Cambridge their example. Allow me to be so far a Censor Morum for this and of the Town. Pray’d him to read the Tenth Chapter of the Third book of Calvin’s Institutions. I read it this morning in course, not of choice. Told him that it was condemn’d by a Meeting of Ministers at Northampton in Mr. [Solomon] Stoddard’s house, when the said Josiah [Willard] was there. Told him of the Solemnity of the Covenant which he and I had lately entered into, which put me upon discoursing to him. He seem’d to say would leave off his Wigg when his hair was grown. I spake to his Father of it a day or two after. He thanked me that [I] had discoursed his Son, and told me that when his hair was grown to cover his ears, he promis’d to leave off his Wigg. If he had known of it, would have forbidden him. His Mother242 heard him talk of it; but was afraid positively to forbid him; lest he should do it, and so be more faulty.243

His admonition appeared not to have convinced the young man, and to show his displeasure Sewall went on November 30, 1701, to another church — the Manifesto Church — instead of sitting under his own clergyman, Samuel Willard: “I spent this Sabbath at Mr. Colman’s, partly out of dislike to Mr. Josiah Willard’s cutting off his Hair, and wearing a Wigg,”244 thus visiting upon the father the fault of the son, and as his visit attracted some attention in the church, he takes no little smug satisfaction for the act. His feelings, however, were liable to be jarred from time to time, and it may be certainly assumed that he has not entered in his Diary all the cases where he felt obliged to protest or admonish. January 16, 1704, he noted that “The last Lecture and this Lord’s Day Major [John] Walley appears in his Wigg, having cut off his own Hair.”245 Three days later the commissioners to visit the “disorderly poor” met at Sewall’s house. Walley was one of the party and another was Captain Timothy Clark. “Capt. Clark took up his Wigg: I said would have him consider that one place; The Bricks are fallen etc. But here men cut down the sycamores. [Isaiah, ix. 10.] He seem’d startled.”246 Two years pass before he returns to the subject. January 12, 1706, “Capt. [Andrew] Belchar appears at Council in his new Wigg: Said he needed more than his own Hair for his Journey to Portsmouth; and other provision was not suitable for a Wedding. Jany. 13th appears at Meeting in his Wigg. He had a good Head of Hair, though twas grown a little thin.”247 He merely mentions Nathaniel Henchman and his “Flaxen Wigg,” and notes the misbehavior of Henchman towards himself.248 A eulogy on Ezekiel Cheever, schoolmaster, ends with the sentence “He abominated Perriwigs.”249

As he advanced in years his feelings were less frequently expressed. In 1715 he notes that “Mr. Pemberton appears in a Flaxen Wigg,”250 but he entertained no strong liking for that minister, in fact he was uncharitable in his comments. When Thomas Prince returned from England in 1717 he attended a meeting at which Sewall was present; “but not thinking of him, and he having a Wigg on and Russet Coat I saw him not at all.”251 How Sewall could riot have seen him at all, and yet could accurately describe his dress, or disguise, is a mystery like unto some in the Apocalypse. Perhaps the wish to ignore one in a wig controlled his eyesight. Nemesis however had started in pursuit of the judge, and in October, 1720, “At Council. Col. [Penn] Townsend spake to me of my Hood. Should get a Wigg. I said twas my chief ornament: I wore it for sake of the day.”252 But worse was to come, for he was paying court to Madame Winthrop, and she said to him that very evening “something of my needing a Wigg.” Four days passed before he could reply to the suggestion. “As to a Periwig, My best and greatest Friend, I could not possibly have a greater, began to find me with Hair before I was born, and had continued to do so ever since; and I could not find in my heart to go to another. She commended the book I gave her. Dr. [John] Preston, the Church Marriage; quoted him saying ‘twas inconvenient keeping out of a Fashion commonly used.”253 Such a comment, coming from a woman, meant a command which involved disaster if disobeyed. Sewall did not win Mrs. Winthrop.

Of barbers Sewall says but little. He mentions one John Bushnell, who died in 1667,254 and the miserable death of William Clendon, the barber and periwig-maker, “being almost eaten up with Lice and stupefied with Drink and cold. Sat in the watch-house and was there gaz’d on a good part of the day, having been taken up the night before.”255 If the barber of the day practised tooth-drawing, we may add to the list the names of Robert Ellis256 and—Cutler.257

In one of the Sewall MS. volumes I found transcribed an essay on periwigs by the Rev. Nicholas Noyes, and the finding has occasioned this paper, intended merely as an introduction.

Of the writer of this essay little need be said.258 He was born at Newbury, Massachusetts, December 22, 1647, a son of Nicholas and Mary (Cutting) Noyes. Graduating at Harvard College in 1667 he preached for some years at Haddam, Connecticut, where it would have been well had he remained in a life of honorable obscurity. He was called to Salem in 1682 to become the colleague of the Rev. John Higginson, and ten years later attained a cruel notoriety for his participation in the witchcraft reign of terror. Among the worst of the misguided agents of the Lord in that time, his conduct can plead nothing in his favor towards mitigating the decision of posterity, or the curse extorted by his brutality from Rebecca Nurse, a curse apparently so directly fulfilled. Six years after the culmination of the witchcraft outbreak the Governor and Council asked Noyes to deliver the election sermon. It reads almost like a sarcasm to find his subject “New Englands Duty and Interest, to be an Habitation of Justice, and Mountain of Holiness.” His senior and colleague in the Salem Church, the Rev. John Higginson — a name to conjure by — described the text as containing “something prophetical and something didactical.” Drawn from Jeremiah, who contributed one good word to the English language, Noyes considered it as one of the occasions on which the prophet came “with milk and honey in his mouth.” If only the preacher could have shown some realization of his own shortcoming, and in place of turning to the departure of Judea and Jerusalem from justice and holiness he had reviewed the nightmare of six years before in Salem, and given some evidence of a chastened spirit and a contrite heart; if in place of glorifying the final restoration of the Jews, he had written one word of pity for those he had so terribly judged, one word of remorse for his unspeakable bearing towards the poor wretches whom the babbling of children had placed in his power. He uses the word justice sparingly in the sermon, substituting for it the word righteousness, on which he expatiates roundly; but the infinite mercy of God, which he praises, had no reflection in him of a finite mercy, which he needed. Much exercised by the primitive apostasy of man — that original sin of which, thank Heaven, we are all sharers — he could not see the more portentous sin which would damn him for all time.

An habitation of justice New England certainly was not, for the colonists were still too thickly encrusted by the prejudices, customs and laws of the past to breathe or move freely in surroundings which were redolent of freedom. And the ministers must bear their full share for importing and practising the institutions of the past. Persecution in England did not produce a freedom from persecution in Massachusetts, and the very profession which should have been taught forbearance by its own severe experience led in making the plantation such an example of injustice as to call out a royal protest from the mother country. The training of a minister in that day seems to have been curiously wanting on the human side, that which tempers justice with mercy and softens bigotry into tolerance. Attempt to read the books these masters of divinity studied, and one is repelled by matter and form. Do dry leaves make the waving forests? They did once, but a whole life history lies between the budding branches and the dry stubble on the ground. So these examples in dialectics require an interpretation which only severe disciplinary study can secure, and in the end the result seems hardly to justify the undertaking. Capable in dispute, Noyes had not opened his mind to the living blood which vivified the protestant and made progress possible. He indulged in verses, but they are without merit and not indicative of an imagination which in its generosity expands the vision.

He never married, and died December 13, 1717. The “obituary” of him in the Boston News-Letter of December 23, 1717, gives all the good that can be said of him when his faults have been forgotten. It was prepared by Joseph Dudley, but in its original shape Campbell refused to print it. Sewall abridged it, and his editing made it acceptable to the printer.259

Between Mr. Noyes and Judge Sewall there were years of intimacy and common tastes. Among their sympathies was a liking for dealing with the mysteries of the Apocalypse. We find them in 1697 disputing about the fifth seal,260 but it is doubtful if Noyes accompanied Sewall to the “Bleu Bell” to refresh after the dispute. So solemn a matter required years to solve, and Sewall had “bickerings” with Noyes at various times, an example of which will be found in the Diary, ii. 99, and seems scarcely worthy of any attempt at elucidation. It is doubtless a defect in us that we are unable to look upon the subject with the same seriousness; but interpretation of Scripture upon new lines has weaned us from the older controversies so inextricably involved in the letter of revelation. In dealing with the question of hair Mr. Noyes at least shows himself a not unworthy disputant, and he enumerates his points with a somewhat lighter touch than he employed in his election sermon. At all events this essay should be preserved in print, if only as a gloss on Sewall’s Diary. The wonder is that Sewall did not print it himself. Did he degenerate at some later time? Not according to his portrait.

Nicholas Noyes on Wigs

Reasons against Wearing of Periwiggs; especially, Against Mens wearing of Periwiggs made of Womens hair, as the custom now is, deduced from Scripture and Reason.

It removeth one notable Distinction, or means of distinguishing one man from another. For so is a man’s own Hair: One man differing from another in Hair; as to Color, thickness, thinness, streightnes, curledness. A man with his Hair cut off, and anothers put on, looketh not as he did before; especially, if before of Light colourd hair, now dark: or before dark, now Light: before, thin, streight hair; now bushy, and curled, and longer than before; or other the like difference, which is most familiarly made by those that wear perriwigs. So that he that wears a Perriwig doth in effect put on a Vizzard, and disguiseth himself. And the same man ordinarily keepeth diverse Perriwigs differing one from another in length, Colour, Culres, or the like: sometime wearing one, sometimes another: so that such a one is strangely inconsistent with himself; and unlike to day, to what he was yesterday; and so less liable to be known. Now to affect a Disguise, is not the guise of a good man; but of a bad one. Job 24. 14, 15, 17. It is recorded of Saul and Ahab, and Jeroboam’s wife, that they disguised themselves; which gives no Credit to the Cause, if their persons and cases be duely considered. But it may be said, that Jacob disguised himself. And it may be answered, It was with Goat’s hair, and not with womens: and he did not cut off his own. But the especial Answer is, that it was in him evidently a particular Lie, and a Cheat, and was fruit of Unbelief, done in Sin, and followed with Sorrow. If it be said that Josiah disguised himself, and went into the Battel, It may be answered, This Instance availeth but little, unless it had succeeded better with him: for it fared with him as it did with Ahab. And Jehosaphat escaped better in his kingly Equipage, and Royal Apparel. Yet if it be Lawfull for a man to disguise in Battel; Is it therefore in Peace? if upon extraordinary Occasion, is it in Ordinary? But Josiah should not have engaged in that Battel: and disguising himself did not preserve him. 2 Chron. 35. 22 etc. If it be said, One of the Sons of the Prophets disguised himself, 1 Kings, 20. 38. It may be answered, It was on a particular Occasion, and for a short time, and to make him look like a Souldier for an advantage to his Office, that his Reproof might take the more Effect upon a hard-hearted King. It was to make him look unlike himself, and unlike a Prophet, or a Son of a Prophet. But he did not ordinarily goe in a Disguise, as in the case in hand. And supposing it lawfull on extraordinary Occasions; that it is so far from proving it lawfull on Ordinary; that it rather proveth the contrary. And as for this of Perriwigs, they are many times used for Disguise by the worst of men, as by shaven crownd Popish Priests, Highway Robbers, etc. Dr. Annesly, when by the iniquity of the times, he was forced to abscond, and conceal himself in the day; went abroad in the evening to take the aer, and then put on a Perriwigg. When he called for it, he usd to say (as his son-in-law261 told me) Give me my Rogue; implying that when he had a Perriwigg on, he did not look like himself, nor like an honest man.

2. It removeth one notable visible Distinction of Sex: for so is Hair, as is evident by 1 Cor. 11. 6, 7, 14, 15. And it is obvious to every one, that Mens Hair, and Womens Hair are not ordinarily alike: And if they were, there were no temptation to make Perriwiggs of Womens Hair for Men: and so diverse just prejudices against the Perriwiggs in use, would be removed. Nay men might ordinarily make them of their own Hair; which would yet be less offensive. Whereas now Women are shaven or shorn, and so in that respect are more like Men: being, when shorn, really unlike what they were before, and unlike other modest, and honest Women that would not be shorn or shaven on any tentation. And men putting on their Hair, have hair like Women; and not like Men; as is noted of the Locusts, those Harpyes of Hell: Rev. 9. 8. They had Hair as the hair of Women; plainly implying that Mens hair, and Womens hair is not alike. Now this Transmutation of the visible tokens and Distinctions of Sex, is not lawfull; as is undeniably proved by Deut. 22. 5. It is manifest that the hair of Perriwiggs ordinarily, pertains to Women, growing on Womens heads, having been their Glory and Covering for many years; and therefore must needs be unlawfull for Men to wear. And if a Man for this reason; viz. distinction of Sex, might not wear a Womans Habit; much less might he wear a Womans Hair. The Words in Deut. 22. 5 are very plain, and very terrible: The Woman shall not wear that which pertaineth to a Man; neither shall a Man put on a Womans Garment: for all that doe so are abomination to the Lord thy God.

3. It removeth one notable distinction of Age, which is necessary to be known, because of some Duties depending on it. (1) In respect of Mens selves. The frequent Sight of Gray hairs is a Lecture to men, against Levity, Vanity, and youthful Vagaries and Lusts. It calls for a gracious, grave, and majestical deportment, lest they defile the gray hairs with youthfull folly, and Lusts: it puts men in mind of their Mortality; as the Flourishing of the Almond Tree doth of the approaching Summer; Eccles. 12. 5. Whence when gray hairs are removed out of sight; and youthfull ones in stead thereof, in view (as it is oftentimes in the case of Perriwiggs) it hath a natural tendency to make men forget that they stand upon the edge of the Grave, and on the brink of Eternity. Gray Hairs are here and there upon them; and they are not aware of it; Hose. 7. 9. And indeed, how should they be aware of it, when they are removed out of their sight? For, Out of Sight, out of mind; as saith the Proverb. (2) In respect of Others. Others are obliged to rise up before, and honour the Old man: the demonstrative token of which is his Gray hairs. But strangers to old men cannot so well distinguish of the Age of those they converse with, when youthfull hairs are grafted on a gray head; as is of times in the case of Perriwiggs. Are we bound to rise up before the youthfull hair of Girls, and young Women? Levit. 19. 32. Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honour the face of the Old man. It is evident by that Text, that an Old mans face should ordinarily be accompanied with Gray hairs. And when Perriwiggd men are known to be old, tho’ they do their utmost to conceal their Age. Yet such Levity and Vanity appears in their262 affecting youthfull Shows, as renders them contemptible, and is in itself ridiculous. And so the Old man comes to be despised; contrary to the Law of God, and good of human Societies: and the young men led into tentation to this Evil, by Old mens appearing on the Stage without the badge of their Age and Honor; which would chalenge Respect. The Beauty of Old men is the Gray head. Prov. 20. 29. (3) In respect to God Himself, relating to some of his divine Perfections; particularly, his Majesty and Eternity; which are in some respects shadowed forth in Old men, when they wear their Gray hairs, the Livery of their Old Age: Especially, when a gracious heart is adorned with a gray head: Prov. 16. 31. The hoary head is a Crown of Glory, if it be found in the way of Righteousness. And therefore when God’s Majesty and Eternity are set forth in Scripture, it is with white hair, denoting that He is indeed the Ancient of Days; Dan. 7. 9. Rev. 1. 14. His head and his hairs were white like Wool, as white as Snow. It is not therefore meerly good manners, to honor the Old man: but Religion; such a one bearing the image of God in those respects more than they that are younger. Levit. 19. 32. Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honor the face of the Old man, and fear thy God; implying that they want the Fear of God, as well as good Manners, that don’t rise up before the hoary head. So that when aged persons dissimulate their Age by putting off their Gray hairs, and by putting on youthfull looking hair: they do it, not only in their own wrong, to the loss of some degrees of due honor: but also to the wrong of those they lead into tentation, to despise Old men; which is contrary to the Law of God. Moreover they do wrong to God Himself, whose Fear is promoted by reverence due to Gray hairs.

4. Wearing Perriwigs proceeds many times from a Discontent at God’s Workmanship. He that likes not his hair because of Color, etc., doth in effect say to his Maker, Why hast thou made me thus? contrary to Rom. 9. 20. Isa. 45. 9. which were it but to an earthly father, is enough to bring a Wo. Isa. 49. 10. Wo to him that saith to his father, What begettest thou, or to the Woman, What hast thou brought forth? For such bring discontent with their hair and Looks, do thereupon affect, and effect to change it. And altho’ they themselves cannot make one hair white or black; yet are so bold with Him that could and did make it of that Color that offends them, suppose white, or black, or red, etc. And this is undeniably a breach of the Tenth Commandment; for a man to be discontent with his own hair, which God made for him, and gave to him: and to covet anothers, which God made for another, and gave to another. To covet anothers Hair, is a sin of the same kind with coveting our Neighbours House, or his wife. For the same Command forbids coveting any thing that is thy Neighbours: Exod. 20. 17.

5. Wearing of Perriwigs evidently marreth the Workmanship of God, and so defaceth his Image. For God and Nature, or God in Nature hath suited mans Complexion and Hair; and in nature they are suited, as Naturalists observe. Pilorum enim differentia est pro qualitate cutis Animalium, as Aristotle observed Lib. de gener. And this is evident in divers Instances. When the Constitution is hail and flourishing, the Hair is so: and as the Constitution gradually declines and changeth, so doth the Hair. Prov. 20. 29. The glory of young men is their strength: but the Beauty of Old men is the Gray head. Therefore it deforms an Old man, to put on him a young persons Hair: as it would deform a young man, to put him on Gray hairs; which, is the beauty of old men, not of young. And the Hair, for the most part at least, is colourd and qualified according to natural Causes in the Constitution. Such as is the predominant Element, such is the predominant Temperament, such is the predominant Humor in the Body: and according to that the Flesh and Skin: and according to all these, the Hair, as Physicians know and shew; and is [blank] observable to every observing Eye. So that between the Periwigg hair, and the Complexion of him that wears it, there is ordinarily, a manifest Incongruity: so that he that hath Skill in Physiognomy, shall be able to know that this hair could not grow upon that head, no more than Salt-Marsh can grow upon a Hill. And for this reason there is for the most part, an incongruity between a mans hair, and a womans Complexion: and between a Womans hair, and a Mans Complexion: The hair of Women being suitable to their soft, moist, cold Constitution: but not to the Masculine hot and dry Constitution. And consequently, in the case in hand, there must needs be an unnatural incongruity between the Complexion, and Hair, when the Complexion and Constitution is Masculine, and the Hair Feminine. Rev. 9. 7, 8. Their faces were as the faces of Men; and they had Hair as the Hair of Women. Now if this were not unnatural and incongruous, and a kind of Monstrosity, to see things so heterogeneous linked together; I see no reason for such description. Note other parts of the Description together with these; Man-faced, Woman-haird, Liontoothed, Scorpion-taild, Horse-shapd, etc., and it describes such a Medly going to make up a Locust, as we call neither Fish, nor Flesh, nor good red Herring. And what the Poet said of the Mermaid, Desinet in piscem mulier formosa superne. And in the case of Periwigs, we may say, Desinet inque vium mulier formosa superne. So also to put black hair on the flesh and skin that naturally produceth Red, Yellow, or Light Colourd hair, is unnatural, and incongruous: so likewise to put red hair, or yellow, or Light-colourd, on Flesh and Skin that naturally produceth black. So Youthfull hair, and sunk eyes, deaf ears, wrinkled faces and palsyed heads, etc. are not more suitable, than the Blossoming of Appletrees in Autumn, when the Leaves are falling off. And thus Nature teacheth, that Perriwigs are undecent and unsuitable on this very score; the Trimming not being suitable to the Cloth, nor the Crop to the Soyl.

6. It seems to be unlawfull, and most foolish and absurd for a Woman to part with her Hair to adorn a Man. And if it be so, it must needs be unlawfull for Men to desire it, and buy it, or beg it, or use it in Perriwigs. (1) It is a Glory to a Woman to have Long Hair, 1 Cor. 11.15. and therefore a Shame to her to part with it by being shorn, or shaven. 1 Cor. 11. 6. Because if it be a Shame to a woman to be shorn or shaven; it is indisputably an Argument taken ab Absurdo, and therefore a foolish and absurd thing for a Woman to be shorn or shaven. Which yet is ordinarily done in order to [furnish] perriwigs. But such consult their own Shame. (2) Her Hair is given her for a Covering to herself, not to another, 1 Cor. 11. 15. So then the End God gave it her for, is perverted. And their brains are exposed to Reproach and Damage who thus uncover their own barns, to thatch others anew; which surely none would doe, unless their own barns were empty; seeing the Recompence is, in stead of well-set hair, to have baldness: which in Scripture is accounted a Curse. Isa. 3. 24. (3) It seems a Disorder in religious Worship, that offends the Angels, for a woman to pray shaven or shorn, 1 Cor. 11. 5, 6, 10, 13. Judge in your selves, is it comly that a Woman pray unto God uncovered? Yet in the sense of that Text and Context, she that is shaven or shorn, prays unto God uncovered, if she prayeth at all to God: for her hair was given to her for a Glory, and for a Covering, as is there manifest. And if by reason of other Covering, men see not their bald Crowns, yet the Angels of God see them; and they cannot be hid from the all-seeing Eye of God, who seeth how ingratefully she hath parted with her Glory, and Covering, which He gave her. (4) A Woman degrades her self unto the rank and quality of a Beast, when she submits to be shorn as the Beasts are, to cover others with their hair. What a shame is it to women to be content to be made such fools of by men? that when some mens Perriwigs are made of the hair of a Horses tail, and others of a Goat’s beard; that they should voluntarily suffer themselves to be so abusd as to part with their hair to make Perriwigs also! And Womens hair and Goat’s hair many times goe into the same Perriwigs, as if they were ejusdem farinae, or birds of a feather. Nay the woman, of the two, that parted with her hair voluntarily, is more goatish, or at least foolish than the Goat, that parteth with his involuntarily; tho’ it be to be so honorably matchd as to be hangd Cheek by jole with a Woman’s hair. What a mad World would it be, if women should take the same affection to wearing of Men’s beards; as Men do to Women’s hair? Would they not be accounted meer Viragos, of virile Houswives? And by the same reason, why should it not be accounted Effeminacy in Men, to covet Women’s hair; which is a token of Women’s Subjection, when they wear it themselves for a Covering: and to have it cut off, a token of Immodesty. Moreover, what mazd work would it make with Women-kind, if they were bound to supply all Mankind with Perriwig-Stuff? For the Sheep to be dumb before the Shearer, is admired Patience; and yet that is comparatively, no Wonder to this. Because God gave her her Wool for that end. And the Sheep is so subject to Man, that he may at his pleasure cut his Throat, as well as her Wool; and eat her Flesh, and tan and wear her Skin, as well as her Wool. But God hath not so subjected Women to Men. But as Virgil said of Sheep

Sic vos non vobis vellera fertis Oves

so it may be now said of Women,

Sic vos non vobis mulieres crinificatis.

If the hair of Women be so necessary and usefull, as it is pretended in this Age, for Perriwigs: perhaps the next Age may find a way to spin it, and make Cloth of it. And their Skins well tannd may make good Leather: and at length they will become very profitable Creatures to Men.

7. The Folly and Absurdity of Mens Perriwigging of themselves with Women’s Hair, appears in many Particulars. (1) It is a Shame for a Man to wear long hair; but Perriwigs are usually long Hair. And if Nature teacheth that it is a Shame for a Man to wear long hair tho’ his own: Nature must teach that it is much more shamefull to wear Long hair of another bodys; and especially of Women’s. It was no Shame for Men to wear their own short hair: it must needs therefore be shamefull to part with it for that which it is a Shame for Man to wear; viz. Women’s long hair. (2) Women’s hair, when on their own heads, is a token of Subjection: How comes it to cease to be a token of Subjection, when Men wear it? It was made for a token of Subjection in the Wearer; and is no more a token of Superiority in Men: than wearing the Breeches is a token of Subjection in Women. 1 Cor. 11. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, etc. (3) To be beholden to another without Cause, is ignominious in a high degree: for the Borrower is Servant to the Lender, at least in some degree. It was an abatement of Solomon’s Glory, that it was not genuine, and connatural, as the Lilies Glory was. Sin exposed Men to this Shame and Misery, to be beholden to some of the Creatures for Clothing and Covering. But in the case of Hair, there is no such need; seeing God and Nature provided for every man hair of his own. In cases of extraordinary Casualty, when the head is left bare, other supply may be made by Perriwigs made of the hair of other Creatures. There is no need to rob Peter, to pay Paul, and to make one bald, that ought to be covered; that another may be covered, that might be conveniently covered some other way. (4) For a man to pray coverd, is absurd and shamefull, and dishonours Christ. But so doe Men when Perriwigd. For the Woman’s hair is given for a Covering; and is so to whomsoever wears it in that Length and Abundance, that is usual in Perriwigs: and consequently, such dishonor Christ. 1 Cor. 11. 4. (5) It is a foolish Exchange, to exchange the Living for the dead. In this case, as well as in others, A living dog is better than a dead Lion. A mean head of Hair living, sweet, lively-colourd and brisk through its constant derivation of its natural juice from the Soil where it first sprung up, is to be preferd before the most flourishing Perriwigg, that is lopt off from the root, and derives no more vital Sap: but is always withering and decaying, and needs artificial Oyle and Perfumes, to keep it from Putrefaction. (6) A good man would set the more Price upon his own natural Hair because Christ said, The Hairs of your head are all numbred. Mat. 10. 30. And that an hair of their head shall not perish. Luke, 21. 18. That God will have the same Regard to beggd, or borrowd, or bought Perriwigd hair; we have no Security. When the 3 Children were cast into the fire, not an hair of their head was singed: if they had wore Perriwigs, it had been well if they had escaped so. If Samson had thought to have thatched his shaven crown, and mended his broken Vow with a Perriwigg of Delilah’s Hair; though it might have been longer than it was before, and much longer than it was grown to at the time he made the Philistines Sport: I question whether he had had such an extraordinary Assistance, as he had when he pulld down the house on the Philistines heads. If the Baldness of Elisha’s head had come by a voluntary shaving of his head, to make room for a Perriwigg made of Womens Hair: the children that laughd at his bald head, might, for ought that I know, have done well enough for all the Bear’s. For it had been a ridiculous thing for the old Prophet to have voluntarily laid aside his gray hairs, for to make way for a more florid appearance in a borrowed Dress in some foolish youthfull Woman’s hair. (7) There is manifest Pride, Levity, Vanity, Affectation in Perriwigs. For they are not made in imitation of Mens Hair, as it naturally groweth. Whereas Art should imitate Nature, where it pretends to mend the accidental defects, or decays of Nature. Let all the World judge, whose perriwigg Locks dont hang in their Eyes, whether the Perriwigg part of Mankind, as to Hair, look like them that go in their own Hair. Whereas the Perriwigs might as easily be made to imitate the honest guise of those Christians that wear their own Hair; if men desired to have them so: and would be less offensive than they are now. (8) It will not be an easy thing to account with God for so much needless Cost and Expence as is now laid out on Perriwigs. And much more would the Expence be, if the Fashion should prevail among the Generality. Alass, that men should be so prodigal and profuse this way, in an Age so barren and fruitless as to good Works: and when they are so much needed for the maintaining the Government in Order and Honor, and for building Forts, and maintaining Souldiers to defend the Plantation against the Enemys that will take off the Scalp, both Skin and Hair, if we fall into their hands. They that do little or nothing for relieving the Poor; and are backward in maintaining the Worship of God, and make Poverty their Excuse; and yet might bate all the Cost of Perriwigs, as well as the paring of their Nails: Will be found ill Stewards of the Estates which God hath given them. (9) If all the foregoing Arguments prove no more than that there is an Appearance of Evil in it; yet that is enough to prove that Perriwigs of Womens hair should not be worn by Christian Men: seeing Christians are required to abstain from all Appearance of Evil. Neither should we for so small a Temptation, run the Venture of living in a Course of Sin; and of being Exemplary to others in what is Doubtfull, and, very many good Men think, sinfull: and are offended and grieved at the Sight of Christians that have Faces like Men; and Hair like the Hair of Women: and are especially grieved, when they see Magistrates and Ministers, that are in Reputation for Wisdom, Honor and Office; and ought to be Examples to others in what is Good, are, in their Opinion, become Examples in what is Evil.

Finis.

Transcribed out of the original Manuscript of the Reverd. Mr. Nicholas Noyes, written with his own Hand. January 15th, 1702–03.

S. S.

Mr. Albert Matthews exhibited a Journal kept by-Edward Goddard in 1726, and communicated the following paper, prepared by Mr. Brewer Goddard Whitmore, the owner of the manuscript and a descendant of the writer of the Journal:

EDWARD GODDARD’S JOURNAL OF THE PEACE COMMISSION TO THE EASTERN INDIANS 1726 263

The controversy between the General Court and the Governor, in Massachusetts — particularly keen after the arrival of Governor Shute in 1716 — was by no means excluded from the realm of military affairs.264 Thus the attempts on the part of either arm of the government adequately to meet the recurrent depredations of the Eastern Indians proved nugatory until the abrupt departure of Shute for England in 1722,265 the complete success of a surprise attack upon the Jesuit Rale at Norridgewock in 1724, and the disaster which overtook the Lovewell scalping expedition at Pigwacket the year following, brought about a cessation of hostilities by something like common consent. It fell to the lot of William Dummer, the acting governor, to frame a treaty with four delegates of the Indians at Boston toward the end of 1725 and to arrange for a formal ratification at Falmouth during the summer of 1726.266 The General Court saw to it, however, that the Lieutenant-Governor and the quorum267 of his Council should be accompanied “to the eastward” by their own Clerk serving as temporary Clerk of the Council, and by a sort of committee of safety, composed of ten carefully chosen Representatives.268

Of these, Edward Goddard, whose journal for the period of his attendance at the ratification of the treaty follows, was not the least notable. Born at Watertown on March 24, 1675 — the son of William Goddard, citizen and grocer of London, who, being reduced in circumstances by losses at sea, came with his wife and three children to New England in 1666 — Edward suffered the loss of his parents when he was scarce sixteen. He modestly rates both his portion and his capacities for shifting in the world as small, but some ingenuity in the use of the pen and “something of a faculty and inclination about teaching youth” kept him always from “pinching wants.”269 In June, 1697, he married Susannah Stone, daughter of Simon Stone of Watertown and sister of the Rev. Nathaniel Stone of Harwich,270 and about 1708 moved to Boston, where he purchased “for about 30 pounds 3 rights in Hains’ farms, so called.” After six years, however, he removed to Framingham, — partly because he was able to sell his acquired rights at a profit; partly because three children born to him at Boston had died in infancy and he perceived the fourth “to be seized with the same inward languishment.” Thereafter such honors as his townsmen could bestow came fast upon him. Selectman and town clerk for many years; lieutenant and then captain of a troop;271 Representative to the General Court from 1724 to 1733; member of the Council for the next three years; — he spent his strength and substance freely, in exacting — if narrow — public service. The inexorable, consistent grimness of the provincial Calvinist seems to have been his in full measure. He suffers no touch of humor or of vagrant fancy to shade the clear outlines of his daily exposition; the least robust of his sons he gives to Harvard and the church; he fills notebooks with minute abridgments of Sir Walter Raleigh’s History of the World and Hoadly’s Vindication of the Ancient Prophets; he glories in theological controversy, and splits the church at Framingham upon the flinty reefs of doctrinal decrees. The “great sickness” of 1754 took heavy toll from certain definite sections of the town. Edward Goddard survived by scarce a fortnight the son272 whom he had given to the church; his wife, by some five days.

Other contemporary accounts of the ratification are to be found in the Journals of the Rev. Thomas Smith,273 and in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society.274 The Massachusetts House Journals and the contemporary newspapers should also be consulted.

Journal of Edward Goddard, 1726275

Memorandum 1726

July 8^th Left my family in health276 & Sett out for Boston in order to wait upon his hon^r the Lieu^t Govern^r, at the ratification of the Articles of Peace with the Eastern Indians at Falmouth in Cascoe Bay, remaind at Boston from Saturday July 9^th till Thursday July 14.

14^th Between the hours of 9. & 10. A.M. Set Sail from the long wharf in Boston. Three Sloops Employed in that Affair viz^t the Commodore Sloop Susannah Cap^t John Robinson Commander, having on Board his Hon^r the Lieu^t Govern^r277 with five of his Majesties Council, & a Number of Gentlem̄. which together with Waiters & the Sloops-Gang made up in all 56. persons. Sloop Dragon Cap^t Richard Langdon— Commander, with Ten of the House, & a Number of Gentlem, which together with Waiters & Sloop Gang made up in all 41. persons Sloop Merry Meeting Cap^t Sanders278 Comm^dr w^th Officers Souldiers & Sloops-gang in all about 65 persons. The L^t Govern^r giving the Signal by firing a Gun 20 Min. past 10 The Castle Saluted with Eleven Guns, the Comodore fired 5. guns the Dragon 7. & the Castle 3. more, We then stood away, Wind N.E. small gale, came to anchor in Nantasket Road at 4 pm.

15. Friday between 4 & 5. AM. the Comodore giving the Signal We came to Sail, Wind at North, a smal Gale, Course E N E. at 6. came up with the light house,279 At 10. were becalmd ab^t 2 Leagues below the Brewsters till between 5 & 6. p m, then Stood about North for Cape Anne Wind ab^t West, Small Gale. About Midnight We doubled the Cape & had a good gale of Wind at West, Stood N E. & by N. this day many of our Comp^a sick.

16. Saturday, 4 a Clock A M. the wind slackend At 8. We made Aggamentus hill280 about 5 Leā North from Piscataqua,281 at ab^t 11. Cape Elsabeth, at 4. p.m. were up with Wood Island282 near Winter harbour283 (s^d Island bearing from us W N W.) between 6. & 7. doubled the Cape & at 9. came to Anchor about 2 Mile from the Town of Falmouth

17. Sabbath day, at 6. A M We weighed Anchor, Towed up to the Harbour where we Arrived at 7. Gov^r Wentworth284 Saluted with 5 Guns, ours returnd 5 Guns each, in all 15. & 3. after from the Shore which we Went on Shore, Under discharge of all the Artillery Viz. the Commodore 10 Dragon 10. Merry Meeting 5. the Piscatqua Brigg 3. & 3 from the Shore, Went to Meeting at 11. The Massathusett Comp^a in Arms Lead, & the Piscataqua Men (being 12 in Number) bro^t up the Rear. M^r Shurtliff285 preached in the forenoon from Jer. 2. 19. & M^r Fitch286 in the afternoon from Psal. 47. 7. After the Exercise in each part of the day we returnd to Our Sloop.

18. Monday AM. went to Town, Viewed Some part of it (the Scittuation Very pleasant & Commodious) ab^t noon returnd to our Sloop PM. Writt home. Enclosed to M^r Hubbard287

19. Tuesday. AM. went to Town, Viewed the Northerly part of it, (the Land there very fruitful & good) This day his Hon^r went to Papuduck288 (ab^t a Mile from the Town) at 3. PM. The Vessels Saluted him with 15. Guns, at his going off & 15 more at his return. I returnd to the Sloop ab^t noon & continued on Board the afternoon & Wrote home, Directing to Cap^t John Alden289 for Conveyance.

20. Wednesday AM. went to Town Viewed the S^y part, (the land good & Sittuation pleasant) this day Gov^r Wentworth & Gentlem. of Piscataqua, with the Gent of y^e House With the Chaplains & Sundry other Gentlem̄ Dined with his Honour the Lieu^t Governo^r in the parade of Maj^r Moody’s Garrison290 Under the Aynings of the Susanna & Dragon After Dinner the Kings health began at which (a Signal being given) the Vessells in the Harbour fired Round, After followed the Prince & princess’s health,291 then the L^t Gov^rs Health & prosperity to each Government. In all 72 Guns were fired.

21. Thursday, I went to the Town in the Morning (& after a Short Vissit made to one of Our Company Sick on Shore292) returned to our Sloop, about 4 pm. Wind SE it begain to rain blew hard & continued raining the greatest part of the Night: N.B. ab^t 2 p m Coller293 (who had before our Arrival been sent in a Schooner to S^t Georges) Arrived here with a Letter to his Hon^r from Wenemuit Chief Sagamore of the Penobscut Tribe.

22. Fryday. I went to Town in the Morning Vissited the Same Sick person; returnd to our Sloop to Breakfast, His Hon^r the Lieu^t Govern^r was pleased to Communicate to the Members of the House (here present) by the hands of M^r Wainwright294 the Letter of Wenemuit dated July 19. Wherein the S^d Sagamore Insists upon it to have his Hon^r meet the Indians at Pemaquid, Alledging that ’twas a busy time with them. And that their Fathers could not come so far as Casco Also the Copy of a Letter Signed by his Hon^r & by Governour Wentworth & Maj^r Mascareen295 Dated July 21. purporting That their Hon^rs expect the Indians do attend them at Falmouth According to Articles Stipulated at Boston, promising them Safe Conduct, & Allowing them three days after Cap^t Sanders s Arrival at S^t Georges (who Set Sail this day with their. Hon^rs Letter) to prepare & come as many as can in Sanders if they See cause

23. Saturday I went on Shoar, Vissited M^r Shove,296 returnd at noon to the Sloop, writt home Directed to M^r Swift297 About 11. A M. 3 Indians Viz^t Avexis298 Guillaum & Martin,299 came from S^t Georges in a Birch Canoe. This day his Hon^r the Lieu^t Govern^r, being Invited to Dine with Govern^r Wentworth & the Other Gentlemen of New Hampshire the Briggateen in which those Gentlemen Arrived here fired four Rounds in All 20. Guns.

24. Sabbath day, Most of our Company Stayd on Board the Sloop,M^r Robinson300 preach’d to us in the forenoon from 49 Psal. 8. Sung. 49 ps. 6.7.8.9. 10 v.

49 Psal 8. The Redemption of the Soul &c301 Doct. that all the things of this world are not sufficient to redeem a Soul from death.302

1) Prep. The Imortal Souls of men Are Subject to Spiritual Death. 1) the Souls of men Are Imortal 2) they are capable notwithstanding of a spiritual death. 1)x. & this is evident 1) from their uncompounded nature 2) from the Universal consent of Nations 3) from those everlasting habits which are Inherent in them, 4) in that it does not Depend upon the Body for its being & Existence

2) Prep. That all the world cannot redeem the soul from Death. this truth Evinced

1) That in Order to a Souls redemption it is absolutely necessary that all the sins of a man Should be pardoned 2) In order to a Souls redemption a Satisfactory ransome must be given to God for it. 3) In order to a Souls redemption the Wounds which the souls of men have received by sin must be cured.

1) Nothing less than the blood of Jesus Christ can heal the wounds of our Souls 2) the sanctifying Graces of the Spirit of God are necessary to the healing of the wounded souls of men.

M^r Pemberton Preach’d303 with us in the Afternoon from 10 Acts 42. Sung 2 first Staves of 50 ps.304 Sung 4 last v of the 2^d ps. Some that came on Board us after Meeting informed us that 27 Children were Baptized this day at Falmouth by N^r Fitch; & one at Papudduck by M^r White305

After Meeting P.M. M^r Wainwright came Aboard & Acquainted the Gentlemen of the House that his Hon^r Sent his servise to ’em & Directed him to Communicate to ’em the conference had with the 3. Indians Yesterday, The Substance where of was A Mutual Compliment & an Acc^o from the Indians that the Occasion of their, comeing was to know Whether his Hon^r had rec^d the Letter Sent from their Sachem.306 M^r Wainwright further Informed us that his Hon^r designed to Sail up the Bay to Morrow ab^t 8. a clock in the Morning & that he desired Our Company in the Sloop Dragon & in the Evening

as We Sat in the Cabbin came a fowl

’twas thought portentous ’cause it was an Owl

Ill Omens I ’le not fear but this I ’le Mind

To have a care of ranking with that Kind

25. Monday. The Comodore giving the Signal by firing a Gun We came to Sail with the Gentlemen of New Hamp-Shire at ab^t 8. Morn; We saild within y^e Islands of Cascoe Bay Northward of great Shebeag307 & ¼ after 2 P M came up w^th Small point bearing ab^t N. from us, At 3 We came up With Sugadahock Isl^d308 Near to this Island is a Large rock at the Mouth of the River from Whence this River takes its name. at 5. we came up with Cap^t Penhallows309 Garrison On Arrowsick Island,310 who saluted the Commodore with 5. Guns (the Commodore returned one) & Saluted our Sloop with 2 (we returned one) and then they Saluted the Newhampshire Brig^a with 4. Guns, who returned one. George Town on Arrowsick Island is Said to be About 7 Miles from the Mouth of the River.311 The Commodore ab^t ½ hour after 6. & ab^t 3 Miles up the river (which is but ab^t 40 Rods Wide in Some places, thô very deep) run foul of us, And afterwards ran Aground but got off Again In Sailing up the River We had a Stiff gale & many flaws coming off the Shore which made it difficult geting up. Ab^t 7. P.m We came to Anchor in the river called Kenebeck (Al^s Sagadehock) ab^t 2 & ½ Miles Above Penhallo’s Garrison, & directly Opposite to Col^o Minots Farm,312 NB. That from the entrance of the River to the place where we came to Anchor I Saw little or no good Land thô it Appeared after that y^e Land above is good but Great Mountains of Rocks on both Sides the River

26. Tuesday. Between 4 & 5. A M. I Went above deck where I Saw the Barge & 3 Whale Boats go off from the Commodore up the River in which were (as we afterward heard) his Hon^r with diverse other Gentlemen of this & the New hampshire Governm^ts here we continued at Anchor all the rest of the day they went to Richmond & Fort Geo: at Brunswick

27. Wednesday, We were grievously Afflicted with Musketoes the night past, few of us had any qviet rest, ab^t 3. Morn, it began to rain, ab^t Noon the Boats returnd The Coxen of the Sloop Susanna came on Board our Sloop, told us that his Honour Sent him to Inquire how the Representatives did & said that his honour expected to have had our Company to Richmond, to which We replied that we had no knowledge of his Hon^ra going until he was gone, & that we had no Boats to go in, That We Should have been glad to have had the Birth of Some of the Young Gentlemen (Cadees)313 in Accompanying his hon^r if We had been thought Worthy of it — Presented our duty to his hon^r The Coxen returnd, & then the Boats Saild towards Arrowsick Immediately. Ab^t 1. P.M. the Sloops Susannah & Dragon came to Sail Ab^t 3. came to Anchor Against Penhallows Garrison At Arrowsick. His Hon^r Sent to Invite the Representatives Ashoar, the Sloops and Garrison Mutually Saluted each other by the discharge of their Guns. The Representatives went Ashoar were Saluted from y^e Garison & paid their respects to his honour & the Gentlemen & some of em signifying that they were very desirous to have Seen more of y^e Eastern Countrey It was proposed that if they would Still go the Whaleboats (with hands) Should wait on em to Richmond & Brunswick & so to Cascoe, & soon after Sun Set we returnd to our Sloop, in the evening Cap^t Heath314 came on Board with Message from his Hon^r that if any of the Representatives would go to Brunswick the Boats Should Wait upon them, Whereupon Some of em concluded to go.

28. Thursday, ab^t 5. Morn. 6. of the House Viz^t Tim^o Lynda Rich^d Kent John Quincey & Edward Arnold Esq^rs & Maj^r Chandler & Cap^t Wells315 With some other Gentlem̄. Set Sail in 3 boats (the Number of men in all 36.) for Brunswick between 9 & 10 A. M. our Sloops with the Hampshi Brigg^a Set off from Arrowsick for Cascoe bay. the Comodore came to Sail ½ past 9. & ab^t the Same time the Guns were heard at Richmond, and the Comodore giving the Signal by firing one Gun the Garrison Saluted with five & the Comodore returnd 3. & then the Garrison fired 3 more, & we came All to Sail. At 11 A Signal was made by 2 Indians at the Southermost end of Arrowsick in a Conoe by fireing Several guns, Our Vessels brought to, till the Indians came Aboard the Comodore & till we came to Atkinsons Bay316 4 Miles from Arrowsick & then made Sail Wind ab^t S W Course S.: from Pehallows to Segwin is ab^t 5 or 6 Miles the Island Segwin lies S from the Rivers Mouth ab^t a Mile, At ½ past noon came up with us Capt Sanders Sloop Merry Meeting from S^t Georges, having Several Indians On Board him: Small point Damaris Cove,317 Segwin Sagadahoc rock318 ab^t 1. P M. he came up with the Comodore & Saluted with three guns, the Comodore returned 3. & then Sanders fired one More: ab^t 24. Indians came with Sanders Wenemuit being one of them from Falmouth to Arrowsick is ab^t 12. or 13 Leagues.

29. Fryday. this Morning about 2 a clock Our Sloop Anchord in the Channel over against Portland319 in sight of Falmouth houses, parting with the Comodore in the night we found Sanders & the Brigg^a in y^e Morning at Anchor near us, but the Commodore behind We turnd up the Channel Way to Meet her She coming thrô Hussey’s Sound,320 & Met at ½ hour past 9. fell into a Line & Saild up to Town, then the Hampshire Brigg^a Sal ed his Hon^r with 5 Guns, the Commodore returnd 5. Hampshire 1. We Saluted with 5. Cap^t Sanders with 5 more, Maj^r Moody’s Garrison with 3. Cap^t Collars with 3. Then his Hon^r went on Shoar, the Comodore firing 7. Our Sloop 7. Hampshire 5 & Sanders 5. Guns, his hon^r was rec^d by the Comp^a in Arms & Moody’s Garrison fird 2 Guns.

P.M. We Went Ashore, paid our respects to his hon^r & the Gentlemen, returnd at night to our Sloop, ab^t 12 or 1. At night the Gentlem^en that went to Richmond & Brunswick in the Whaleboats Arrived Safe to our Sloop

30. Saturday. P.M. M^r Wainwright came on Board our Sloop with Message That his Hon^r had Appointed a conference to be had with the Indians at 3. a clock & desired the Gentlemen of the House might be present, the Representatives went Ashoar accordingly, soon after came 7. Canoos of Indians from an Island where they had lodg’d the last night called hog Island321 & then his hon^r the Council & Representatives together with the Indians Marchd to the Meetinghouse Attended by the New hampshire Gentlemen & under the guard of the Company of Caddees & Winslows Company322 & three Interpreters Viz^t Jordan323 Gil[es]324 & Bean325 Being Sworn the Treaty began, the Number of Indians then present was 17. All of the Penobscut Tribe as they themselves declared Among whom were Wenemuit their Chief. After the conference was ended We drank the Kings Health his hon^r & the other Gentlemen returnd in the Same Order to Major Moody’s Garrison. & then the Representatives returnd to their Sloop. NB. his hon^r Appointed a further conference to be had with the Indians on Monday Next, when the Signal Sh^d be given

31. Sabbath day, Wee Agreed to keep the day in our Sloop. The Rev^d M^r Robinson Our Chaplain preached to us both parts of the day. A.M. Sung part of the 49 psal. 2 last staves. Text 49 Psal. 8.326 P.M. Sung part of 90. 2 first staves Text: 2 Cor. 4. ult.327 Sung. Last part 119 ps first Meeter. After Meeting a Message was brought that his hon^r Invited the Gentlemen of the house to Dine with him On Monday Next

August 1. Monday. We Dined with his hon^r the Entertainment was in the parade of Maj^r Moody’s Garrison under the 2 Aynings. This being King Georges Accession day the Vessells in the Harbour were Dressed in Colours, A Flagg at the Garrison & 2 Ensigns on Cap^t Collars house, his Majesties health was drank the Vessells in the Harbour fired 2 Rounds, y^e Garrisons also fired.

P.M the Commodore giving the Signall 29. Indians came on Shoar from hogg Island the place of their Encampm^t in their birch Canoes & were Conducted up to Moody’s Garrison & Seated at a long table by the Side of ours After drinking the Kings health both English & Indians Marcht to the Meetinghouse & had a conference. At night a large Bonfire was made on the Hill where Cap^t Silvanus Davis’s fort328 formerly Stood Tuesday. I kept on Board being Indisposed for Want of Sleep the last night. All the rest of the Gentlemen Went on Shoar, a conference was had with the Indians in the forenoon. P M. The Gentleman who were of the Committee for claims went a shoar y^e rest Staid in the Sloop. this Evening I went over with Col^o Kent to his lodging at Papooduck And lodg’d with him at Sawyers, where I rested well.

3. Wednesday, a Conference was had with the Indians twice this day. his honour & the Council having drawn up in writing to be proposed to the Indians, such a Clause as Seemed to some of the Gentlemen of the house (who had Seen it last night) to lead to a Separate ratification with the penobscut tribe only, and it being Intimated to us by one of the Council that If any matters relating to the treaty were contrary to our Minds Yet it must be Understood to be Agreeable to us if we were wholly Silent, Several of the house not having Seen that Paper, were desirous to see it, & accordingly proposed their desire to his hon^r who sent the paper by M^r Wainwright, But in a few Minuits we were called upon to Move to the hearing, so had no time to debate or Consider what was proper for us to Say in that Matter, which filld my mind with perplexities which I can’t Yet get over, And nothing Else but the consideration y^t my Brethren of the house have not the Same thought in that matter could Induce me to be an Auditor or Spectator in the further prosecution of the Treaty Unless I had some Assurance of being reputed hereafter (as well as at present Only a Spectator, however in Submission to y^e wiser Judgments of my Brethren, I Attended the latter conference, & shall from the same principle Endeavour to Attend for the future. This evening I went Over to Papooduck Side Again, & had a comfortable Lodging with Col^o Kent at his qvarters.

4) Thursday. This Morning Appeared a very bright & large Sun dog, on the Southerly Side of the Sun soon after its rising.

The Committee of the claims were Employed the forenoon in Acquainting the Indians with the English Deeds & titles, We dined at Cap^t Collers with the Council

P M. a conference was had Again at the Meetinghouse wherein the Gov^r Assured the Indians of the Justice of the Governm^t respecting their Titles & that they Should have the Same priviledges with his Maj^es English Subjects in Impartial Trials thereon, with which they Seemed to be very well pleased, A ratification was Agreed upon with that Tribe to be Attended to morrow. This Evening I returnd to our Sloop, & Lodged there this night: NB. y^e Ind^ns Engaged for y^e Other Tribes so that if they continued in Hostilities their Young men should329

5. Fryday. The affair of the Ratification with the Penobscuts for themselves & as Delegates &c was Attended at the Meeting house, the Articles Agreed on at Boston read & Interpreted to the Indians & Assented to by them Article by Article with w^ch They Seemd well Satisfied, & then they all Signed the Same (Excepting the four that Signed at Boston Viz^t Loron330 Fransaixway Magaunmbe331 & Arixis [)] they also Signed that made at Nova Scotia or L’accadie, Many of the Gentlemen preSent Signing as Witnesses, this business took up the time from 11. to 3. then We Went to Maj^r Moody’s & both English & Indians Dined Under the Aynings in the Parade of the Garrison. After Dinner the Kings health was Drank as also the Prince & Princess & prosperity to the Affair before us, At each, the Garrison & vessels in the Harbour fired round, We went again to the Meetinghouse & then the Indians Signd a Duplicate of the Treaty, then brake up & the Indians went of to their Island ab^t a League of & fired 3 Volleys At their Arrival & made a Large Bonfire, the Number that Came Ashoar this day was 38 Including 4 Sqvaws & 3 Papooses, ab^t 9 a clock we returnd to our Sloop

6. Saturday, ab^t 10. AM came Ashoar 12 Canoos with 44 Indians (Including Sq^s & Papooses) Ab^t 11. I with some others went Ashoar to hear what might be further Agre[ed] Upon relating to the Peace particlarly as to the Exchange of Captives, but nothing being said in public, ab^t 1. P. M. We returnd & Dined in our Sloop. After Dinner Drank the Kings health upon which our Sloop fired 7 Guns then the continuance of the peace & fired 7 more, then the New hampshire Brigg^a fired 5 (Some of their Gentlemen being at Dinner with us) & we returnd 7. then the Comodore & Maj^r Moody’s Garrison fired Round, & the Gentlemen of the House all (except M^r Lyndall & my Self) Sett off in the Boat & at their setting off we fired Round. I Continued On board this afternoon to write for M^r Robinson, when the Gentlemen came Ashoar they were Saluted 3 Guns from Moody’s, 5 from the Com̄odore 5 from the Piscataqva Brigg^a 5 from the Merry Meeting & 3 from Coller’s, Then his Hon^r proceeded to the Meeting house & Together with Gov^r Wentworth Signed on their parts the ratification to the Indians & then his hon^r gave presents to them Viz^t to the 5 principals332 each a Medall & a red Blanket a shirt and a white blanket to each of y^e other Indians to 2 of the Young Indians who went on messages to to Canada each a Gun.333 And then the Indians made a Dance at the place where the Old fort334 stood The Soldiers fired 3 Volleys, & Some English Gentlemen Danced with them, this Dance continued till dark.

7. Sabbath day. We kept our Sloop & M^r Robinson Preach’d both parts of the day. About ½ past 5. p M. the Piscataqva Brigg^a came to Sail with Gov^r Wentworth & the other Gent On board, & at their going off they fired 5 Guns. Maj^r Moody 3. Coller 2. the Comodore 7. & the Brigg. 5. more, the Indians fired many Small Arms & the Brigg^a Saluted them with 3 Guns. this Evening M^r Lindall & Col^o Kent went home by his Hon^r permission

ꝑ M^r Robinson on Board the Sloop Dragon in Falmouth Harbour.

Sang part 90 ps. 13 to y^e end of 16.335 Sung 13^th part 119 ps. 1 meetre.

Mem^d August 9. 1726. having harbourd an Opinion that inasmuch as none but the Penobscutt Tribe Appeard to ratifie the Articles of peace, a Bare declaration in writing Sygnifying that they had faild in the Articles, yet that the Governm^t w^ld continue the Trade so long as the Indians continued peaceable, would have more effectually answered all the Ends of the Treaty than all the Tedious & expensive Measures which have detaind us Since their coming, My thoughts have bin disturb’d & uneasy about our Staying, & nothing but the consideration that wise Providence has devolv’d the care on wiser heads than mine could qviet me 8^th Monday, this day I spent with M^r Robinson over at Town in drawing a rough draft for a Lease of his farm. The Com^ee for claims were Sent for Ashoar, but nothing was done wherein they were concerned, none of the Indians went Ashoar (it being Wet Weather) except one Cannooe which came for Stores

9 Tuesday. Spent the day in writing and finishing M^r Robinson’s Leases which were very large, & rec^d 5/ for the Counterpart, of Ingersell336 & Blackstone, all the Representatives except M^r Phillips337 & I went Ashoar, Attended the Conference with the Indians 1) ab^t the Methods to be taken by them to bring the other Tribes in to ratifie the peace 2) about the bringing in the Captives, in both which respects the Indians promised to do what they could, but withall Said that they had none of our Captives in their own hands.

10. Wednesday. A M. We Went Ashoar, ab^t 11 a clock the Signall being given the Indians came Ashoar, no conference was had till afternoon As We were returning to our Sloop to Dine M^r Wainwright came to us, with A Vote of Council which he told us his hon^r the Lieu^t Govern^r had directed him to acqvaint us with By which Vote the Council (Unanimously) Advised That all the Indian Captives in the hands of the English Should be delivered up, With out Inserting any proviso on behalf of the English Captives in the hands either of the French or of the other Tribes of Indians, Whereupon after Dinner We drew up & Signed the following Remonstrance Viz^t

Falmouth Aug^st 10.1726.

May it Please Yo^r Hon^r

Althô as to Some former Papers (Shewn) relating to the ratification We have thought it our duty to be Silent, having no Opportunity or time for due consideration, Yet Where as a Vote of Council has been this day Shewn to us respecting the delivery of all the Captives now in English hands, some of whom can’t be obtaind otherwise than by purchase, Wee Account it our Duty humbly to Signifie to Yo^r Hon^r That as We our selves are dissatisfied therewith, So We Shall not be Able to recommend it to the General Assembly of the Province to Grant Money for their redemption, Unless the Indians be effectually Oblig’d to purchase & bring in, at the same time such of our English Captives as have bin taken & Sold to the French as well as such as are in the hands of any of the Indians Included in the present Treaty.

The aboves^d Writing was Signed by M^r Cushing Maj^r Quincy, M^r Arnold, Cap^t Turner338 M^r Shove Major Chandler, Cap^t Wells & my self, & Sent in to his Hon^r by M^r Wainwright Clerk of the Council, Who soon after informd us that his Hon^r directed him to Acquaint us that the Council had been called together, & that the Question was put Whether they would reconsider their Vote, & It pass’d in the Negative Ab^t 3. P. M. We Attended his hon^r to the Meeting house M^r Jordan the Interpreter Rehearsed to the Indians All the conference to Saturday Last, the conferences had since (not being Transcribed) was referrd to be repeated to them tomorrow, this Evening being Invited to the Council’s Lodging We drank his hon^rs health, & ab^t 9 a clock returnd to our Sloop.

11. Thursday. Went Ashoar ab^t 11. a clock the Signal being given the Indians came Ashoar ab^t 30. in all, nothing was done in the forenoon. P.M. the rest of the conference was repeated to the Indians, his hon^r Signed & deliv^d a Copy of the Conference to the Indians, at Sun ab^t half an hour high his hon^r &c returnd to Moody’s Garrison, the Indians went off in their Canoes to their Island. Cap’ Franklin339 in the Sloop George was Ordered to take them in with their Stores early in the Morning to transport them to Penobscut. The Soldiers fired 3 Volleys as the Canoes went off. This Evening at the Invitation of the Representatives, his hon^r Visited our Sloop. We drank the Kings health, fired 7 Guns. Ab^t 8 a clock his hon^r went off again & We fired 7. More.

12. Fryday ½p. 9. AM. the Comodore gave the Signal for Sailing: at 10. his Hon^r In his Barge Sett off designing for Winter harbour, the Dragon Saluted w^th 7 Guns as the barge passed by, the Merry Meeting Saluted him with 5 Guns more, the Comodore with 7. Cap^t Collar from the Shoar with 3. ¼. past 1. P.M. we came up with Portland point.340 Wind SS.West. the wind was Small and it being Tide flood we gott abreast with Cape Elizabeth about Sundown and we was about a League to the East of it the Wind at Southwest & by West. Our course S.W. We stood off & on all night, made Very small progresse

13. Saturday, sometime in the night past (probably ab^t 12 Or 1. a clock) We doubled Cape Elsabeth, (from Falmouth Harbour to the head of this Cape is 3 Leagues) Ab^t 9. A.M. Wood Island bore from us W N W. this Island is ab^t 5 Leagues from Cape Elsabeth. and lies ab^t 1 & ½ Mile distant from Winter harbour Fort (or Fort Mary) from Wood Island to Cape Porpus or Arundel it is 2 Leagues: Ab^t ½ past 11. the wind freshened at N. E course S W & by W & we qvickly came in Sight of the fort & houses at Winter harbour or Biddiford & ab^t 2 pm came in fair view of the houses in Cape porpus, & abt ½ past 2. discovered the houses at Wells w^ch bears ab^t West from this Cape Ab^t ½ past 2 his hon^r came off to us in his Barge from Winter harbour, We Stood South till 4. Wind at East a Small gale & grown Sea looking much like a Storm We came ab^t & Stood for Cape Porpus & got Safe into that harbour at 5. this Harbour is very Safe from all Winds being made by Sundry rocky Islands.341 the Passage into it very Narrow this night was very Stormy

14. Sabbath day. remaind in the harbour of Cape Porpus342 the former part of the day M^r Robinson preached in the forenoon

ꝑ M^r Robinson, On board the Sloop Dragon, in Cape Porpus or Arundel harbour: Sung 2 & ½ Staves 2^d p^t of the 19. psalm. 13 Mat. 45. 46343

P. M. ab^t ½ past 2 We came to Sail the Wind at East, fresh gale. We stood S & by W & S.S.W ab^t 7. We came up with Boon Island344 (ab^t 8 Leā, from Cape Porpus) the Wind grew more fresh, it raind hard till ab^t 9. We stood S & by W. all the night with a fresh gale & a tumbling Sea, Weather Cloudy & a great part of the night Foggy.

15 Monday at 7. Morn, Cape Anne bore N N E at ab^t 5 leagues distance, Wind West & by N at ab^t 8 We made the Brewsters & light house We stood in upon a Wind W N W at ½ past 10. A. M. the Vessells being becalmd below the Brewsters his Hon^r sett of in the Barge with diverse of the Council, the Comodore fired 9. the Dragon 7 & Merry Meeting 3 Guns at their going of. ab^t 2 p M. We had a Small Gale at S E ¾ past 2. We heard 13 Guns at the Castle which was Supposed to be at his hon^rs Arrival in the Barge at the Castle. 42 Min. past 6. We passed by the Castle, the Commodore fired 9 Guns, the Castle returned 5 the Dragon fired 7 Guns, the Castle returned 3. the Sloop Merry meeting fired 5 Guns, the Castle returnd 1. & Immediatly after this the Boatswain of our Sloop (Andrew Andrews a Dutchman,345 & one who had behaved himself with very good Temper this the whole Voyage) going to Ram down a charge into one of the guns newly fired & not having been Spunged, the Gun went off & Shot off y^e Thumb of his right hand. This Evening Ab^t 8 a clock We came to Anchor At the long Wharfe the Sloops & Some other Vessels in the harbour fired round Went Ashoar in the Boat, and Attended his hon^r into his house & then went to our respective quarters in Boston.

16. Tuesday. Morn. My Son Simon346 coming to my qvarters I had the comfortable News of my family being in health, my Brother347 at Brooklin sent me an horse, & having brought my Cloaths A-Shoar I went in the afternoon to his house where I Lodged this Night

17. Wednesday in the evening to got home to my family & had Opportunity to reflect on the goodness of God to me & mine in preserving our health for days.

Engraved for The Colonial Society of Massachusetts from the original in the Harvard College Library

Mr. William C. Lane exhibited two mathematical note-books, written out by students in Harvard College — one by Ephraim Eliot of the class of 1780, the other by Samuel Griffin of the class of 1784. Both books cover the same series of subjects, and show the course pursued by students at the time — Mensuration, Practical Geometry, Surveying, Dialling, Trigonometry, Mensuration of Heights and Distances, Plain Sailing and Spherical Geometry. Two water-color drawings from the book by Samuel Griffin, separately mounted and framed for better preservation, were also shown and are reproduced in the accompanying plates. Mr. Lane said:

Griffin’s book is the more carefully written of the two, and contains throughout many water-color sketches illustrating the problems of surveying. Most of these are drawn from the imagination, though they doubtless contain many details from actual buildings. The spire of the meeting-house in Harvard Square, for example, is found more than once. There are several more elaborate drawings representing actual scenes — one a “northerly perspective view from a window in Massachusetts Hall,” another “a westerly perspective view of a part of the town of Cambridge,” besides a view of Christ Church and a plot of the Cambridge Common. The view from Massachusetts Hall shows the four houses facing on what is now known as Holmes Place, with one house in the distance behind them. The first of these houses — that on the corner of Massachusetts Avenue, where a later dwelling built by S. W. Pomeroy and now called the Gannett House stands at present, was long occupied by the Hastings family — from John Hastings who married the widow of the original grantee, John Meane, through his son Walter, who married John Meane’s daughter, Walter’s son Jonathan, a tanner, who also kept horses and let them to the students, and was known as “Yankee Jonathan” on account of his frequent use of the term, to Jonathan’s fourth son John, who died unmarried in 1797.

The next house came in 1737 into the possession of Nathaniel Hancock, brother of the Rev. John Hancock of Lexington, the grandfather of the Governor. Here lived Nathaniel’s son, Belcher Hancock, who was a tutor in Harvard College from 1742 to 1767, and died unmarried in 1771; also, an older son, Solomon, who served in the French War and died at Lake George in 1766. In 1782 the house was bought by the Rev. Caleb Gannett (Harvard 1763). He was tutor in the College from 1773 to 1780, and steward from 1779 to 1818. He married for his second wife, in 1800, Ruth, daughter of President Ezra Stiles, and his son, Ezra Stiles Gannett, afterwards a distinguished Boston minister, was born here. The house was taken down to make room for the railroad station of the little branch of the Fitchburg Railroad which came in from Somerville at this spot. The station, after its discontinuance as such, was adapted to the use of the College commons in 1866, and served this purpose until Memorial Hall was built. A later view, taken about 1810,348 shows the house much improved by the addition of a front porch, and it is then called “the seat of Caleb Gannett, Esquire.”

The third house on Holmes Place was built before 1717 by Joshua Gamage, a weaver. In 1749 it was bought by Moses Richardson, who lived here until the Revolution, when he was killed at the Battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775. He was a surveyor and housewright, and served as College carpenter, and had been with Wolfe at Quebec in 1759 with the rank of Captain. Later, Royal Morse,349 the Cambridge auctioneer, lived here for many years. The house was taken down in 1888 to make way for the Harvard Law School.

The next house, just round the corner on Holmes Place, is best known as the Holmes House. A house stood here as early as 1642, when the land was the property of Nathaniel Sparhawk. The place was bought in 1737 by Jonathan Hastings on the corner, and by him sold in 1742 to his son Jonathan Hastings, who was Caleb Gannett’s predecessor as Steward of the College, 1750 to 1779, and an ardent patriot in the Revolution. His son, Walter Hastings, Harvard 1771, was a surgeon in the Continental Army. Another son, John, Harvard 1772, was a major in the Revolution, and married a daughter of Richard Dana. The house was General Ward’s head-quarters in 1775, and the view shows us just how the place must have looked when the little company of colonial soldiers set off for Bunker Hill on the night of the 16th of June, 1775. The eldest son, Jonathan, Harvard 1768, to whom the house passed on his father’s death in 1783, sold it in 1792 to Eliphalet Pearson, Hancock Professor of Hebrew, who lived here until 1806, when he gave up his connection with the College and moved to Andover. In 1807 the house was sold to Judge Oliver Wendell, a Fellow of Harvard from 1788 to 1812. The Rev. Abiel Holmes, minister of the First Church, married Judge Wendell’s daughter and lived here with his father-in-law. Here Oliver Wendell Holmes was born in 1809, and his brother John in 1812. After the death of their mother the house was bought by the College, and was occupied successively by William Everett, 1871–1877, and Professor James B. Thayer, 1878–1884.

The Library has another sketch of these four houses, made by a classmate of Griffin’s — Joshua Green — which was given to the College by his grandson, Dr. Samuel A. Green of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and is reproduced in Dr. Green’s Ten Facsimile Reproductions Relating to Old Boston and Its Neighborhood. Joshua Green also made, as a college mathematical exercise, “A Plot of Cambridge Common with a view of the roads and a principal part of the buildings thereon,” which shows two of these houses and others at different points about the Common.

The other view by Samuel Griffin shows the three College buildings — Hollis, Harvard, and Massachusetts Halls, the tower of Christ Church, the steeple of the meeting-house, and the Apthorp House on the other side of Massachusetts Avenue. Judging from the grouping of the buildings, the view must have been taken from about the present position of the Harvard Union, but is less carefully drawn, and there seems to be some confusion in the houses shown. Houses which must be on the other side of the street look as if they were on the College grounds, and the artist has not taken the trouble to show Braintree Street (the present Massachusetts Avenue) at all — a smooth green field with trees extending from the Apthorp House to Massachusetts Hall and the other College buildings.

These two mathematical manuscripts are interesting from another point of view. They illustrate the scarcity of text-books during the Revolution. Ward’s Mathematics, or Young Mathematician’s Guide had been in use for fifty years or more, and apparently was the textbook employed under Professor John Winthrop. Perhaps with the coming of Samuel Williams, who was Hollis Professor from 1780 to 1788, Ward went out of use, but the scarcity of textbooks was a serious difficulty in 1778, as is shown by an interesting memorial of the Corporation, asking that books which had been “sequestered” from the stocks of Boston booksellers should be turned over to the College for the use of the students.

The text of the memorial, which is under date of March 20, 1778, is as follows:

The MEMORIAL of the Corporation of Harvard College to the Hon^ble the Council & the House of Representatives in General Court assembled, humbly sheweth —

That the Students of Harvard College have for a considerable time past found it impracticable to purchase a sufficient Number of Books in the several Branches of Science, for their stated Academical Exercises.

To remedy this evil, the immediate Governors advertized in the public Papers their Desire, that any Persons in the State who had such Books to dispose of would send, or give information of them to the President, that a purchase might be made for the Benefit of the College. A small Number was procured, but far from adequate to the demand. The Governors & Students have also availed themselves, as far as possible, of the benevolence of Friends, in procuring the Loan of Books of such as would not sell them. Notwithstanding these measures have been prosecuted, a great deficiency yet remains, & is continually increasing; a number being annually carried from the Society by those who are graduated, & cannot be prevailed upon to part with them. It is much to be feared that the Cause of Literature must suffer in an high Degree, unless a Supply of Books can be obtain’d.

Your Memorialists therefore, having been inform’d, that in the Libraries lately sequestred, particularly in the Collection heretofore under the Care of Mess^s Cox & Berry, is a large number of several kinds which are most wanted; & having from past experience of the Patronage afforded to that Society by the General Assembly of Massachusetts Bay, full confidence in your disposition to do the same, & advance the Cause of Literature, upon which the Welfare & Happiness of this & the united States in so great a Degree depends; beg of the Hon^ble Court the indulgence of purchasing s^d Books at such reasonable Prices as the Court shall determine, to remain as the Property of the College, & to be transmitted thro’ the Classes successively, until they shall be able to supply themselves. And your Memorialists shall ever Pray &c

Signed Sam^L: Langdon, Pres^dt of Harv^d Coll:

in the Name of the Corporation.

The Books which are the Object of the preceeding Memorial are Guthrie’s Geography — s’Gravesand’s Philosophy — Ferguson’s Astronomy — Barrow’s Euclid — Watts’ Logic — Locke on human Understanding—Burlemaqui on natural Law—Holmes’ Rhetoric—Lowth’s English Grammar — Caesar’s Commentaries — Horace — Terence — Sallust — Xenophon — Homer’s Iliad.350

Engraved for The Colonial Society of Massachusetts from the original in the Harvard College Library

In 1791 the Corporation took measures to supply the lack of a satisfactory mathematical text-book, and on December 9 voted that Professor Webber, who succeeded Professor Williams in 1788, be desired to compile one:

4. Whereas a compilation of those branches of the Mathematics which are taught in the University would be very useful for the students — Voted, that Mr. Professor Webber be desired to select pieces from the best Mathematical Authors, making alterations and additions if he shall judge it expedient; and that Mr. Stephen Sewall be employed under his inspection to make out fair copies of fresh selections for the future disposal of the Corporation.351

Mr. Matthews communicated the following —

NOTE ON THE WAINWRIGHT FAMILY

As no geneaology of the Wainwright family has been published, as the scattered accounts of various members contain many errors, and as Savage has made a mistake in regard to at least two, a brief account of certain members of the family before 1750 will prove useful.352 For convenience in reference, a number has been assigned to each.

(1) Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, who died at Salem May 19, 1692, was twice married: (i) to Philippa, who was the mother of all his children and who died October 6, 1669; (ii) on April 17, 1672, to Hannah, who afterwards (in 1693) became the second wife of Daniel Epes (H. C. 1669). Francis and Philippa Wainwright had three sons: (2) John (1648–1708) of Ipswich; (3) Simon (1660–1708) of Haverhill; and (4) Francis (1664–1711; H. C. 1686) of Ipswich.

(2) John Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (1) Francis (d. 1692) and Philippa Wainwright, was born about 1648; on March 10, 1674, married Elizabeth Norton, who later (November 19, 1713) became the second wife of Isaac Addington; and died August 3, 1708. He is sometimes mistakenly stated to have been the Colonel Wainwright who served in the expedition against Nova Scotia in 1707, but that Colonel Wainwright was his brother (4) Francis (H. C. 1686). John and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright had two sons:(5) Francis (d. 1722; H. C. 1707); and (6) John (1691–1739; H. C. 1709).

(3) Simon Wainwright of Haverhill, son of (1) Francis (d. 1692) and Philippa Wainwright, was born November 20, 1660, and died August 29, 1708. He was thrice married: (i) on October 6, 1681, to Sarah Gilbert, who died April 18, 1688; (ii) on October 2, 1688, to Anne Peirce (Pierce), who died June 28, 1693; (iii) on August 7, 1700, to Mary Silver, widow of Thomas Silver. On August 29, 1708, Sewall wrote: “about 4 p.m. An Express brings the News, the doleful News, of the Surprise of Haverhill by 150. French and Indians. . . . Capt. Wainwright is slain;” and on August 31 Sewall noted that the Rev. Benjamin Rolfe (H. C. 1684), “his wife and Child, and Capt. Wainwright were buried in one Grave. Several Ministers were there [Haverhill].”353 Simon and Anne (Peirce) Wainwright had a son (7) John (1690–1721; H. C. 1711).

(4) Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (1) Francis (d. 1692) and Philippa Wainwright, was born August 25, 1664; graduated at Harvard College in 1686; on March 12, 1687, married Sarah Whipple, who died March 16, 1709; and died August 3, 1711, at which time he was about to marry Elizabeth Hirst.354 To the account of Francis Wainwright given by Sibley,355 only one addition is necessary. Sibley states that he was the Colonel Wainwright who served in the expedition against Nova Scotia in 1707. As already remarked, the same claim has been made for his brother (3) John (1648–1708). Oddly enough, both claims are supported by a reference to Hutchinson, who quotes a letter written by Colonel Wainwright on August 14, 1707.356 This, however, is not decisive, since Hutchinson fails to give the writer’s Christian name. The uncertainty is settled by an examination of the Massachusetts Archives, where will be found (a) a letter from Francis Wainwright to Dudley dated Casco, June 17, 1707;357 (b) a letter from Francis Wainwright dated “Port Royall Narrows,” August 25, 1707;358 and (c) a list, dated April 23, 1707, of “Commission Officers of the Land Forces on the Intended Expedition to Nova Scotia and L’Accadie,” wherein occurs the name of “Colonel Frā. Wainwright.”359 Francis and Sarah (Whipple) Wainwright had a son (8) John (1690–1708).

(5) Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (2) John (1648–1708) and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright, was born about 1689; graduated at Harvard College in 1707; on January 1, 1713, married Mary Dudley, daughter of Joseph Dudley; and died September 4, 1722. On that day Sewall wrote: “Mr. Francis Wainwright dies at his brother Winthrop’s, who now dwells at the South-end.”360 On April 7, 1730, his widow Mary married Joseph Atkins. Francis and Mary (Dudley) Wainwright had a son (9) John (1714–1736; H. C. 1734).

(6) John Wainwright of Ipswich, son of (2) John (1648–1708) and Elizabeth (Norton) Wainwright, was born June 14, 1691; graduated at Harvard College in 1709; on February 11, 1724, married Christian Newton; and died September 1, 1739. This is the John Wainwright mentioned in Edward Goddard’s Journal.361 He was town clerk of Ipswich; colonel of a regiment of foot in Essex County; Representative from Ipswich from 1720 to 1730, and again in 1734, 1735, 1737, and 1738, clerk of the House from 1724 to 1728, and again from 1734 to 1739; and held other offices. In 1725 he was sent with John Stoddard (H. C. 1701) to treat with the Eastern Indians.362 The following notice appeared in the Boston News Letter of Thursday, September 6, 1739:

Last Saturday Morning died at his. House in Ipswich, after a lingering Indisposition, John Wainwright, Esq; in the 48th Year of his Age: He has for many Years sustained several publick Stations of Honour and Trust, viz. A Member of the Hon. House of Representatives for the Town of Ipswich, Clerk of the said House, one of His Majesty’s Justices of the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas for the County of Essex, and Colonel of a Regiment of Foot in the said County: He was a Gentleman liberally Educated, of a quick and ready Invention, very condescending and obliging, and exceedingly well qualified for the discharge of his various Offices, and generally respected by those acquainted with him (p. 1/2).

John and Christian (Newton) Wainwright had a son (10) John (1724–1764; H.C. 1742).

(7) John Wainwright of Haverhill, son of (3) Simon (1656–1708) and Anne (Peirce) Wainwright, was born October 30, 1690; graduated at Harvard College in 1711; married Hannah Redford before 1713; and was “lost at sea” or “drowned” on October 4, 1721, “twixt Casco and Boston.” On Commencement Day in 1711 he “stood Convict of being in a Riot late” in the previous night, and would have lost his degree but for the intercession of Governor Dudley, General John Hill, and Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker.363

(8) John Wainwright, son of (4) Francis (H. C. 1686) and Sarah (Whipple) Wainwright, was born January 7, 1690; entered Harvard College in the class of 1709; died an undergraduate September 25, 1708. On September 27 Sewall wrote: “I went to the Funeral of Mr. John Wainwright, son of Col. Francis Wainwright; He was a Senior Sophister, in the 18^th year of his Age. What cause of humble Thankfulness have I, who liv’d 7 years of my Life at the College; had Leave to come away; and have liv’d 34. years since that! The Corps was set in the College Hall. Gentlewomen in the Library.”364

(9) John Wainwright, son of (5) Francis (H. C. 1707) and Mary (Dudley) Wainwright, was born about 1714;365 graduated at Harvard College in 1734; and was drowned April 27, 1736. He apparently never married.

(10) John Wainwright, son of (6) John (H. C. 1709) and Christian (Newton) Wainwright, was born December 8, 1724; graduated at Harvard College in 1742; on November 19, 1746, married Mary Eveleth, who died March 13, 1763; and died May 11, 1764. The Boston Post Boy of May 21 said: “Same Day [May 11] died in Ipswich, in an Apoplectic Fit, John Wainwright, A.M. aged 41 Years, Son of the late Col. Wainwright; He survived his Wife but a little above a Year, and has left Six Orphans, three Sons and three Daughters” (p. 311).

1 I should be glad for any information concerning the copy which Franklin kept for himself, in case it is still in existence.

2 Cf. our Publications, x. 238–239.

3 “During the past winter a new edition of Vattel’s Law of Nations was printed. I could not refuse the request of certain persons to be the editor of it. What is curious about the matter, is that excepting my ideas concerning punishments, that these people know and approve, all the other theses that I support, as well in my notes as in a letter with which I have headed the edition, are exactly the opposite of those that were expected of me; and my history in that respect resembles very much the story of Balaam; it was expected that I would curse tyrants much less odious than those that men bless; and I did the exact contary: I doubt that I shall be forgiven, but this does not worry me.

“Here then, sir, are three copies of this Vattel: one for your own library, another for that of Philadelphia, and a third for such other library and colony as you may choose. You will find on a blank sheet, at the beginning of each copy, my idea upon government and royalty. I believe it is new and yet the simplest of all, and the only one that is just and sane. Impracticable, and consequently useless and dangerous to discuss in Europe, I thought that, sowed in America, it would take root there, germinate and fructify some day.”

4 “There are generous and broad-minded peoples, whose merits will make them in due time completely independent and self-governing States. ‘My dear friends (some wise man will then say to them), you cannot do better than adopt the English Constitution as your own, with one little alteration which, in my opinion, might bring even nearer perfection this balanced and delightfully moderate form of government. This alteration is to make neither royalty, nor nobility, nor legislative office hereditary. It is quite possible to inherit as little skill in the art of governing men, as in that of curing their diseases, or of teaching them to think, to sing, or to dance. Take care, though, not to base your government on suffrage; that would be still worse; it would hardly ever be the best or the wisest, but rather the strongest and the most adroit who would get control of you. Who, then, shall choose the fathers of our country? Why! my friends, from time immemorial, nature has pointed them out to primitive societies; and subsequent societies have always been blind and deaf to the voice of nature. The eldest fathers of your land-holding families are the only kings, if you need any, the only legislators, the only possessors of signorial rights (seniores) worthy of you. You will call them from the plough; they will leave their sons there; and the mere fact of their age will win for these sons the respect and reverence of your grandchildren and of your great-grandchildren, together with the acknowledged right when they become literally the elders of the nation, to control it in their turn.’”

5 Publications, xix. 273–290.

6 “On March 11, 1663, Bray Rossiter was allowed twenty pounds ‘in reference to openinge Kellies child and his paynes’ in visiting and administering to two officials of Connecticut. ... It is not quite certain whether . . . the ‘opening’ of the child was before or after death” (our Publications, xix. 276). My attention has just been called to Some Early Post Mortem Examinations in New England, a paper read by the late Charles J. Hoadly before the Connecticut Medical Society in May, 1892. From the documents in the case there printed (pp. 3–14) it appears that Elizabeth Kelley, the daughter of John and Bethia Kelley, died in the night of March 26, 1662, and that the autopsy was performed on March 31st. There is a copy of Mr. Hoadly’s paper, of which only fifty copies were printed, in the Harvard College Library.

7 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 269, 283, 286. The name of the accused is here given as Peirce.

8 Journal (1908), i. 319–320. Winthrop calls the accused Percy. This case is mentioned in Hoadly’s paper (p. 15)

9 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vi. 171. On submitting this passage to Dr. Frederick C. Shattuck, I received an interesting reply from which the following is quoted: “Third, it would seem probable that an autopsy was held, from the statement that the kidneys as well as other insides were wasted. At the same time one cannot be sure. In those days, even more than at present, there were doctors who knew a good many things that were not true. It seems to me fair for you to assume that an autopsy was probably held.”

10 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vi. 199. The children died respectively on the 5th, 7th, and 15th of December (vi. 177).

11 Magnalia (1702), bk. iv. ch. iii, § 7, p. 156.

12 Ibid. bk. iii. ch. xxvi, §8, p. 118. This case’ also is mentioned in Hoadly’s paper (p. 14).

13 Diary, i. 389–390.

14 Diary, i. 229. Mary Stoddard was the first wife of Simeon Stoddard (d. 1730).

15 Boston Gazette, February 13, 1753, p. 3/1.

16 Boston Gazette, August 16, 1753, p. 2/1.

17 Now that part of Hanover Street between Blackstone and North Bennet Streets.

18 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 226. Dr. George A. Perkins states (Family of John Perkins of Ipswich, 1882, i. 49 note 10) that Dr. Perkins was a descendant of the Rev. William Perkins of Topsfield, but I have been unable to trace the descent.

19 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xix. 234.

20 I Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 178.

21 See p. 18, below.

22 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xvi. 116–117. That this was Dr. William Lee Perkins may, I think, be safely assumed, since there is no evidence that there were in Boston at that time a Dr. William Perkins and also a Dr. William Lee Perkins. There is, however, a still earlier allusion to him. In the Massachusetts House Journal, under date of January 21, 1761, we read:

Whereas it is represented to both Houses that Dr. William Perkins of Boston, hath thro’ Carelessness, or something worse, been instrumental in spreading the Small Pox in Boston, and unless speedy Care be taken, there is Reason to fear said Contagion will proved universal: Therefore,

Voted, That ... be a Committee forthwith to take said Matter under Consideration, that they may be impowered to send for the said Wm. Perkins, . . . (Journal, p. 203).

On January 22 the committee reported that “the within named William Perkins . . . hath been guilty of very great Carelessness by means whereof the Child of Nathaniel Barber & the son of Richard Wheat received the small Pox.” As printed in the House Journal and as recorded in the Court Records (xxiii. 583, 588–589), the name in every instance reads William Perkins; but as printed in the Massachusetts Province Laws (xvi. 681), the name in one instance reads “William P. Perkins” and is so indexed. An examination of the original order and the report of the committee (Massachusetts Archives, lxxxvii. 342–344) shows that the name is William Perkins except in one instance, where it is apparently written “Doct W^m P Perkins.” There is a wide space between the P which stands by itself and the P which begins Perkins, and the P which stands by itself has what may be a line drawn through it. As, so far as is known, no Dr. William P. Perkins existed at that time, it is probable either that the P which stands by itself was crossed out or that the scribe wrote P by mistake for L.

23 Letters and Diary of John Rowe, p. 125. On May 30, 1767, Dr. Perkins again dined with Rowe (p. 133).

24 Letters and Diary, pp. 220, 241.

25 The Rev. Jeremiah Condy died August 28, 1768 (Boston News Letter, September 1, p. 1/1). The marriage of his widow to Dr. Perkins must have taken place between 1768 and 1773, for she died on July 7, 1773: “Died Yesterday Morning, Mrs. Sarah Perkins, Consort of Dr. William Lee Perkins” (ibid. July 8, p. 3/1). On August 21, 1772, Martin Gay was appointed guardian to Sarah and Thomas Hollis Condy, “Children of Jeremy Condy, late of said Boston Clerk deceased” (Suffolk Probate Files, nos. 15198, 15199).

26 Details in regard to the three marriages of Elizabeth Wentworth follow.

“Yesterday Morning at King’s-Chappel, Mr. John Gould, jun. [of this Town, Merchant, was married to Miss Elizabeth Wentworth, an agreeable young Lady” (Boston Gazette, April 10, 1758, p. 3/1). Elizabeth Wentworth was the daughter of Samuel Wentworth (1708–1766; H. C. 1728), who was a son of Lt.-Gov. John Wentworth (1671–1730) of New Hampshire. In his Annals of King’s Chapel, Foote fell into several mistakes in regard to the Gould family. Thus he quotes the above marriage notice and adds: “He went to England, and was a loyalist addresser of the King in 1779” (ii. 122 note 39). Exactly when John Gould, Jr., died I do not know, but as his death must have occurred before the remarriage of his widow to Nathaniel Rogers in 1765, obviously John Gould the Loyalist was a different person. Again, speaking of the Rev. John Troutbeck of King’s Chapel, Foote, after stating that he married (May 8, 1759) Sarah Gould, went on to say: “Mrs. Troutbeck had brothers, — John and Thomas Gould, — neither of whom left any children. Her father, from whom she inherited some property, was a distiller, which gives the point to some scurrilous verses, very popular at the time of the Revolution, in a ‘Ballad of the Boston Ministers,’ first printed in 1859 in the N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. xiii. 132; xxv. 420” (ii. 189 note). John Gould, Sr., the father of Mrs. Troutbeck, was a merchant, not a distiller; and the verses in question obviously refer not to Mr. Gould but to Mr. Troutbeck:

John, of small merit, who deals in spirit,
As next in course I sing; Fain would I treat, as is most meet,
This chaplain of the King.
His Sunday aim is to reclaim
Those that in vice are sunk;
When Monday’s come, he selleth rum,
And gets them plaguey drunk.

As printed in the Register (xiii. 132), there is this footnote: “Rev. John Troutback; he was also a distiller.”

John Gould, Sr., died January 9, 1772: “Last Wednesday departed this Life, in the 72d Year of his Age, John Gould, Esq; well known for his extensive Trade, and great Integrity; and no less remarkable for fulfilling all his Engagements with the most nice and scrupulous exactness — His Remains are to be interred at 3 o’Clock this Afternoon under King’s Chapel” (Boston Gazette, January 13, p. 3/2). On January 9 John Rowe noted, “My Worthy Friend Old M^r Gould Died;” and on the 13th, “I Attended as a Relation The Funerall of my Old Friend M^r John Gould” (Letters and Diary, p. 223). Yet in the index (which is otherwise defective) to that book, he is entered as Robert Gould, as he is also in 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 39. His will (dated December 28, 1771, proved January 17, 1772) mentions his daughter Sarah Troutbeck and the three children of his son John deceased, and contains this item: “I give unto my Daughter in law M^rs Eliz^th Rogers ten guineas” (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 15077). So far from leaving no children, as Foote affirmed, John Gould, Jr., left at least three — John, Samuel, and Elizabeth. On June 5, 1772, John Trecothick was appointed their guardian (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 15150).

The second marriage of Elizabeth Wentworth took place October 15, 1765, as appears from a notice in the Boston Evening Post of October 21:

PORTSMOUTH, New-Hampshire, Oct. 18.

Last Tuesday afternoon was married at his Excellency’s the Governor’s, by the Rev. Mr. Caner of Boston, Nathaniel Rogers, of Boston, Esq; to Mrs. Elizabeth Gould, of the same place; a Lady very amiable and highly esteemed (p. 3/2).

In the Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxx. 361, as also in Sabine’s American Loyalists, ii. 236, his name is given as Nathan Rogers. By this marriage there was one child — George Wentworth Rogers — who was baptized at King’s Chapel on September 3, 1766, and doubtless died in infancy (Wentworth Genealogy, i. 526). This Nathaniel Rogers has apparently never been identified. “Mr. Rogers,” says the Wentworth Genealogy, “is supposed to have been lost at sea, as he was never heard from after he sailed from this country” (i. 526). No authority is given for this surmise, nor is it stated when, from where, or to where Mr. Rogers sailed. Had he simply disappeared, Mrs. Rogers might have found it difficult to marry again, as she did in 1774. Moreover, on her marriage to Dr. Perkins she was called the “Widow of the late Nathaniel Rogers” (see below). I suspect that Elizabeth Wentworth’s second husband was the Nathaniel Rogers who died August 9, 1770: “Last Thursday Noon Nathaniel Rogers, Esq; of this Town, Merchant, was suddenly seized with a Paralytic Disorder, and died in a few Hours after” (Boston Evening Post, August 13, p. 3/1). That this Nathaniel Rogers was married we learn from a statement in the Boston Gazette of January 29, 1770, to the effect that among those present at a certain rout and card party the previous Wednesday were “Nathaniel Rogers, Samuel Waterhouse and John Erving, Esq’rs; with their Ladies” (p. 3/1); and from a letter written by himself January 19, 1770, in which he speaks of “M^rs Rogers” (Massachusetts Archives, xxv. 351). But though a man of property he died intestate, and his cousin, Thomas Hutchinson, Jr., was admitted administrator of his estate on August 24, 1770 (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 14779).

Mr. and Mrs. Rogers were married at Portsmouth at the house of Gov. Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire by the Rev. Dr. Caner of King’s Chapel. Their child was baptized at King’s Chapel. The Nathaniel Rogers who died August 9, 1770, was buried under King’s Chapel (Foote, Annals, ii. 239). It may fairly be assumed, I think, that the Nathaniel Rogers who married Mrs. Gould in 1765 and the Nathaniel Rogers who died August 9, 1770, were one and the same. If so, he was a well known Boston merchant. On May 27, 1736, his father George Rogers — who was a son of the Rev. Nathaniel Rogers (1669–1723; H. C. 1687) of Portsmouth, N. H. — married Lydia Hutchinson, a sister of Gov. Thomas Hutchinson (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 198). George Rogers died September 5, 1747 (Boston News Letter, September 10, p. 3/1), leaving two children, Nathaniel and Sarah. In 1762 Nathaniel Rogers received the degree of A.M. from Glasgow University and the same degree ad eundem from Harvard College in the same year. The statement that he graduated A.B. at Glasgow in 1755, found in the earlier Harvard Quinquennials (and repeated in Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vi. 336, xxvi. 401), is a mistake, as I ascertained in 1909 from W. Innes Addison, and the error was corrected in the 1910 Quinquennial. In the New England Historical and Genealogical Register it is stated that his wife was “Elizabeth-” (xii. 341). In 1776 Nathaniel and Sarah Rogers sold to Daniel Malcom a piece of property in Boston, and “In Witness thereof we the said Nathaniel and Sarah and Elizabeth the wife of the said Nathaniel in testimony that she releases all her Right of Dower in the premises hereunto set our hands & seals this twenty second day of March,” and on March 25 “M^r Nathaniel Rogers Miss Sarah Rogers and M™ Elizabeth Rogers” acknowledged the instrument (Suffolk Deeds, cviii. 154). The Boston News Letter of November 12, 1767, stated that “Nathaniel Rogers, Esq; of this Town, Merchant, went Passenger in Capt. Cotting” the previous Friday (p. 2/1). On November 20, 1768, he wrote a letter, printed in the Boston Gazette of November 21, in which he said that “during my late residence in England I strove for the acquaintance of men of all parties, that I might gain a just knowledge of their sentiments relating to the public affairs in America,” and that “the last summer a general alarm appeared in the kingdom that we were taking the most imprudent steps” (p. 2/2). From a letter written by him on December 12, 1768 (printed in the “Hutchinson Letters,” Boston, 1773, pp. 38–40), it appears that he desired to be made Secretary of Massachusetts. The Boston Gazette of December 4, 1769, stated: “We hear that Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, Trader in this Town, expects to be Secretary of the Province of New-Hampshire, in the Room of the late Theodore Atkinson, Esq;” (p. 3/1). Theodore Atkinson, Jr. (H. C. 1757) was the son of Theodore Atkinson (H. C. 1718) and Hannah (Wentworth) Atkinson, the latter a daughter of Lt.-Gov. John Wentworth (1671–1730) and so a sister of Gov. Benning Wentworth (H. C. 1715) of New Hampshire. Theodore Atkinson, Jr., married his first cousin Frances Wentworth, a daughter of Samuel Wentworth (H. C. 1728) and hence a sister of the Elizabeth Wentworth whose second husband was Nathaniel Rogers. Theodore Atkinson, Jr., died October 28, 1769, and on the 11th of November following his widow was married to another first cousin, Gov. Sir John Wentworth (1737–1820; H. C. 1755) of New Hampshire. If the Nathaniel Rogers who expected to succeed Theodore Atkinson, Jr., as Secretary of New Hampshire was the Nathaniel Rogers who in 1765 married Mrs. Gould, the reason for such an expectation is furnished by the double connection of his wife with Gov. Sir John Wentworth. Mr. Rogers did not obtain the position, and in 1770 there is again allusion (as in the Boston Gazette of June 11, p. 3/1) to his becoming Secretary of Massachusetts. In 1768 “M^rs Elizabeth Rogers” gave to King’s Chapel its Baskerville Bible of 1763 (Foote, Annals, ii. 345 note 2).

The third marriage of Elizabeth Wentworth occurred April 21, 1774: “Last Evening was Married, at His Excellency Governor WENTWORTH’s, by the Rev. Dr. BYLES, Doctor WILLIAM LEE PERKINS of Boston, to Mrs. ROGERS, second Daughter to SAMUEL WENTWORTH, Esq; late of the same Place” (New Hampshire Gazette, April 22, 1774, p. 3/2). In the Wentworth Genealogy (i. 527) it is stated that “The marriage was thus announced in the Portsmouth Gazette: ‘Last Evening ... of Boston, formerly of Hampton Court, Great Britain, to Mrs. Rogers, . . . same place.’” By the “Portsmouth Gazette” is meant the New Hampshire Gazette published at Portsmouth, but the words italicized by me are not in the original. The Boston News Letter of April 28, 1774, stated that Mrs. Rogers was the “Widow of the late Nathaniel Rogers, Esq;” (p. 3/1).

Anna Perkins married George Henry Apthorp, a son of James and Sarah (Wentworth) Apthorp, the latter a daughter of Samuel Wentworth (H. C. 1728) and thus a sister of Elizabeth Wentworth.

27 New England Chronicle, November 2, 1775.

28 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xviii. 267.

29 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 913, 916; Memorial History of Boston, ii. 563.

30 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xix. 220, 223.

31 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxvi. 258. On March 8, 1781, Samuel Curwen (Journal and Letters, 1864, p. 339) met Dr. Perkins in London.

32 Suffolk Deeds, clxxi. 247. It was recorded January 9, 1792.

33 There are copies in the Boston Athenaeum and in the Harvard College Library. A second edition of this Essay, with additions, was published at London in 1790. Cf. Watt, Bibliotheca Britannica, ii. 747.

34 Medical Commentaries, London, 1786, xi. 298–300. This work was reprinted at Philadelphia in 1795, Dr. Perkins’s article appearing in vi. 188–190.

35 Memoirs of the Medical Society of London, 1792, iii. 580–581. In the table of contents (p. xxiv), the article is described as “by William Lee Perkins, M.D., C.M.S. of Court Hampton.” The Medical Society of London consisted of Fellows, Corresponding Members, and Candidates. Presumably the letters “C.M.S.” indicate “Candidate of the Medical Society;” but whether Dr. Perkins ever became a member I do not know.

36 Wentworth Genealogy, i. 527.

37 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xx. 39.

38 “D I E D ] . . . At Quincy, Mrs. Elizabeth Perkins, Æt. 64, widow of the late Dr. Wm. L. Perkins” (Columbian Centinel, March 13, 1802, p. 2/4). Cf. Wentworth Genealogy, i. 527. In addition to the authorities cited in the footnotes, see Sabine, American Loyalists, ii. 177; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, v. 414⁷, xix. 67, 234, 263.

39 Here a word has been crossed out or altered so as to be undecipherable.

40 “Geniture, or Horoscope of John Hancock,” dated “London, 1760,” and signed “Roger Rintoul.” See 2 Bostonian Society’s Publications, i. 56.

41 “Price 6^d London Printed & Sold by Preston, at his Warehouses, Exeter Change, & 97 Strand. Where may be had all the Songs in the above Opera detatched. Pr. each 6^d.” See also: “The Songs, Duets, Trios, & Choruses, of the Historical Romance of Richard Cœur de Lion as performed at the Theatre Royal in Drury Lane, The Music by Mons^r Gretry, Adapted to the English Words by M^r Linley. Price 8^s London: Printed for S. A & P. Thompson N° 75 S’ Pauls Church Yard.” (No date.) Curiously enough, the words of Antonio’s song as printed by Preston differ from the words as printed by Thompson and in the many editions of Burgoyne’s historical romance.

42 “Richard Cœur de Lion. A Comic Opera, as performed at The Theatre Royal Covent Garden. Taken from a French Comedy of the same Name, written by Monsieur Sedaine; by Leonard MacNally, Esq. London: . . . M, DCC, LXXXVI.”

43 “Richard Cœur de Lion. An Historical Romance. Translated from the French of Monsr. Sedaine. By Lieut. General Burgoyne. . . . Dublin: . . . M DCC XCIV.” (No. 4 in vol. viii of Jones’s British Theatre, Dublin, 1795.)

44 “Richard, Cœur de Lion, Comédie en Trois Actes, en Prose et en Vers, mis en Musique. Represéntée, pour la premiere fois, à Paris, par les Comédiens Italiens ordinaires du Roi, le 21 Octobre 1784; & à Fontainebleau, devant leurs Majestés, le 25 Octobre 1785. ... A Paris, ... M. DCC. LXXXVI.”

45 For an account of MacNally’s comic opera and of Burgoyne’s historical romance, see the Universal Magazine for October, 1786, lxxix, 211–212. Antonio’s song (in Burgoyne’s words) is printed on p. 210, and on p. 212 it is stated that “The Characters of the Historical Romance performed at Drury-lane, were thus represented; . . . Antonio, Miss Romanzini.” Cf. Biographia Dramática (1812), iii. 205.

46 Toppan’s Edward Randolph (Prince Society), iv. 61.

47 “1683. George, John, — was appointed lieutenant of the Portsmouth 1672. From this vessel he was removed to the same station on board the Foresight on the 27th of July 1674. He was promoted, on the 29th of May 1677, to be first lieutenant of the Leopard; and on the 11th of September, in the following year, to the same station on board the Happy Return. On the 13th of January 1679, he was again made lieutenant of the Leopard. On the 14th of April 1683, he was appointed first lieutenant of the Grafton, and on the 17th of December following was promoted to the command of the Deptford ketch. On the 23d of March 1683–4, he was removed into the Rose, after which his name does not occur in the service” (Charnock, Biographia Navalis, ii. 98).

48 Our Publications, xvii. 4, 11 note 3.

49 Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 183, 186, 188, 191.

50 iv. 92.

51 Thomas Dudley, born February 26, 1670; H. C. 1685.

52 Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 92.

53 iv. 118, vi. 198.

54 Randolph lived in John Usher’s house.

55 Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 202.

56 Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 334, 335.

57 cxxvi. 334.

58 cxxvii. 74.

59 cxxviii. 140.

60 Massachusetts Archives, cxxviii. 153.

61 Ibid.

62 cxrix. 44.

63 Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 224.

64 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 216, 218.

65 Littlefield, Early Boston Booksellers, p. 148.

66 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 216, 218.

67 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, i. 374; Andros Tracts (Prince Society), i. 4, 118, ii. 53, 194; Calendar State Papers, America and West Indies, 1689–1692, no. 196.

68 “1690. Condon, David, — was appointed second lieutenant of the Unicorn in 1672, and of the Foresight in 1673. On the 28th of July 1678, he was promoted, by sir John Narborough, to be first lieutenant of the Portsmouth. On the 4th of March 1681–2, he was appointed to the same station on board the Dragon; as he was also, on the 14th of April 1685, on board the Rose. On the 25th of May 1690, he was promoted to the command of the same ship: he was afterwards made Captain of the Heart Ketch; in which vessel he was unfortunately killed on the 9th of June 1692. We have diligently searched for some authentic particulars relative to this action, but without success. We know only, that the ship itself was taken after being very gallantly defended, for a considerable time, by a very superior force” (Charnock, Biographia Navalis, ii. 308).

69 Our Publications, xvii. 17–26.

70 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 11.

71 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 92.

72 cvii. 96a.

73 “Boston June 12, 1689 The Gov^r & Councill with y^e Rep^rsentatives now assembled in the Convention, Hauing re[ad] & considered the Peticⁿ of Sundry Gentⁿ & march^tshereunto annexed, Do consent that reasonabl Security to y^e Sattisfac^con of this Court being first given Cap^t George be ꝓmitted if he soe meet, to attend their motion and that the Sailes y^t were brought on shoare be redeliv^ed passed on y^e affirmative by y^e Mag^ts

ꝓ order Th° Danforth

Voted A non Concurrence. As Attests

Ebenezer Prout: Clerk”

(Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 93.)

74 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 111.

75 cvii. 174.

76 Massachusetts Archives, lxxxi. 34.

77 cvii. 251.

78 cvii. 256.

79 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlv. 216.

80 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539:12.

81 Ibid. no. 2539: 1.

82 Massachusetts Archives, cxxvii. 74.

83 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2538: 6.

84 Massachusetts Archives, boon. 43.

85 cvii. 272, 274.

86 cvii. 274.

87 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2516.

88 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 265, 277, 278, 279.

89 cvii. 279.

90 cvii. 277.

91 Now Vineyard Haven.

92 Suffolk Court Files, no. 253:77.

93 On southeast side of Naushon Island, in Vineyard Sound.

94 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 10a.

95 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2520.

96 “Mart. Vineyard. Sep^tr 22^d 89 Worshipf^ll S^r I send the bearer post, to inform, that one Hawkins, hath lately taken William Lord, in a Barqu^e from Jamaica, this day, following a Vesle into this port, being the Sabath, gave advantage, to raise such force to deter them, from Comeing so neer as to fetch out the vesle: of which wee thought meet to give Speedy advice, that, at least Such as are designed westward, might know the daing^r. the s^d pirates are in a Sloope, belonging to M^r peeter Coffin, & S^d barqu^e being all needf^ll at p^rsent — am

Yo^r Wo^rships humble S’vant

Matt Mayhew.”

(Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 10a.)

97 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 31, lxxxi. 80.

98 cvii. 229.

99 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539: 9.

100 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 61.

101 General Court Records, vi. 85. See p. 40 note 1, below.

102 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 79, 117.

103 xxxv. 238.

104 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 141a.

105 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539: 7, 13; Massachusetts Archives, cxrviii. 136.

106 Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 300.

107 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 95, 96.

108 Records of the Court of Assistants, i. 305–307.

109 Records of the Court of Assistants, i. 320.

110 i. 321.

111 Sewall, Diary, i. 309.

112 i. 309.

113 General Court Records, vi. 116, 119; Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 251-252a, xxxvi. 394.

114 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvi. 104

115 Ibid. p. 107.

116 The New England Weekly Journal of October 18, 1731, noted the death on the 11th of Benjamin Gallup, who, when “Lieutenant under Capt. Pease,” captured “a Man called Pounds.”

117 Gay Transcripts (Massachusetts Historical Society), Philips, i. 53.

118 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539: 7, 13.

119 A Vindication of New England, Andros Tracts, ii. 53.

120 Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 344.

121 See p. 39, above.

122 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539: 13

123 “Rebeca Thomas aged 46 years or there about testifieth and saith that she going to the prison to carry victuals for thomas Hawkins who then was in an other Rome, she said unto thomas Pounds what a sad thing it was to see so many men brought into trouble; and for thomas Hawkyns it was a sore grief to his mother thomas Pounds said he would Clear Hawkyns for 2 pence, I said how can that be, seeing he was the first man that borded y^e Salem ketch; y^e said Pounds replied and said if he had nott, he would have kild ye Dogg” (Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539:14).

124 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary.

125 The following advertisement was printed in the London Gazette of April 30, 1691: “A large two Sheet Map of New-England, from Cape Cod to Cape Sables; Describing all the Sands, Shoals, Rocks, &c. Together with a Sand draught of the Mattathussetts Bay, (alias Boston Bay), exactly survey’d by the Author, Tho. Pound. Sold by Phil. Lea, Globemaker, at the Atlas and Hercules in Cheap-side, W. Court on Tower-hill, G. Flower near Ratcliffe.”

126 English Pilot, Fourth Book, 1758.

127 Massachusetts Archives, cix. 576.

128 English Pilot, Fourth Book, 1706–1729.

129 The Pound Chart of Boston Harbor, with slight variations, is found: as an inset to Robert Morden’s A new map of the English Empire in America [1695]; in Philip Lea’s Hydrographia Universalis [1700]; Sanson’s Neptune François [1700]; the English Pilot, Fourth Book, 1706, 1716, 1729, as an inset to A large draught of New England, New York and Long Island, based partly on Pound’s New England; the English Pilot, Fourth Book, 1732, 1737, 1742, 1745, 1748, 1749, 1753, 1755, 1758, as an inset to A correct map of New England, 1731, based on Southack; inset to Senex’s A new map of the English Empire in America, 1719; inset to Daniel Neal’s A new map of New England, 1720; Halley’s Atlas Maritimus, 1728; and elsewhere.

130 Charnock, Biographia Navalis, ii. 401, and his Log.

131 Log of the Rose.

132 Log of the Dover.

133 Will.

Six years ago I wrote to the late Sir John K. Laughton, asking his opinion on several points. His reply, dated Navy Records Society, June 1, 1912, is in part as follows:

“My advanced age and failing eyesight prevent my examining into the interesting question you raise, so I think I am acting upon the spirit of your enquiry by turning it over to my son, who will, I believe, in a few days’ time succeed me as Secretary of this Society. It is quite possible and not improbable that there may be letters of Thom. Pound at the Record Office; if not, I fear nothing can be done except by one of those lucky accidents which come at times when least to be expected.

“I am also putting a query about him in the Mariners’ Mirror, which may tap some unknown vat — but considering the point as you state it, I should say that there is little doubt that Thomas Pound the Pilot, Thomas Pound the Pirate, Thomas Pound the Captain, and Thomas Pound the Cartographer, are not four men but one man.”

An attempt has been made to connect Capt. Thomas Pound with Capt. Thomas Pond, who was supposed to have given to the Corporation of Youghal, Ireland, in 1690, “a silver boat which holds three noggins [i.e. gills], which is to be drank full at the several feasts of the mayors with the usual toasts,’ Capt. Pond dead or alive.’” This is quoted in Notes and Queries (October 19, 1861, Second Series, xii. 310) as from the manuscript Memoirs of the Town of Youghal (Handbook of Youghal, 1852), but here the name reads Capt. Thomas Ponel, and the boat itself has the name so spelled (Council Book of the Corporation, 1878, plate 7). On August 2, 1690, Youghal, with its garrison of three companies of foot, surrendered to fifty dragoons under command of Capt. Thomas Pownal (Harris, Life of William III, p. 285). In the Council Book of the Corporation, under date of January 6, 1693, is found: “Whereas it appears that a small Silver Cup, now in the possession of Robt. Ball, Aid., was given him by Capt. Thomas Pownall for the use of the Corporation: Ordered, that said Aid. Ball forthwith deliver the said Silver Cup unto Mr. Mayor, who is to pay him 4s. 9d., which he gave Capt. Pownall’s servant who gave him the said cup from his master, and said Silver Cup is henceforth to be kept by the Mayor of Youghal for the time being, for the Corporation” (p. 390). And in further confirmation that it was Capt. Pownall otherwise Ponel, and not Capt. Pound, who gave the boat, it bears the Pownall Crest, a Lion’s Gamb, holding a key (Heraldic Journal, in. 56) on one side, and on the reverse “The guift: of: Cap’: Thomas: Ponel: to: the: Corporation Of: Youghall 1690.” This monteth or loving cup is boat shaped, five inches long, two and three fourths inches wide and two inches high (Council Book, plate 7).

134 An Account of the late Revolution in New England, Andros Tracts, ii. 194.

135 The Revolution in New England Justified, Andros Tracts, i. 118.

136 A Vindication of New England, Andros Tracts, ii. 53.

137 The Red Lion was at the northeast corner of North and Richmond Streets.

138 Perhaps the house of William Colman, at the northeast corner of North and Fleet Streets.

139 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts (London, 1765), i. 374. “An anonymous letter,” says Hutchinson, “gives a more circumstantial account of this revolution, than any that has yet been printed.”

140 Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1689–1692, no. 196.

141 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539:1.

142 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2538:6. At bottom, upside down, is an extract from the Council Record of August 12, 1689:

“Inform, being given this day from Salem y^e Tho. Hawk, and

It^s ordered y^t a suitable vessell well-mand be forthwith sent out from Salem to seeke after and surprise y^{e e} s^dkatch and men in her and to bring him in and y^e militia of Salem and Marblehead are desired and ordered forthwith to put this order in Execution.”

143 2 Collections Maine Historical Society, ii. 32–34.

144 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2516.

145 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 277.

146 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 278.

147 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 279.

148 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2537:7.

149 Massachusetts Archives, lxxxi. 80.

150 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 31. This is endorsed: “Copy of Com̄ission, to Capⁿ Sam^ll Pease Com̄and^r of y^e Sloop Mary. 1689.”

151 ‘“Outward bound, Nov. 23, 1688, Sam. Pease, Master, Shipp Fortune, Coland, 200 tons, 12 guns, 20 men, Tobago” (Massachusetts Archives, vii. 60).

152 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 229. This is an abstract.

153 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539:13.

154 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2539:7.

155 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 61.

156 General Court Records, vi. 90.

157 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 117.

158 xxxv. 125.

159 Andros Tracts, iii. 236.

160 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 159.

161 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 95.

162 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 96.

163 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2538: 9.

164 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2537: 6.

165 Ibid. no. 2520.

166 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlv. 216.

167 Suffolk Court Files, no. 2359:12.

168 Records of the Court of Assistants, i. 305

169 Records of the Court of Assistants, i. 307–309.

170 i. 320–321

171 Records of the Court of Assistants, i. 321–322.

172 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 301.

173 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 150.

174 General Court Records, vi. 106.

175 Massachusetts Archives, xxxv. 238.

176 £ 13. 6. 8. Coles’s Dictionary (London, 1701) gives the value of a mark silver as worth 13s 4d, and of a mark gold as 33s 4d. See Sewall’s Diary, i. 202 note.

177 General Court Records, vi. 116.

178 vi. 119–120.

179 Gay Transcripts (Massachusetts Historical Society), Phips, i. 31

180 Ibid. i. 55

181 Gay Transcripts, Phips, i. 53.

182 All dates are New Style, unless otherwise specified.

183 J. B. Williams, History of English Journalism, p. 26

184 Perfect Diurnall, no. 156, p. 1250, July 27, 1646. The book was written by John Vicars. Professor C. N. Greenough points out the probability that the title of Cotton Mather’s great work, Magnalia Christi Americana, was modeled on this.

185 Williams, p. 121, calls this notice of Walker’s “the first practical realization” of a scheme of advertising. But Pecke’s first notice antedates Walker’s by nine months.

186 Perfect Diurnall, no. 33, p. 392, July 29, 1650.

187 Ibid. no. 104, December 8, 1651

188 In the Gay Collection alone are 1028 tracts not listed in the Thomason Catalogue

189 Mr. Frederick L. Gay had himself noted many of these titles, as Mr. John H. Edmonds calls to my attention. To Mr. Edmonds I am indebted for several suggestions.

190 The newspapers at that time had double dates, the one cited in the text being dated March 13–20. As here printed, the date of the day of publication only is given

191 Misprint for “Dignity.”

192 Misprint for “Civil.”

193 Misdated “1652.”

194 Misprint for “Churches.”

195 The newsbook is wrongly dated June 2–12, instead of June 5–12.

196 The title-page of the H copy, after the material given in the advertisement, reads: “by an Assembly of Divines meeting at Boston in New England, June 4^th 1657. Now Published by a Lover of Truth. London . . . 1659.” From the preface it appears that the manuscript had been in England for some time, and was finally printed to show the continuity between the English and the colonial creeds. I find no indication of the author; the preface, indeed, declares it a joint production of the Assembly in question 1657.

197 John White (H. C. 1685).

198 Belknap Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society), vii. 7. The endorsement is in Belknap’s hand

199 As, when this letter was written, Belcher had been in Boston for two months, and as Belcher was in London on December 27, 1704, it follows that Dudley’s letter to Belcher was written February 6, 1705–6. Belcher’s arrival is mentioned neither in the Boston News Letter nor in Sewall’s Diary

200 In a letter to the Council of Trade and Plantations, dated March 10, 1705, Dudley said: “By the last ships I received H.M. picture and coat of armes, the armes were the next day fixed in the Council Chamber; and I issued warrants to the Sheriffs forthwith to reforme the armes in all their Court-houses before the next session of any Court. H.M. picture I have set up in my owne house, where it is alwaies in the view of all masters of sea, strangers etc.” (Calendar of State Papers, American and West Indies, 1704–1705, p. 448: cf. Palfrey, History of New England, iv. 295 note). Exactly when Dudley removed Anne’s portrait from his own house to the Council Chamber does not appear, unless the letter in the text means that it was removed on February 6, 1706.

201 Anne’s birthday was no doubt celebrated each year from 1703 to 1714. The celebration in 1705 was thus described in the Boston News Letter of February 12:

On Tuesday the 6th Instant, being Her Majesty’s Birth Day; The Honourable the Lieutenant Governour, and the Gentlemen of Her Majesties Council, with

202 Gay Transcripts (Massachusetts Historical Society), Miscellaneous, i. 172. On October 29, 1706, it was “Ordered. That M^r Commissary Belcher take care to provide an Iron Rails to be placed at the foot of her Maj^ty’s Picture affixed in the Council Chamber to keep persons off from rubbing it, and a handsom Curtain to draw over and cover it from being soil’d with dust; and a handsom Curtain to draw over and Cover the Princess Sophia’s Picture” (Council Records, iv. 325).

203 It is possible that this letter was taken to England by Belcher himself, for on March 13, 1708, Sewall took leave of him and he did not return to Boston until April 29, 1709 (Sewall’s Diary, ii. 220, 254).

204 Gay Transcripts (Massachusetts Historical Society), Miscellaneous, i. 174

205 Were they bayberry candles? On June 5, 1739, the Corporation of Harvard College voted to send to Joseph Mico in London “a box of thirty or fourty w’ of Bay-berry Candles, as a Small Acknowledgment of his great Kindness to us, in taking Care of M^r Penoyer’s Legacy for us” (College Book, iv. 218).

206 Gay Transcripts (Massachusetts Historical Society), Miscellaneous, i. 173.

Belcher’s visits to Hanover were well known, for on September 23, 1714, “Mr. Jonathan Belcher, A Gentleman who had been Twice at the Court of Hanover, on the Occasion of His Majesty King GEORGE’s Accession to the Crown, and his being Proclaimed, made a very Splendid Entertainment for His Excellency the Governour and Council, with a great many other Gentlemen, at his House in Hanover Street, where were Drank His Majesties Health, The Prince [of Wales], Royal Family, &c. the House being all over very finely Illuminated” (Boston News Letter, September 27, p. 2/2).

207 Boston News Letter, October 8, 1711, p. 2/1.

208 House Journal, p. 18.

209 Presumably an error for the 6th.

210 “The Pictures of their Majesties King GEORGE II. and Queen CAROLINE, beautifully drawn at length, are put up in the Council Chamber in this Town, and according to the Inscription at the bottom of them, they are the Gift of His Majesty to this His Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, at the Desire of His Excellency Jonathan Belcher, Esq; Governour of New-England” (New England Weekly Journal, October 19, 1730, p. 2/1).

“An Accompt presented by Will^m Price of his time and trouble in framing & setting up the Kings & Queens Pictures, mending Picture Frames &c, amounting to the sum of £ 7.

“Advised & consented that a Warr^t be made out to the Treasurer to pay to the s^d Will^m Price the sum of Six Pounds in full of the s^d Accompt” (Council Records, February 19, 1731, ix. 278–279).

211 “The Pictures of their Majesties King GEORGE II. and Queen CAROLINE, beautifully drawn at length, are put up in the Council Chamber in this Town, and according to the Inscription at the bottom of them, they are the Gift of His Majesty to this His Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, at the Desire of His Excellency Jonathan Belcher, Esq; Governour of New-England” (New England Weekly Journal, October 19, 1730, p. 2/1).

“An Accompt presented by Will^m Price of his time and trouble in framing & setting up the Kings & Queens Pictures, mending Picture Frames &c, amounting to the sum of £ 7.

212 House Journal, p. 21: cf. Massachusetts Province Laws, xiii. 571.

213 Prytaneum Bostoniense, p. 18; Old State House Memorial, sixth edition, 1893, p. 217.

214 The following table will be useful:

215 In the Act of Settlement (1701) she is called “the most Excellent Princess Sophia Electress and Dutchess Dowager of Hannover.” On February 1, 1705, N. Luttrell wrote: “Some dayes since, the queen of Prussia, daughter to theprincesse Sophia of Hanover, dyed at Hanover” (Brief Historical Relation, v. 515). On March 11 and July 3, 1701, he called her “the princesse Sophia, dutchesse dowager of Brunswick” (v. 26, 67); on October 18, 1701, “the princesse Sophia, electoresse dowager” (v. 100); and elsewhere the Princess Sophia (v. 168, 170, 405, vi. 24, 26, 34, 79, 154, 538). In his will, dated December 6, 1727, Governor William Burnet bequeathed to his son Gilbert “Gold and Silver Medals bearing the images of King George the First, and the Princess Sophia, and King George the II.; and the gilt tea-table plate, all of which were given to my father by the said Princess Sophia, late Electoress Dowager of Brunswick” (Collections New York Historical Society, Abstracts of Wills, ii. 350).

216 Boston News Letter, December 10, 1747, p. 2/1. On June 29, 1749, the Council “Voted that his Excellency [Governor Shirley] be desired to request of his Majesty, the Pictures of the Royal Family to be set up in the Council Chamber in the room of those that were lost in the late Fire, as also his Majesty’s Arms to be set up in the Council Chamber” (Council Records, xii. 108).

217 See the notice of him in the Dictionary of National Biography

218 The plate originally contained the portrait of Sophia brought to England by Lord Raby and was “dedicated to his Lordshipp by his must humble Servant, E.C. W Faithorne fee. Cum Privilegio. Sold by E Cooper at the 3 Pigeons in Bedford Street.” Then that portrait was “entirely erased, and a different one of the same person substituted with the face nearer the top of the oval, without high cap or lappets, with a black veil and jewels at breast, ‘W Faithorne’ erased.” Then another change took place, “E.C.” and the address were erased and instead, “I.B. Sold by Iohn Bowks opposite to Stocks Markt & at Mercers Hall Cheapside; before ‘fec’ I Simon, by whom probably the alteration only was executed.” See J. C. Smith, British Mezzotinto Portraits (1884), ii. 475, ii. 819, iii. 1115. For portraits of Sophia, see, besides those listed in the A.L.A. Portrait Index, W. H. Wilkins’s Caroline the Illustrious, i. 88, and A. W. Ward’s The Electress Sophia and the Hanoverian Succession (1903), where several are reproduced.

219 History of Plymouth Plantation (1898), p. 374. Reference to this irruption of insects is also made by Morton in his New England’s Memorial (1669, p. 91); by Joeselyn in 1674 (Account of Two Voyages to New-England, p. 254); by Hubbard in his History of New England (written about 1680, but not printed until 1815), pp. 194, 662; and by Prince in 1755— all under the year 1633, and all based on Bradford’s account. Prince says:

This Spring, especially all the Month of May, there are such [Numbers] of a great Sort of Flies, like for Bigness to Bumble-Bees, which come out of Holes, in the Ground [in Pc] replenish all the Woods, eat the green Things, and make such a constant yelling Noise, as all the Woods ring of them, and [deafen] the Hearers. The Indians tell us that Sickness will follow: and so it [proves] in June, July, and August. They have hot by the English been heard or seen before or since (br) [i.e. to the Beginning of 1647, when Gov Bradford ends his History: but have in like Manner at distant Periods risen up since, and are known by the Name of Locusts.’] (Annals of New England, 1755, ii. 92.)

The abbreviations Pc and br stand respectively for Plymouth Colony and “Gov Bradford’s History, in Mss.;” while “The Articles of Plymouth Colony” are distinguished “by single Comma’s.”

220 Cf. Twenty-first Annual Report of the Massachusetts Agricultural Experiment Station, 1909, Part ii. pp. 201–204

221 In 1907 C. L. Marlatt wrote:

“The Plymouth swarm of 1634, the first after European settlement, was noted by the early Puritans and is referred to in the two earliest published notices of this curious insect. (See Bibliography.) One of these records gives the definite date of 1633, but, as shown by the subsequent appearances of the swarm, this date is probably an error for 1634. No published records have been found of the later appearances prior to 1789, but definite records have been made of each return since that year” (The Periodical Cicada, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Entomology — Bulletin No. 71, p. 58).

Though Bradford’s passage, quoted in the text, could hardly have been written before 1646 (see his History, pp. 115, 123), yet several tests can be applied to its accuracy. First, Bradford speaks of an infectious fever of which “upwards of 20 persons died, men and women, besides children,” and which did not cease until “towards winter.” On July 12, 1633, Winthrop wrote: “Mr. Edward Winslow, governor of Plymouth, and Mr. Bradford, came into the bay, and went away the 18th;” and on July 24 Winthrop noted: “Much sickness at Plymouth, and above twenty died of pestilent fevers” (Journal, 1908, i. 103). Secondly, Bradford mentions by name three persons who died in 1633 — Thomas Blossome, Richard Masterson, and Samuel Fuller. Blossome must have died on or before March 25, 1633, as under that date there is mention of “Widdow Blossome;” and “Henry Rowly maried Anna, the late wife of Tho: Blossome, the 17 of October, 1633” (Plymouth Colony Records, i. 11, 16). Fuller died between July 30, 1633, on which day he made his will, and October 28 following, when his will was proved (Mayflower Descendant, 1. 24–28; Plymouth Colony Records, i. 18). Exactly when Masterson died I have been unable to ascertain. Thirdly, Bradford states that the disease “also swept away many of the Indians from all the places near adjoining.” Under date of November, 1633, Winthrop noted “A great mortality among the Indians” (Journal, i. 111). Since Bradford was certainly right about the fever, about the death of Blossome and Fuller, and about the sickness among the Indians, it is rash to assume that he was wrong about the swarm of cicadas.

The first part of Mr. Marlatt’s statement invites our consideration. The Plymouth swarm, he says, “is referred to in the two earliest published notices of this curious insect.” Turning to his bibliography (p. 154 of his pamphlet), it is found that the second notice is Morton’s New England’s Memorial of 1669, which of course is a reference to the Plymouth swarm of 1633. But no such conclusion can be drawn from the first notice, dated 1666. This is a brief article entitled “Some Observations of swarms of strange Insects, and the Mischiefs done by them,” printed in the Philosophical Transactions of January 8, 1666, No. 8, i. 137–138. Though the portion relating to this country is given by Mr. Marlatt (p. 146 of his pamphlet), it is quoted here in full:

“A great Observer, who hath lived long in New England, did upon occasion, relate to a Friend of his in London, where he lately was, That some few Years since there was such a swarm of a certain sort of Insects in that English Colony, that for the space of 200 Miles they poyson’d and destroyed all the Trees of that Countrey; there being found innumerable little holes in the ground, out of which those insects brake forth in the form of Maggots, which turned into Flyes that had a kind of taile or sting, which they struck into the Tree, and thereby envenomed and killed it.”

It is to be noted that no year is given and that Plymouth is not mentioned, hence Mr. Marlatt’s assertion that the notice refers to the Plymouth swarm is merely an assumption. It may equally well be regarded as an allusion to the swarm of which Winthrop wrote under date of 1648:

“About the middle of this summer, there arose a fly out of the ground, about the bigness of the top of a man’s little finger, of brown color. They filled the woods from Connecticut to Sudbury with a great noise, and eat up the young sprouts of the trees, but meddled not with the corn. They were also between Plymouth and Braintree, but came no further. If the Lord had not stopped them, they had spoiled all our orchards, for they did some few” (Journal, ii. 348).

Who was the “great Observer” mentioned in the 1666 notice? The names of John Josselyn and of John Winthrop, Jr., immediately occur to one. Josselyn’s first visit to New England was made in 1638, when he anchored before Boston July 3 and sailed from Nantasket October 15. In his second visit, he remained here eight years, arriving at Boston July 28, 1663, and leaving October 10, 1671 (Account of Two Voyages, 1674, pp. 12, 29, 41, 215). Josselyn was probably unknown in England until the publication in 1672 of his New England’s Rarities. On the 6ther hand, John Winthrop, Jr., was in London from October 15, 1661, to March 4, 1663 (see the Winthrop Papers, iv. 74–81); during that time he became a member of the Royal Society; and he was a friend and correspondent of Henry Oldenburg, the Secretary of the Royal Society: hence not improbably Winthrop was the “great Observer.”

222 See 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xviii. 467–471.

223 Shakespeare’s words “usurping hair” (Love’s Labour’s Lost, iv. 3) are interpreted by Malone as referring to the false hair, or periwigs, worn by ladies of that day, before men had adopted the practice.

224 See, for example, Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 126, 274.

225 Anthony Wood paid 32s. 6d. for a periwig in 1668, and 1s. 6d. for a block. (Clark, Life and Times of Anthony Wood, ii. 129, 130.)

226 Diary, i. 2, 4.

227 i. 256, 285. Anthony Wood paid 4s. per quarter.

228 i. 285. For a later mention of being trimmed, see ii. 169. On December 25, 1706, he paid 6d. for “a great Tooth’d comb at Dwight’s.”

229 Sewall, Diary, i. 96. Much of this kind of moral “uplift” was doubtless suggested by reading English sermons on like topics. For example the Rev. Thomas Hall, “a plain but fervent preacher” at King’s Norton, printed in 1654 “Comarum ‘Aκoσμiα. The Loathesomeness of Long Haire. . . . With an appendix against Painting, Spots, naked Backs, Breasts, Arms, etc., together with a Discovery of the Nakedness, Madness, and Folly of the Adamits of our time.”

230 i. 104, 112, 145. Cf. “An Arrow against Profane and Promiscuous Dancing,” 1684. As I write the Vatican has issued a letter against modern dances, mentioning some by name

231 Diary, i. 115.

232 i. 169.

233 i. 178.

234 But see p. 115, below, and the law passed by the General Court in October, 1679, which recited:

“Whereas there is manifest Pride openly appearing amongst us in that long Hair like Womens Hair is worn by some men, either their own, or others Hair made into Perewigs: And by some Women wearing Borders of Hair, and their Cutting, Curling, and Immodest laying out their Hair, which practice doth prevail and increase especially amongst the younger sort.

“This Court doth Declare against this ill custome as Offensive to them, and divers sober Christians amongst us, and therefore do hereby exhort and advise all persons to use moderation in this respect; And further do impower all Grand juries to present to the County Court such Persons, whether Male, or Female, whom they shall judge to exceed in the Premises; and the County Court are hereby Authorized to proceed against such Delinquents either by Admonition, Fine, or Correction, according to their good discretion.”

The law was one of a series intended to turn the people “again unto the Lord our God from whom we have departed with a great Backsliding.”

Attention may be called to an earlier protest, twice recorded in the Corporation Records of Harvard College (College Book i. 53 and College Book iii. 29):

“Forasmuch as the wearing of long haire after the manner of Ruffians and barbarous Indians, hath begun to invade new England contrary to the rule of Gods word w^ch sayth it is a shame for a man to wear long hair, as also the Commendable Custome generally of all the Godly of our nation until w^thin this few yeares Wee the Magistrates who have subscribed this paper (for the clearing of o^r owne innocency in this behalfe) doe declare & manifest o^r dislike & detestation against the wearing of such long haire, as against a thing uncivil and unmanly whereby men doe deforme themselves, and offend sober & modest men, & doe corrupt good manners. Wee doe therefore earnestly entreat all the Elders of this Jurisdiction (as often as they shall see cause) to manifest their zeal against it, in their Publike administrations, and to take Care that the members of their respective Churches bee not defiled therw^th, that so such as shall proove obstinate & will not reforme themselves may have god & man to bear witness-against them. The third Month, 10. day 1649.”

This was signed by Governor Endecott, Deputy-Governor Dudley, Richard Bellingham, Richard Saltonstall, Increase Nowell, William Hibbins, Thomas Flint, Robert Bridges, and Simon Bradstreet.

235 Vincent Alsop’s “What distance ought we to keep, in following the strange Fashions of Apparel which come up in the days wherein we live?” This was Sermon XXI in Samuel Annesley’s collection entitled “A Continuation of Morning-Exercise Questions and Cases of Conscience, practically resolved by sundry Ministers, In October, 1682,” London, 1683, pp. 589–632. Remarks on wigs will be found on pp. 605, 608, 610, 628.

236 Sewall, Diary, i. 342. See a reference to another sermon by Mather on Apparel, ii. 174.

237 Sewall, Diary, i. 43.

238 i. 95.

239 i. 102.

240 i. 464. It was never printed

241 Son of Samuel, born June 21, 1681, and therefore quite old enough to determine how he should wear his hair. He was for many years Secretary of the Province.

242 Eunice Tyng, second wife of Samuel Willard

243 Diary, ii. 36.

244 ii. 48.

245 Diary, i. 92.

246 i. 93.

247 i. 152

248 i. 222.

249 i. 231

250 iii. 54.

251 iii. 135.

252 Diary, iii. 270.

253 iii. 272.

254 i. 111.

255 i. 158.

256 i. 494.

257 ii. 251.

258 See Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 239.

259 Diary, iii. 154, 156.

260 i. 453.

261 John Dunton, the bookseller.

262 “or flowers” is written in the margin against this line.

263 I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. Matthews and to Dr. S. E. Morison for aid in the preparation of the manuscript for the press.

264 H. R. Spencer, Constitutional Conflict in Provincial Massachusetts (1905), p. 133.

265 Shute embarked on board the Sea Horse December 27, 1722, and sailed January 1, 1723; cf. our Publicatioas, xvii. 66–68.

266 On December 15, 1725, the Indian delegates were admitted to the Council Chamber and “Articles of Submission and Pacification” were signed: see House Journal of that date, pp. 75–76; Boston News Letter, December 16 and 23.

267 By the Province Charter, seven constituted a quorum: see our Publications, ii. 18.

268 The following extracts relate to the choice of Councillors and Representatives. Two bodies were appointed: one a committee to consider claims and titles to land, the other to assist at the ratification.

“Ordered, That John Stoddard Esq; go up with a Message to the Honourable Board, to Acquaint them that the House is ready to proceed to the Choice of Seven Gentlemen, to be present at the Ratification of the Treaty with the Indians, agreable to the Instrument delivered by His Honour the Lieut. Govemour, to the Indian Delegates” (December 22, 1725, House Journal, p. 89).

“Edmund Quincy Esq; brought down the following Vote of Council, viz. In Council, December 22. 1725. Ordered, That the Honourable William Toiler Esq; John Turner Esq; and the Secretary [Josiah Willard], with such as shall be appointed by the Honourable House of Representatives, be a Committee to receive the several Claims or Titles (that may be had or obtained) of the English to the Lands in the Eastern Parts of this Province; and to repair to Falmouth, at the Time proposed, for the Ratification of the late Treaty, and that they procure the said Claims and Titles, and take care as far as possible to make out the same to the Satisfaction of the Indians; and to distinguish and ascertain what Lands belong to the English, in order to the Effectual Prevention of any Contention or Misunderstanding on that Head for the future. Sent down for Concurrence. Read.

“Voted, That this House will proceed to the Choice of Five Persons to be Employed in the Affair contained in the above Vote of the Honourable Board, to Morrow Morning (December 22, 1725, House Journal, p. 90).

“The Vote of the Council brought down last Night, for appointing a Committee to be present at the Ratification of the Treaty with the Indians according to the Instrument delivered by His Honour the Lieut. Govemour to the Indian Delegates, and sent down for Concurrence. Read and Concur’d, and Voted, That Col. Dudley, Col. Stoddard, Mr. Lindall, Mr. Shove, and Mr. Wainwright, be joyned with the Committee of the Honourable Board, in that Affair” (December 23, 1725, House Journal, p. 91).

“A Message from His Honour by Mr. Secretary, Viz. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, . . . I am satisfied of the good Disposition of the several Tribes to Maintain the Peace, and that the Delay of the Ratification must be attributed to the Penobscut Indians sending Intelligence so late to the other Tribes, . . . and therefore I have appointed the 15th. of the next Month to meet them at Casco for that End, and I purpose to have the Company of several of His Majesty’s Council, and if you think proper to Appoint any of your Members to attend that Service, it will be very Acceptable to me” (June 9, 1726, House Journal, p. 32).

“The House Entred into the Consideration of His Honours Message of the Ninth Instant, and came into the following Vote, Viz.

“Voted, That Maj. John Quincy and Capt. Amos Turner be added to the Committee, Appointed by this Court the 23d. Day of December last, to Receive the Claims or Titles of the English to the Lands in the Eastern parts of the Province, and to repair to Falmouth at the Time Proposed for the Ratification of the Treaty, &c. And that Mr. Thomas Cushing, Maj. John Chandler, Col. Richard Kent, Capt. Daniel Epes, Henry Phillips Esq; Capt. Edward Goddard, Capt. Thomas Wells, Mr. Edward Arnold, Col. Paine, Mr. John Paine and Maj.Samuel Moodey be added to the aforesaid Committee, who are hereby desired to Attend His Honour the Lieutenant Governour at the Ratification of the late Treaty with the Indians, according to His Honours Appointment for Meeting the Indians the Fifteenth of the next Month at Casco. Sent up for Concurrence” (June 17, 1726, House Journal, p. 54).

“Symonds Epes Esq; brought down the Vote of the 17th. for Appointing a Number of the Members of the Court to Attend on His Honour the Lieut. Governour at the Ratification of the late Treaty to be held by His Honour’s Appointment the 15th. of July at Casco, pass’d in Council, viz. In Council June 22d. 1726. Read and Concurr’d with the Amendments, Viz. Dele the words — be added to the aforesaid Committee who are hereby desired — and add — be desired together with the said Committee — and Ordered, That John Otis Esq; be of the Committee for Claims in the room of the Secretary, and that John Wheelwright, Elisha Cooke, Joseph Hammond, Samuel Thaxter, Thomas Palmer, and Edward Hutchinson Esqrs; be desired to Attend His Honour the Lieut. Goveniour at the Ratification. Sent down for Concurrence. Read and Concurr’d” (June 23, 1726, House Journal, p. 65).

It would appear, then, that as finally constituted the committee on claims and titles consisted of three Councillors and seven Representatives, as follows, the names of Councillors being printed in italics: William Dudley (H.C. 1704) of Roxbury, then Speaker; Timothy Lindall (H.C. 1695) of Salem; John Otis (1657–1727); John Quincy (H.C. 1708) of Braintree; Edward Shove of Dighton; John Stoddard (H.C. 1701) of Northampton; William Tailer, Lieutenant-Governor from 1711 to 1716 and from 1730 to 1732; Amos Turner (d. 1739) of Scituate; John Turner (1671–1742); and John Wainwright (H.C. 1709) of Ipswich. And those appointed to attend Dummer at the ratification were six Councillors and eleven Representatives, as follows, the names of Councillors being printed in italics: Edward Arnold of Duxbury; John Chandler (1665–1743) of Woodstock; Elisha Cooke (H.C. 1697); Thomas Cushing (d. 1740) of Boston; Daniel Epes (1679–1760) of Salem; Edward Goddard of Framingham; Joseph Hammond (d. 1753); Edward Hutchinson (1678–1752); Richard Kent (1673–1740) of Newbury; Samuel Moody (H.C. 1689) of Falmouth; John Paine (d. 1731) of Eastham; Nathaniel Paine of Bristol; Thomas Palmer; Henry Phillips (1681–1729) of Charlestown; Samuel Thaxter (1665–1740); John Wheelwright (d. 1745); and Thomas Wells (1678–1750) of Deerfield.

269 From Edward Goddard’s manuscripts, extracts from which are printed in W. A. Goddard’s Genealogy of the Descendants of Edward Goddard (Worcester, 1833), pp. 64–83.

270 Simon Stone (1631–1708); Rev. Nathaniel Stone (1667–1755; H.C. 1690). Cf. New England Historical and Genealogical Register, x. 229–230; Bond, Watertown Genealogies (1860), i. 585–586.

271 Goddard “also held commissions as Lieutenant and Captain of a troop” (Barry, History of Framingham, p. 261).

272 Rev. David Goddard (1706–1754; H.C. 1731). Edward Goddard died February 9, 1754; his wife died February 4, 1754; David Goddard died January 19, 1754.

273 Second edition (1849), edited by W. Willis, pp. 46–47.

274 First Series (1853), iii. 377–405.

275 A fly leaf contains the words:

1726

Memorandum

Edw^d Goddard 1726

276 At Framingham.

277 William Dummer, acting governor from January 2, 1723, till July 18, 1728.

278 Thomas Sanders, of Gloucester; entered the service of the Province in 1725; commanded the Province sloop of war at the siege of Louisburg; and in 1761 was sent by Gov. Bernard to convey Professor Winthrop, of Harvard College, to Newfoundland where the transit of Venus might be observed. (W. Goold, Portland in the Past, pp. 222–223.)

279 Boston Light.

280 Mt. Agamenticus, 673 feet above the sea, some 6 miles due west of Bald Head Cliff.

281 Now Portsmouth.

282 Wood Island Light off Fletcher’s Neck. Not to be mistaken for Wood Island near Portsmouth Light.

283 Biddeford Pool.

284 John Wentworth (1671–1730), Lieutenant-Governor of New Hampshire under Shute, who took chief command after the latter’s abrupt departure in 1722.

285 Rev. William Shurtleff, of Portsmouth. He was born at Plymouth, graduated from Harvard College in 1707, and came to Falmouth as chaplain of the New Hampshire officials. (Goold, p. 192; Smith’s Journal, p. 46.)

286 Rev. Jabez Fitch, born 1672, son of James Fitch of Norwich, Connecticut. He was graduated from Harvard College in 1694, and settled at Portsmouth, N. H., in 1725. (Smith’s Journal, p. 46.)

287 Probably Richard Hubbard, doorkeeper to the General Court.

288 Papuduck or Purpooduck, the region now known as South Portland. Purpooduck Point is now called Spring Point. (Willis, History of Portland, p. 96.)

289 “Yesterday died Capt. John Alden of this Place, in the 65th Year of his Age” (New England Weekly Journal, February 2, 1730). He was a son of the Capt. John Alden (died March 14, 1702) who was accused of witchcraft in 1692, and a grandson of Pilgrim John Alden.

290 Maj. Samuel Moody, son of the Rev. Joshua Moody (H.C. 1653) of Portsmouth. He was graduated from Harvard College in 1689, and commanded the fort at New Casco (between what are now called Bartlett and Princes Points) from 1709–1716. He then moved to Old Casco (now Portland) and became leader of the little colony there. On what is now Hancock Street, he built and armed the garrison house to which the diary refers

291 George, afterwards George II, and Caroline.

292 Probably Edward Shove from Dighton, Massachusetts. He was admitted inhabitant of Falmouth in September, 1727. (Smith’s Journal, p. 53.)

293 Richard Coller or Collier came from Plymouth Colony in 1715. He died in 1732. (Willis, History of Portland, pp. 321–322.)

294 John Wainwright (H.C. 1709): see p. 154, below.

295 Paul Mascarene, later Colonel, who had been a party to the treaty and was the commissioner of the government of Nova Scotia. (Smith’s Journal, p. 157.) For an excellent sketch of Mascarene, by J. M. Hubbard, see Capt. R. H. R. Smythies’s Historical Records of the 40th Regiment (1894), pp. 527–545.

296 Edward Shove of Dighton already referred to.

297 Rev. John Swift (H.C. 1697), minister at Framingham from 1701 until his death in 1745. Edward Goddard withdrew from his church in 1733. (Barry, History of Framingham, pp. 112, 262.)

298 Avexis or Arexis, one of the four Indian delegates who had signed the treaty at Boston. (Collections Maine Historical Society, hi. p. 380.)

299 Avexis or Arexis, one of the four Indian delegates who had signed the treaty at Boston. (Collections Maine Historical Society, hi. p. 380.)

300 Later referred to as “our chaplain.” Perhaps the Rev. John Robinson (H.C. 1695) of Duxbury.

301 Here are some words in shorthand.

302 Here follows a résumé of the sermon in shorthand.

303 “A Memorial of Ebenezer Pemberton Chaplain at His Majesty’s Castle William, praying that his Sallary may be advanced to 50 s. per Annum, . . . read and Committed to the Committee of Muster-Rolls” (Massachusetts House Journal, June 1, 1726, pp. 18–19). He graduated at Harvard College in 1721, later settled in New York, and was pastor of the New Brick Church in Boston from 1754 to 1777.

304 Here follows a résumé of the sermon in shorthand.

305 Rev. John White, who claimed his ancestor’s titles to land in Purpooduck in 1749. (Smith’s Journal, p. 47.)

306 In the margin is a hieroglyphic, evidently the mark of the sachem.

307 Now called merely Chebeag Island.

308 Sacchetyhock or Parker’s Island, now Georgetown.

309 Capt. Samuel Penhallow, in the service of Massachusetts and New Hampshire from 1703. (Goold, p. 159.)

310 Near the present Arrowsick.

311 Kennebeck Mouth.

312 The Rev. Joseph Baxter on May 2, 1717, notes Col. Minot’s arrival at George Town. (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxi. 54.)

313 I.e. Cadets.

314 Joseph Heath, frequently in the employ of the Province as an interpreter. (Goold, p. 172.)

315 See p. 129 note 3, above.

316 Now called Atkins’ Bay

317 I.e. Damiscove Island.

318 The words “Small point Damaris Cove, Segwin Sagadahoc rock” are in the margin.

319 “The earliest English name by which the island now called Bangs’, and the main land in Cape Elizabeth opposite to it, were known, was Portland.” (Willis, History of Portland, p. 581.)

320 Between Peaks Island and Long Island.

321 Either Great Hog or Little Hog Island, now Great Diamond and Little Diamond respectively.

322 Capt. Edward Winslow’s company of volunteers raised as a guard to the Lieutenant-Governor at the ratification. See House Journal, June 28, 1726, p. 73; August 24, p. 2. “An Accompt of Major Samuel Moodey, amounting to£ 7 for Twenty Barrels of small beer, supplied Capt. Edward Winslow, at the Ratification of the Peace at Casco-Bay. Read, and Resolved, that the Sum of Seven Pounds, be allowed and paid out of the publick Treasury, to the Accomptant Major Samuel Moodey, in full discharge thereof. Sent up for Concurrence” (August 27, 1726, House Journal).

323 Capt. Samuel Jordan, mentioned as an interpreter in the account of the conference (Collections Maine Historical Society, iii. 382, 399) and preferred by the Indians as being the most easily understood.

324 Capt. John Giles or. Gyles, in command of the block-house at St. Georges River. On November 25, 1726, he petitioned the Court to “take into Consideration his extraordinary Services in Interpreting to the Indians, and make such Enlargement to his pay . . . as . . . shall seem meet,” and on December 1 he was allowed £ 18: House Journal, pp. 4, 15. For his “account of ye No of Indians in each tribe 1726,” see Collections Maine Historical Society, iii. 355–358.

325 Capt. Joseph Bean. (Ibid. iii. 381.)

326 Here follows a résumé in shorthand.

327 Here follows a résumé in shorthand.

328 Capt. Silvanus Davis had been commander of the old fort at Casco. In the course of the wars he was taken prisoner and carried into Canada. (Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts (1795), ii. 21 note; our Publications, xvii. 45.)

329 Some words have been trimmed off.

330 Alias Seguaron. (Collections Maine Historical Society, iii. 380.)

331 Or Meganamoumba. (Ibid.)

332 Probably the four Boston delegates and Wenemouett.

333 Some of the words are interlined, making it difficult to know where they should be inserted. “Then His Honour Ordered the Presents to be delivered. And proceeded, There were two of your Young Men sent to Canada last Year, in the Service of this Province, I would see them, that I might make them a Consideration for their Trouble & Loss of Time in performing the Message, upon which only one of them, viz. Loron’s Son appeared, the other the Sachem said was left at Penobscut, the Lieut. Governour taking two fine Firelocks in his Hand, presented one to him that was present, the other His Honour delivered to the Chief Sachem Wenemouett, desiring of him that it might be given to the other Young Man” (Collections Maine Historical Society, iii. 398).

334 Fort Loyal.

335 Here follows a résumé of the sermon in shorthand.

336 Probably Benjamin Ingersoll, selectman and innholder at Falmouth, who moved to North Yarmouth in 1738. (Willis, p. 296.)

337 See p. 129 note 3, above.

338 Amos Turner of Soituate: see p. 129 note 3, above.

339 David Franklyn, master of the sloop George, “a Transport in His Majesty’s Service Eastward:” cf. Massachusetts Province Laws, xi. 10.

340 Or Portland Head.

341 Stage, Redin’s, Trott’s, Bass, Folly, and Green Islands.

342 Or Porpoise.

343 Here a resume of the sermon follows in shorthand.

344 East of York Harbor.

345 On August 25 the General Court considered the petition of Andrew Andross “Praying for such relief in the Premises as to this Court in their known Wisdom shall seem meet.” It was resolved that he be paid ten pounds out of the public treasury, and the petition referred to the next session for further consideration.(House Journal, August 25, 1726, p. 3.)

346 Simon Goddard (1702–1758) of Shrewsbury.

347 Joseph Goddard (1655–1728).

348 A water-color by D. Bell is preserved in the Harvard Library.

349 See our Publications, vi. 228, 228n, 229n, 231.

350 College Book, vii. 341. In a Diary of Caleb Gannett, now in the College Library, is this entry under date of July 3, 1778: “Went to Boston. Packed, catalogued & removed, the Books lately given by the Gen^l. Court to Harvard College from sequestered Libraries, from Deblois’ Store where they were deposited to Decⁿ Storer’s Store. Left a Catalogue of all the books received in virtue of the Court’s Grant, at Dr. Eliot’s for Capt. Parkman — Paid 12/ for removing the aboves^d. books. Ferriage /5.”

351 College Book, viii. 329.

352 The dates of births, marriages, and deaths here given are chiefly derived from the Haverhill Vital Records, the Ipswich Vital Records, the Newbury Vital Records, the Newburyport Vital Records, and the Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 168, xxviii. 43, 92, 117, 168, xxx. 301, 309. See also Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 382; Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 354–355; Felt, History of Ipswich, pp. 93, 172, 173, 177; T. F. Waters, Ipswich (1917), ii. 54–60, 100, 151; Hammatt Papers (1880), pp. 384–387; H. Davis, Ancestry of John Davis (1897), pp. 48–49; T. Gamble, Jr., Data concerning the Families of Bancroft, . . . Wainwright, etc. (1906), pp. 86–96; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 214, v. 165, x. 341. I have also consulted Sibley’s manuscript notes on Harvard graduates given to the Massachusetts Historical Society. In the printed accounts, there is hopeless confusion between the John Wainwright who graduated at Harvard in 1709 and the John Wainwright who graduated in 1711; and it is with regard to those two that Savage fell into error.

353 Diary, ii. 234. Noting the death of “Captain Wainwright” on August 29, 1708, Palfrey (History of New England, iv. 274) describes him as “lately the commander at Port Royal” — thus confusing (3) Simon with his brother (4) Francis.

354 “Ipsvnch, Aug. 4th. Yesterday died here Col. Frauds Wainwright” (Boston News Letter, August 6, 1711, p. 2/2). See also Sewall, Diary, ii. 319–320.

355 Harvard Graduates, iii. 354–355.

356 History of Massachusetts (Boston, 1767), ii. 169–170.

357 Massachusetts Archives, li. 160.

358 Massachusetts Archives, li. 173.

359 Ixxi. 300–301.

360 Diary, iii. 306. On November 7, 1700, Francis Wainwright’s sister Anne was married to Adam Winthrop (H. C. 1694).

361 See pp. 130 note, 135, above.

362 A letter written to Dudley by Stoddard and Wainwright June 28, 1725, is printed in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvii. 1607–1612.

363 See our Publications, xviii. 341 note. In the Haverhill Vital Records (ii. 482) and in the House Journal (January 7, 1736), he is described as “Captain Wainwright.” Dr. Morison tells me that this rank was obtained by service in themilitia a few months the year he died: see Massachusetts Archives, xci. 26; Massachusetts Province Laws, ix. 156.

364 Diary, ii. 237–238.

365 The Faculty Records (i. 32) give his age as sixteen and his place of residence at entrance as Haverhill.

366 Publications, xvii. 403–409.

367 Warren-Adams Letters, i. 21–23, January 3, 1774.

368 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, viii. 335–339, 343–344, August 1, 10, 20, 1774.

369 Boston Gazette, December 12, 1774.

370 John Adams, Works, ix. 348–350, 351, December 12, 28, 1774

371 J. Rowe, Diary, April 21, 1775: “All Business at an End and Communication Stop’d between Town & Country — No Fresh Provisions of any kind brought to this market so that Boston is in a most Distressed Condition.”

372 Warren-Adams Letters, i. 175–179, November 5, 1775.

373 Warren-Adams Letters, i. 175–179, November 5, 1775.

374 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 416, 442, 504, 508, 547, 551, 559, 589, 606, 608, 610, 638, 740, 1180, 1202

375 v. 472.

376 v. 423, 564, 742

377 Massachusetts Archives, cxciv. 292–293, March 18, 1776

378 Familiar Letters of John Adams, pp. 182–183, June 3 and August 25, 1776.

379 Amory, Life and Writings of James Sullivan, i. 76, May 9, 1776

380 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 305–308, June 1, 1776

381 Familiar Letters of John Adams, pp. 182–183, June 3, 1776.

382 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 583.

Table of Prices, 1776–1782

Authority	Wheat	Flour	Corn	Rye	Beef	Sugar	Butter	Tea
Regul. Act 1777 (Jan.)	7s 6d a bu.		4s a bu.	5s a bu.	3–4d lb.	8d lb.	10d lb.
Mrs. Adams Apr. 20, 1777			5s a bu.	11–12s a bu.	8d lb.	£4 cwt.	1s 6d lb.
Regul. Act June, 1777				6s bu.		10d lb.	10d lb.	$7–81 lb.
Mrs. Adams Mar. 20, 1779		£50 cwt.	$25 bu.	$30 bu.	$1–8s lb.	12s lb.	12s lb.
Mrs. Adams June 8, 1779			$4.2 $80.3 bu.		6–8s lb.	$4. lb.		$40 lb.
Concord Conv. July 14, 1779	£9 bu.		£4. 10s bu.	£6 bu.	6s lb.	14s lb.	12s lb.	£5.16s lb.
Concord Conv. Oct. 6, 1779	£9 bu.	£30 cwt.	£4. 4s bu.	£5. 14s bu.	5s lb.		12s lb.	£6 lb.
Mrs. Adams Oct. 15, 1780		£140 cwt.	£30 bu.	£27 bu.	ss. lb.	£200 cwt.	$12. lb.	$90 lb.
Pickering Jan. 7, 1782		24s cwt.	5s bu.		4d lb.

1 Pynchon, Diary. 2 Hard money. 3 Paper money.

383 Warren-Adams Letters, i. 303–306, March 23, 1777; Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, i. 219–223, Paine to Gerry, April 17, 1777; Familiar Letters of John Adams, p. 261, April 20, 1777. Further evidence on this point is to be found in Boston Gazette, June 2, 1777.

384 Pynchon, Diary, p. 4, January 31, 1777; King, Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, i. 25, March 8, 1777; Warren-Adams Letters, i. 303–306, March 23, 1777.

385 Familiar Letters, pp. 261, 285–287, April 20, July 30, 1777; Pynchon, Diary, p. 29, April 28, 1777.

386 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 731

387 Familiar Letters, p. 261, April 20, 1777

388 Boston Gazette, June 16, 1777.

389 Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, i. 219–223, April 12, 1777.

390 Massachusetts Archives, cxcvii. 118, June, 1777.

391 Massachusetts Archives, cxcvii. 120, June, 1777

392 Ibid. p. 121

393 Ibid. pp. 123, 124, June, 1777.

394 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, ii. 770–771.

395. Boston Gazette, June 2, 1777.

396 Ibid. June 16, 1777.

397 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 642.

398 v. 1012, notes.

399 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 733.

400 v. 1016, notes. “Memorial of the Town of Boston,” March 23, 1778.

401 Boston Gazette, February 2, 1778.

402 Ibid.

403 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 1016, notes.

404 Boston Gazette, April 6, 1778.

405 Ibid. December 21, 1778.

406 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, ii. 779–780.

407 Massachusetts Archives, cxcvii. 121, June, 1777.

408 “Memorial of the Town of Boston,” March 23, 1778, quoted in Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 1016, notes. This document states that the cost of raising agricultural produce, so far as the important item of labor was concerned, was proportionally less than normal. It had been customary to pay the value of one bushel of corn for a day’s work, and at this time the daily wage equalled the cost of only three pecks of corn.

409 Massachusetts Archives, cxcvii. 120, 121.

410 Authority as in note 3, above

411 Pickering MSS., xvii. 120–121, March 29, 1778.

412 Pickering MSS., xvii. 242–243, February 28, 1779.

413 Ibid. p. 253, April 6, 1779.

414 Boston Gazette, April 26, 1779: see also ibid. June 24, 1779.

415 Familiar Letters, pp. 364–367, June 8, 1779; Pickering MSS., xvii. 273–274, July 3, 1779.

416 Massachusetts Archives, cci. 168, July 15, 1779.

417 Massachusetts Archives, cci. 239, August 17, 1779.

418 Boston Gazette, September 13, 20, 1779.

419 Massachusetts Archives, cci. 305, September 17, 1779; Pickering MSS., xvii. 301, October 19, 1779

420 6 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 176–183, March 29, 1780.

421 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 924, 1118, February, 1779.

422 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 1073, June 24, 1779.

423 v. 1114, September 23, 1779; repealed June 7, 1780, p. 1395.

424 Familiar Letters, p. 364, June 8, 1779; see price table on page 168 note above, for a summary of these various lists.

425 Boston Gazette, June 21, 1779.

426 Ibid. August 2, 1779; Massachusetts Spy, August 5, 1779.

427 Boston Gazette, October 18, 1779.

428 Ibid. October 25, 1779.

429 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 1118, 1395.

430 Familiar Letters, pp. 387–388, October 15, 1780.

431 Diary, p. 96, May 29, 1781

432 Massachusetts Archives, cciii. 50, August 28, 1780; Massachusetts Spy, January 11, 1781; Boston Gazette, March 26, 1781; Pickering MSS., xviii. 125, January 7, 1782

433 Boston Gazette, October 9, 1780; Familiar Letters, pp. 387–388, October 15, 1780.

434 Massachusetts Archives, cciii. 50, August 28, 1780.

435 Massachusetts Province Laws, v. 423, 564, 742, 782, 886, 933, 1079, 1137, 1202, 1399, 1421

436 Boston Gazette, October 9, 1780; Familiar Letters, pp. 387–388, October 15, 1780.

437 Boston Gazette, February, 5, 1781; Massachusetts General Laws (1823), i. 58 (1781, ch. 7).

438 Massachusetts Spy, January 11, 1781. The vote by counties, with the exception of Dukes and Nantucket, as given in the Boston Gazette of February 5, 1781, was as follows:

	For repeal	Against
Suffolk	14	5
Essex	11	3
Middlesex	6	12
Hampshire	10	11
Plymouth	5	3
Barnstable	7	0
York	4	1
Bristol	2	4
Worcester	5	21
Cumberland	1	0
Lincoln	1	0
Berkshire	10	4

439 Boston Gazette, May 11, 1781.

440 Boston Gazette, May 28, 1781.

441 Ibid. July 9, 1781; February 4, 1782.

442 Massachusetts Spy, January 31, 1782.

443 Ibid. March 28, 1782.

444 Ibid.

445 Massachusetts Spy, April 18, 1782.

446 Boston Gazette, May 6, 1782.

447 Massachusetts Spy, May 23, 1782.

448 Ibid. September 12, 1782.

449 Hampshire Gazette (Northampton), September 3, 1788.

450 Higginson, Life and Times of Stephen Higginson, pp. 84–85, July, 1786.

451 I am indebted to Mr. Lane and to Mr. Matthews for various additions and suggestions.

452 “The Library of this Colledge is very considerable, being well furnish’d both with Books, and Mathematical Instruments. Sir Kenelm Digby, Sir John Maynard, Mr. Baxter, and Mr. Joseph Hill; were Benefactors to it; and the Reverend Mr. Theophilus Gale, left his whole Library for that use” (Life and Errors, London, 1705, p. 157).

453 “There were other that enriched its library by presenting of choice books with mathematical instruments thereunto, among whom Sir Kenelm Digby, Sir John Maynard, Mr. Richard Baxter, and Mr. Joseph Hill, ought always to be remembered” (Magnalia, 1853, ii. 11). He then speaks of Gale’s bequest. The first edition of the Magnalia was published in 1702 — that is, three years before Dunton’s book.

454 “Names of Donors, preserved in Flynt’s Alphabetical List of Benefactors, the date of whose donations do not appear on the College books” (Quincy, History, ii. 530). Flynt’s list has apparently disappeared since Quincy’s day.

455 Andrews and Davenport, Guide to the Manuscript Materials for the History of the United States to 1783, in the British Museum, etc., pp. 343–346. Copies of these letters are in the Gay Transcripts (Massachusetts Historical Society).

The Baxter manuscripts are mentioned also, although not in detail as to his correspondence, in Historical Manuscripts Commission Report, iii. 367, in “The Manuscripts in the Library of the Rev. Dr. Williams.” On p. 365 is the statement that “A carefully executed Catalogue of the entire collection [meaning manuscripts in the library] was drawn up by W. H. Black, Esq., in 1858.” The report is by Joseph Stevenson.

456 Edmund Castell’s Lexicon Pentaglotton (doubtless a misprint for Heptaglotton), London, 1669, 2 vols.; Matthew Poole’s Synopsis Criticorum, London, 1669–1676, 5 vols.; and Biblia Polyglotta, London, 1655, 6 vols., are all recorded in the Catalogue of the Library printed in 1723. Poole was a frequent companion of Henry Ashurst.

457 Gay Transcripts, Richard Baxter Papers, p. 76.

458 Gay Transcripts, Richard Baxter Papers, pp. 77–78.

459 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vi. 273, 277, 279–280, xxxii. 292, 293; Palfrey, History of New England, iii. 83 note; Sibley, Harvard Graduates, ii. 155–158.

460 Mather, Magnalia, i. 138–140.

461 Mather (Magnalia, i. 135) says that her poems afforded “a monument for her memory beyond the stateliest marbles.” Prof. S. M. Tucker says she “was not a poet” but was “the most interesting as well as the most pleasing figure in early New England verse” (Cambridge History of American Literature, i. 154).

462 There is no doubt that the writer of this letter was Gov. Bradstreet. While his son Simon was indeed cousin to John Woodbridge, he was also brother, having married in 1667 his cousin Lucy, sister of John Woodbridge. In the journal of Simon, the younger, he writes under date of 1669, “April 7. My Brother Jno. Woodbridge was ordained Pastour of Kenellworth;” and under 1671, “Octob. 26. My Brother M^r Jno. Woodbrige married M^r Abigail Leet.” But he wrote under May, 1671, “This Spring my Cosn Jno. Denison dyed” (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ix. 45–46). This John Denison was a son of Daniel Denison, whose wife was Patience, daughter of Gov. Dudley: hence Simon Bradstreet and John Denison were first cousins. Add to this, that the younger Simon Bradstreet was of New London at this time, while his father was at Andover but in politics at Boston also.

463 Andrews and Davenport, p. 345. Copies are in the Gay Transcripts.

464 Mather, Magnalia, i. 595–597; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vi. 279–280.

465 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. 27, 32, 36, 37; Eliot, Biographical Dictionary (1809), p. 297.

466 Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 118–120; 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 62–66; Mather, Magnalia, i. 589–591; our Publications, viii. 194–195.

467 See 3 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 301–308; Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. i. p. 362.

468 See our Publications, viii. 193–198.

469 Andrews and Davenport, pp. 343 ff. Copies are in the Gay Transcripts.

470 Baxter very modestly says: “When the King was restored, the Corporation was dead in Law, . . . The care of the recovery and of restoring the Corporation and all the work, was the business of Mr. Ashhurst: for which he desired my solicitation of the Lord Chancellor Hide, who did readily own the justness of the cause and goodness of the Work” (Baxter’s Practical Works, 1707, iv. 908). Calamy declares, in speaking of this matter, “Whereupon Mr. Baxter receiv’d Letters of Hearty Thanks, from the Court and Governour in New-England, and from Mr. Elliot, and Mr. Norton, All acknowledging the Signal Service he had done them” (Abridgment, 1702, p. 687). Cf. our Publications, vi. 181 note, and Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, ii. 65, where Robert Boyle receives the credit.

471 H. Maurice, A Vindication of the Primitive Diocesan Episcopacy, 1682.

472 This passage is inaccurately quoted by W. Orme in his Life and Times of Baxter (London, 1830, ii. 384; Boston, 1831, ii. 279), where “Mr. Knowles” is turned into “Mr. Thomas Knowles.” Baxter’s “Mr. Knowles” was unquestionably the Rev. John Knowles (1600–1685). The misquoted passage (with an extract from Knowles’s letter to Leverett) is repeated without suspicion in the North American Review, cvii. 572, by Mr. C. A. Cutter, at that time (1868) assistant in the Harvard College Library.

473 For a list of the works in Digby’s gift, consult A. McF. Davis’s A Few Notes concerning the Records of Harvard College (Harvard University Bibliographical Contributions, no. 27, 1888), pp. 13–14.

474 True History of Councils, London, 1682, p. 57. All the books mentioned as having been given to Harvard College, except the Sabellicus, are recorded in the Catalogue of the Library printed in 1723, as follows:

Germanicarum Rerum Ulustrium Scriptores ex Bibl. Marquardi Freheri. Tom. 1–3. Francof. 1624; Hanov. 1611.

Germanicarum Rerum illustrium Scriptores, ex bibl. Joan. Piscorii. Tom. 1–3. Francof. 1613; Hanov. 1613; Fran, ad Moen. 1653. With a fourth vol. “Ex Bibl. Justi Reuben. Hanov. 1619.”

Naucleri Memorabilium omnis Ætatis Comment. Chronic. Tubing. 1516. Thuani Historiarum Sui Temporis Tom. 1–5. Genevæ, 1620. Scaligeri Opus de Emendatione Temporum. Lugd. Bat. 1598.

Apparently none of these books survived the fire of 1764; but the Library now has copies of all except Nauclerus, although not in every case the same edition.

475 In his A Breviate of the Life of Mrs. Margaret Baxter, quoted by Orme, i. 393 note.

476 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 63.

477 Cf. 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vi. 339.

478 The entire fifty books, more or less, including those listed above, should be identified within a fair degree of probability by reference to the catalogue of 1723, elimination of works known to have come from other donors, and comparison with Baxter’s judgment of the best books, as given in his Christian Directory, question 174: “What Books especially of Theology should one choose, who for want of Money or Time, can read but few” (Practical Works, i. 717–721). Also his opinions of books and writers scattered throughout his works.

Joseph Stevenson notes, in his report on “The Manuscripts in the Library of the Rev. Dr. Williams,” in Historical Manuscripts Commission Report, iii. 367, “A catalogue of the Library of the Rev. Mr. Richard Baxter, who died 8 Dec. 1691. It consisted of 1,448 works and occupies 23 folios.” If this is to be taken in the ordinary sense, we may suppose that here would be a work of great interest to Harvard College in connection with Baxter’s intended and his actual gift. There is no doubt, also, that its publication would be of value to bibliographers, and to students of seventeenth century scholarship.

479 Quincy, History, ii. 479.

480 Ashurst was elected Alderman from Cordwainer Ward on July 7, 1668, and on July 9 was sworn and discharged on the payment of a fine of £420 (A. B. Beaven, Aldermen of the City of London, 1908–1913, i. 118, 346. Beaven says, ii. 103, that Ashurst was buried December 1, 1680, and that his will was dated July 10, 1678, and proved December 23, 1680). The reasons for his declining to serve are given by Baxter as follows: “Some may think that he wanted a publick Spirit, because he avoided being a Magistrate, and payed his Fine rather than take an Aldermans place. But it was only to keep the peace of his Conscience, which could not digest, 1. The Corporation Declaration and Oath; Nor 2. The execution of the Laws against Nonconforming Ministers and People” (Practical Works, iv. 908).

481 He was generally called a draper, but occasionally “woollen draper:” see 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii. 246. In Waters’s Genealogical Gleanings in England he appears as executor or is otherwise mentioned in several wills, and is called “Woollen draper” (pp. 756, 885–886). Pennoyer, the benefactor of Harvard, in his will (Waters, p. 505) speaks of “woollen cloth and other woollen commodities and linen, all which I desire may be bought and provided by Mr. Henry Ashurst, draper, . . . to be sent over to the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England and the parts adjacent in America.” Ashurst was a merchant-tailor, “A tailor who supplies the materials of which his goods are made. Hence, a member of the company of Merchant-Taylors” (Oxford English Dictionary). Baxter’s funeral sermon states that “he was Master of the Merchant Taylors company” (Practical Works, iv. 909). The date when he was Master was 1670–1 (H. B. Wilson, History of Merchant-Taylors’ School, 1812, p. 1156).

482 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 5.

483 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii. 251. Ashurst was also addressed at Aldersgate Street (p. 246) and at St. John Street (p. 253).

484 In the index to Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, i-xx, published in 1887, several of the references credited to Sir Henry relate to Henry his father. The Brinley Catalogue (1878), i. 71, no. 575, notes Baxter’s funeral sermon as for “Sir Henry Ashhurst.”

485 The earliest mention of Ashurst in connection with New England seems to be in the Aspinwall Notarial Records (pp. 30–31, 94–95, 334–335, 399, Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii), where he is referred to in the years 1645–1650.

486 See the article in the Dictionary of National Biography, ii. 181; the works of Baxter cited in this paper; Calamy’s Abridgment, p. 689; Orme’s Life and Times of Baxter (1830), i. 423–425; Waters’s Genealogical Gleanings in England, p. 74; Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. 27, 32, 329; I Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xvii. 246–253; 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 281

487 See 3 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 301–308.

488 History, p. 37.

489 History, i. 509.

490 History, i. 186.

491 Sketch, p. 165.

492 College Book, iii. 60.

493 College Book, iii. 56.

494 History, p. 50.

495 History, i. 510.

496 Sketch, p. 166.

497 Sketch, p. 25.

498 College Book, iii. 60.

499 History, i. 509.

500 History, p. 70. Eliot has: “1695 Nathaniel Hulton, senior, citizen and salter of London, 100 0 0” (Sketch, p. 166). Hulton died in 1693. Waters (Genealogical Gleanings in England, i. 202, 509) gives two wills, one dated July 20, 1692, by Nathaniel Hulton “citizen and Salter of London,” the other July 29, 1692, by Nathaniel Hulton, “citizen and sadler of London,” both having codicils dated January 1, 1693. The two codicils of this date are substantially the same. The one for the will of July 29, 1692, reads: “I give and bequeath to Mr. Encrease Mather Minister of the Gospell in New England the Summe of One Hundred pounds of Lawfull money of England for the use of the Colledge there of which hee is president.” Under date of June 1, 1709, President Leverett records in his Diary (pp. 18–19) that Increase Mather “present^d to the Presid^t an Extract from the Codicil of M^r Hulton’s Will to be Entred, and it is Entred in y^e Same Book in hæc Verba. ‘This is a further Codicil to be annexed to the last Will & Testam^t of me Nath^l Hulton the Elder Citizen & Salter of London, w^ch I Will shalbe taken as a further p^t thereof . . .’” By the “Same Book” Leverett means College Book, iv. 34, where Hulton is described as “Citizen and Salter of London.” On September 24, 1695, Treasurer Brattle records the receipt “of the presid^t for M^l Nath^l Hulton of London his Legacy of £100 Ster^l 130” (College Book, iv. 49). In Harvard College Papers, i. 38, is a copy of a letter relating to his gift from Hulton to Mather dated March 5, 1691 [1692].

501 “Faithful Souls shall be with Christ. The Certainty Proved and their Christianity described, and exemplified in the truly Christian Life and Death of that excellent Amiable Saint, HENRY ASHHURST, Esq; Citizen of London.” The running title is: “A Funeral Sermon Preach’d at the Death of Henry Ashhurst, Esq;” (Practical Works, 1707, iv. 899–911).

502 iv. 908. By Corporation, Baxter means the New England Company: cf. our Publications, vi. 180 note 2.

503 To quote from Calamy: “In the whole Course of his Life he [Baxter] had scarce a Friend whom he Valu’d and Respected, and by whom he was more Belov’d, than that Noted Citizen Mr. Henry Ashhurst, commonly call’d Alderman Ashhurst; who was the most exemplary Person for Eminent Sobriety, Selfdenial, Piety and Charity, that London could Glory off. He was a Christian of the Primitive Stamp, and did good to all he was able, especially needy, silenc’d Ministers: To whom in Lancashire alone, he allow’d 100 1 per Annum. He left behind him the Perfume of a most Honour’d Name, and the Memorials of a most Exemplary Life, to be imitated by all his Descendents. Mr. Baxter gave him his true Character in his Funeral Sermon” (Abridgment, 1702, p. 689). In this funeral sermon Baxter said: “Those that hear it the common speech of Magistrates, godly Ministers and People, that [we have lost the most excellent pattern of Piety, Charity, and all virtue that this City hath bred in our times] will think that there is some reason for this praise; . . . his esteem and honour and love was at home and abroad, by his Children, Servants, Neighbours, Fellow citizens” (Practical Works, iv. 907). Lastly, in the dedication to Sir Henry Ashurst and his wife of “A Treatise of Knowledge and Love compared,” Baxter says: “And it is to renew the Record of that Love and Honour which I owed to your deceased Father (formerly, tho’ too slenderly recorded,) to be the Heir and Imitator of whose Faith, Piety, Charity, Patience, Humility, Meekness, Impartiality, Sincerity and Perseverance, is as great an Honour and Blessing as I can wish you, next to the Conformity to our highest Pattern” (Practical Works, iv. 498).

504 Ibid. iv. 910.

505 It is uncertain whether this was the Rev. Samuel Mather of the class of 1690, who went to England in 1688, apparently never returned, and settled at Witney, Oxfordshire; or Samuel Mather of the class of 1698, who became a physician at Windsor, Connecticut.

506 The College owns the general diploma, with seal attached, issued in 1752.

507 The wording of the document is almost identical with that of a similar document dated April 19, 1676, given to George Alcock (1655–1677) of the Class of 1673: see Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xlix. 17–18. The seal that undoubtedly was once attached to that parchment is now, unfortunately, lacking.

508 cvi. 236.

509 cvi. 291. In the same issue a correspondent says: “It is the copperhead snake which Ohioans had in mind when they invented this epithet for their disloyal neighbors — and I think there is no doubt that it was invented in Ohio” (pp. 291–292). That the word “was invented in Ohio” may be true, but is probably incapable of proof, and the earliest known instance is from Illinois, in reference to Indiana.

510 Mr. Hart merely states that the badges were worn; Messrs. Hosmer and Rhodes say that they were worn at a meeting held in Mt. Vernon, Ohio, May 1, 1863.

511 “Meanwhile, ‘Copperheads’ appeared. The epithet was applied by their enemies to all Democrats; but it should properly be given only to those extreme opponents of the war who went so far as to seem by their agitation to give aid to the South. The name came from the habit of wearing as a badge a button cut from the head of a copper cent, on which was the head of the Goddess of Liberty. The movement began late in 1862” (Short History of the United States, 1913, p. 582).

512 Writing in 1899 Mr. Rhodes said:

“I have made and had made a considerable search for the first use of the term ‘Copperhead.’ The earliest that I have found it employed is in the Cincinnati Commercial of Oct. 1, 1862, in an article entitled ‘Comfort for “Copperheads.”’ The writer charges the Gazette (a rival Republican journal) with a course which is ‘driving the fighting Democrats into the ranks of the Vallandigham party.’ In the Commercial, when used afterwards, Copperhead is printed without the quotation marks. It occurs several times in October, November, and December, 1862. The curious may also find several illustrative uses of the word in the Chicago Tribune, Jan. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, 22; N. Y. Tribune, Jan. 12, Feb. 11; N. Y. Times, Feb. 13. Robert C. Winthrop in Boston, Nov. 2, 1864, spoke as if he were not ashamed of the name. ‘Abandon the Constitution,’ he said, ‘and the Ship of State is left tossing upon a shoreless sea, without rudder or compass, liable at any moment to be dashed to pieces on the rocks. And though I have no heart for pleasantry on such a topic, let me add that if in such a case the good ship shall escape such a catastrophe and be rescued from final wreck, it will be only because she will have been treated in advance to a thorough sheathing of copper from stem to stern’” (History of the United States, iv. 224 note).

The “pleasantry” was not original with Winthrop, occurring as early as October 22, 1862: see p. 209, below. A file of the Cincinnati Commercial is not accessible in Boston or Cambridge. I have examined the Chicago Tribune for September-December, 1862, and January 1–22, 1863; the Crisis from September, 1862, to May, 1863, both included; and various other papers and magazines during the first few months of 1863.

513 See p. 209, below.

514 ii. 300. The Crisis was a weekly Democratic paper published at Columbus, Ohio, by Samuel Medary (1801–1864), who had been territorial Governor of Minnesota in 1857–1858 and of Kansas in 1859–1860. Many of the extracts from other papers quoted in the text were reprinted in the Crisis and have been obtained from that source.

515 Crisis, October 22, ii. 312.

516 Ibid.

517 Crisis, October 22, ii. 312.

518 Ibid.

519 ii. 305.

520 Clement Laird Vallandigham (1820–1871); George Hunt Pendleton (1825–1889); Samuel Sullivan Cox (1824–1889).

521 Crisis, October 22, ii. 310.

522 Crisis, October 29, ii. 315. The word Butternut does not appear to have been employed at the time the convention was held.

523 Crisis, November 5, ii. 328.

524 ii. 325.

525 Crisis, November 12, ii. 332.

526 Crisis, November 19, ii. 344.

527 Crisis, December 3, ii. 358.

528 On the word “sneak,” see p. 236 note 1, below.

529 Harper’s Weekly, vii. 80.

530 William Alexander Richardson (1811–1875).

531 The assertion that Northern soldiers were called “Butternuts” at the outbreak of the war is of interest. Is it correct? Writing in 1853 Mrs. Stowe said: “I seem to have so much to fill my time, and yet there is my Maine story waiting. However, I am composing it every day, only I greatly need living studies for the filling in of my sketches.” The “Maine story” was the Pearl of Orr’s Island, “the first seventeen chapters of which,” according to Mrs. Fields (Life and Letters of H. B. Stowe, pp. 168, 170, 285), “appeared in April of this year” — that is, 1861. This is a slight mistake, since the first chapter was printed in the Independent of January 3 and the seventeenth in the issue of April 4, after which the story was not resumed until December 3, 1861. Hence the following words, which occur in the first chapter, were written certainly before 1861 and perhaps as early as 1853: “The old fishermen stood upon the wagon, his coarse butternut-colored coat-flaps fluttering and snapping in the breeze.” This extract (quoted in the Oxford English Dictionary, but with date of year only) is the earliest known with reference to clothes. On March 22, 1862, “The butternut gentry,” meaning Confederate prisoners, were mentioned (Bartlett’s Dictionary of Americanisms, 1877, p. 88). On June 11, 1862, a Confederate soldier was called an “ambitious butternut” (ibid.). After the battle of Antietam (September 17, 1862) a story went the rounds to the following effect. A Maryland soldier named Joe Parsons was blinded by a shot, and, meeting a rebel soldier, this conversation took place: “‘Who be yer,’ said I, ‘a rebel?’ ‘You’re a Yankee.’ ‘So I am,’ says I. . . . ‘Well,’ says I, ‘you’re a rebel; but will you do me a, little favor?’ ‘I will, says he, ‘ef I can.’ Then I says, ‘Well, old butternut, I can’t see nothin’. My eyes is knocked out, but I ken walk.’” Parsons then takes on his shoulders the “old butternut,” who promptly directs him to the Confederate camp. (Crisis, December 31, 1862, ii. 391.) A letter dated Murfreesboro’, Tennessee, January 30, 1863, said: “The ‘Butternut’ coat and pants, and the unbleached cotton and woollen shirts have, even when new, a dirty, untidy appearance — especially when placed side by side with the deep and sky blue uniforms of our army” (Cincinnati Daily Gazette, February 5, 1863, p. 1/1).

532 Crisis, iii. 39.

533 New York World, February 16, p. 2/1. Commenting on Vallandigham’s speech, the New York Times of February 17 said: “Yet even this ‘copperhead’ traitor is compelled, by the force of public sentiment, to declare himself in favor of the Union” (p. 4/4).

534 Crisis, iii. 55. James Brooks (1816–1873) was the editor of the New York Express.

535 Crisis, March 18, iii. 63.

536 Dr. Edson Baldwin Olds (d. 1869), who late in 1862 had been placed in a “bastile.” “To drag a man of seventy from his house at night without legal warrant, and take him summarily to Fort Lafayette, was a procedure likely to set to thinking voters who were bred to liberty, especially as in this case the victim was an intelligent man of high character, who had served his constituents three terms in the legislature and six years in Congress” (Rhodes, History of the United States, iv. 165). There is some doubt as to the exact age of Dr. Olds. According to several biographical dictionaries he was born in 1819. The American Annual Cyclopaedia for 1869 stated that he died January 24 “at Lancaster, Ohio, aged about 66” (p. 496). His father, the Rev. Gamaliel Smith Olds, was born February 11, 1777 (Granville Vital Records, p. 61), graduated at Williams College in 1801 (General Catalogue of Williams College, 1910, p. 35), married Julia Whitney in 1812, and “had four children, three of whom died in infancy, and one in the prime of manhood” (C. Durfee, Williams Biographical Annals 1871, pp. 137–139).

537 Crisis, March 25, iii. 65.

538 Remarks of Hon. Mr. [Lyman] Truman, of the 24th District, on the Bounty Re-Enlistment Bill, In the Senate [New York], March 19, 1863, p. 6.

539 Crisis, April 1, iii. 80. James Henry Lane (1814–1866).

540 Crisis, April 29, iii. 92.

541 Ibid.

542 Vanity Fair, vii. 37.

543 Crisis, May 6, iii. 120.

544 iii. 127.

545 In F. Moore, Rebellion Record (1864), vii, Poetry and Incidents, pp. 85–86.

546 Crisis, iii. 338.

547 This story, which went the rounds of the American newspapers, first appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal of May 24, 1775.

548 Crisis, April 1, iii. 74.

549 Doubtless a misprint for 1787. In another report of this speech, Vallandigham is made to say:

“There, sir, is a piece of coin from the mint of the sovereign State of Connecticut, coined by her, in the exercise of a high power of sovereignty, and bearing date 1787. Yes, the Confederation was dissolved, and that State went back again to its sovereignty and coined money. I believe it never issued any ‘greenbacks;’ they were of a later invention. But here is the evidence of that great fact, which designing men, consolidating empire here at the price of liberty, are desirous continually to ignore. It is a copper coin with a copper head upon it. (Great laughter and cheers for the Copperheads.) It is the head of Liberty. (Renewed applause.) It bears the superscription and image of Freedom. It reads, ‘By the authority of the State of Connecticut’” (Crisis, March 25, iii. 66).

Vallandigham appears to have been fond of making unusual exhibits. In a speech delivered in Congress on February 3, 1862, he said:

“Here, Sir, is one of the Continental bills of November, 1776. It bears small resemblance to the delicate paper issues and exquisite engravings of the present day in the United States. It smacks a little of the poverty of ‘Dixie’ — as is, said. Instead of the effigy of Lincoln, it bears on its face a veritable but rudely carved woodcut of the wild boar of the forest. It was bad money, Sir, but issued in a noble cause. It is redolent of liberty; it smells of habeas corpus, free speech, a free press, free ballot, the right of petition, the consent of the governed, public indictment, speedy public trial by jury, and all the great rights of political and individual liberty for which martyrs have died and heroes contended for ages — although I am not quite sure, Sir, that even now it is altogether without somewhat of the odor of rebellion lingering about it” (in Life, 1872, p. 178).

550 In the supplement to the 1911 edition of the Century Dictionary is the definition: “4. A private token, equal to one cent, struck in the United States during the Civil War.” In his Dictionary of Numismatic Names, their Official and Popular Designations, Albert R. Frey says: “Copperheads. A name commonly applied to the tokens issued during the Civil War in the United States (1862–1865). In the latter part of the year 1862 the first of these copper tokens were issued in Cincinnati, Ohio, and other western cities. Many of them have on the obverse the Indian head copied from the United States cent, and this feature probably gave them their name” (p. 54, American Journal of Numismatics, 1917, 1. 54. For this reference I am indebted to Mr. Horace L. Wheeler of the Boston Public Library). No example of copperhead in this sense has been adduced. The word was perhaps applied to any copper coin with a head on it: see the extract dated April 15, p. 224, below. Thus a letter dated Washington, April 28, 1863, quoted in the Chicago Tribune of May 1, said:

COPPERHEADS.

The heavy coinage of “nickels” still continues, the number last week made at the mint in Philadelphia being 53,000. When the people who are hoarding them discover that they have no intrinsic value over thirty-seven or forty cents a pound, and that they are a legal tender for amounts less than fifty cents only, they will let the coppers loose in such loads as to make them a nuisance (p. 2/3).

By “nickels” are meant one-cent coins made of copper-nickel, first coined (of that material) with head in 1858. What we now commonly call “nickels” —that is, five-cent coins made of copper-nickel — were first coined in 1866. Perhaps, therefore, the name “copperhead,” applied to a coin with a head on it, was derived from Vallandigham’s speech of March 7, 1863.

Attention should also be called to the fact that the word Copperhead had been used in other senses before the Civil War. Speaking of the Indian, De Vere says: “Along the frontier line he was perhaps as frequently called a Copperhead [as a Redskin], an ancient term of contempt, of which W. Irving makes frequent use in his quaint History of New York” (Americanisms, 1872, p. 22); and proceeds to quote two extracts. In both instances, however, Irving applies the term not to Indians but to the Dutch; moreover, Irving apparently uses the term only twice, and the second instance was not introduced into his famous burlesque until nearly forty years after its original publication. In the edition of 1809 we read:

“Then might be seen on their right hand, the vassals of that renowned Mynheer, Michael Paw, . . . He brought to the camp a stout band of warriors, . . . These were the men who vegetated in the mud along the shores of Pavonia; being of the race of genuine copperheads, and were fabled to have sprung from oysters” (bk. vi. ch. iv. vol. ii. pp. 104–105).

In the edition of 1848 occurs, apparently for the first time, this passage, referring to the Dutch and the Yankees:

“Already, however, the races regarded each other with disparaging eye. The Yankees sneeringly spoke of the round-crowned burghers of the Manhattoes as the ‘Copperheads;’ while the latter, glorying in their own nether rotundity, and observing the slack galligaskins of their rivals, flapping like an empty sail against the mast, retorted upon them with the opprobrious appellation of ‘Platter-breeches’” (bk. vii. ch. i. p. 385).

It is hardly necessary to add that both terms were invented by Irving. In 1828 J. K. Paulding, referring to the dwellers on the western border of Tappan See, settled by the Dutch, wrote: “Since the period of the first settlement of this region, the only changes that have ever been known to take place, are those brought about by death, who if report says true has sometimes had his match with some of these tough old copperheads;. . .” (The New Mirror for Travellers, p. 102, quoted in Thornton’s American Glossary, i. 205). The Oregon Weekly Times of October 10, 1857, said that “Dan had a hatred of ‘copper heads,’ as he called the Indians, which was refreshingly orthodox” (also quoted by Thornton).

551 New York World, March 9, p. 2/5.

552 P. 5/6. This advertisement, with the exception of the final sentence, was also printed in the Crisis of April 1, iii. 77. Bromley & Co., however, were not the only manufacturers of the badges. In the New York World of March 27 (p. 5/2) another firm advertised:

COPPERHEADS!

COPPERHEADS, attention! THE COPPERHEAD, or BADGE OF LIBERTY. NOW READY. Let all White Men accept the insult, and wear the grand old emblem of Liberty. The Copperhead Mailed, post paid, on receipt of 15 cents, or $10 per hundred by express. All orders out of the city should be addressed at once to the original manufacturers,

A. C. BLONDIN & CO.,

New-York City Postoffice.

This aroused the ire of Bromley & Co., who inserted another advertisement in the World of March 31 (p. 5/2):

POLITICAL.

COPPERHEADS, ATTENTION. — THE UN-dersigned are the original and sole manufacturers of the true COPPERHEAD BADGE OF LIBERTY, worn by the great Copperhead Party of the United States. Sold at fifteen cents by the single badge, and mailed, or $10 per one hundred sent by express. Terms cash. We are permitted to refer to the editors of the New-York Caucasian. Beware of imposters who copy our advertisements. When you order, write plainly your postoffice address, town, county, and state, and be very particular to address your letters thus:

BROMLEY & CO., Manufacturers,

Box 4265, New-York City.

553 Crisis, iii. 74.

554 iii. 76

555 iii. 79

556 See pp. 230–235, below.

557 Crisis, iii. 89.

558 iii. 93.

559 iii. 108.

560 Old Guard, i. 93.

561 Crisis, iii. 117.

562 iii. 134. Another contemporary account says: “A remarkably large number of national flags, with all the stars of the Union as it was, on hickory poles, formed a very prominent feature in each of these processions. A profusion of butternuts and liberty or copperhead pins, Union badges, and other appropriate emblems of Liberty and Union, were also distinguishable features” (in J. L. Vallandigham’s Life of Clement L. Vallandigham, 1872, p. 251).

563 Crisis, May 27, iii. 124. A full report of the trial is printed in Vallandigham’s Life, pp. 262–284.

564 Crisis, iii. 125. In a speech made at Columbus on July 4, 1862, Vallandigham said: “To-day the cause of a free government has triumphed; a victory of the Constitution, a victory of the Union, has been won, but is yet to be made complete by the men who go forth from this the first political battle-field of the campaign, bearing upon their banners that noble legend, that grand inscription — The constitution as it is, and the Union as it was” (Crisis, July 16, 1862, ii. 194; Life, pp. 209–210).

565 xv. 144.

566 Crisis, May 27, iii. 143. The Old Guard for June satirically remarked: “It is said that the Loyal Leagues are issuing a splendid new badge, it being a negro’s head in India rubber, with this appropriate motto in silver letters: ‘The Constitution be damned!’” (i. 143).

567 See p. 236, below.

568 From a copy in the Boston Public Library. A fourth edition of Copperhead Minstrel was published in 1867, but without the badge on the cover. A pamphlet entitled The Copperhead Catechism was published in New York in 1864. Between the words Copperhead and Catechism is a cut of the head of Liberty with a snake wound round its neck and pointing its fangs into the face of Liberty.

569 Crisis, ii. 308. A letter in the same issue is headed: “THE ELECTIONS! . . . Crow, Chapman, Crow! [Here was a great Shanghai rooster elegantly drawn in pencil]” (ii–305).

570 ii. 344. The Logan Gazette, or (as it was sometimes called) the Logan County Gazette, was established at Bellefontaine, Logan County, Ohio, in 1830; in 1870 its name was changed to the Examiner, and it is still published under that name: see History of Logan County, 1880, p. 283. For information about it I am indebted to our associate Mr. Clarence S. Brigham and to Professor Arthur W. Hodgman of the Ohio State University.

571 Webster’s International Dictionary states that the term Black Republican was “first applied in Civil War times;” but Thornton (American Glossary, i. 67–68) gives fourteen extracts ranging from January 3, 1856, to March 10, 1861. The expressions “Black Republican party,” “Black Republican chivalry,” and “ranting Black Republicans,” occur in the Democratic Review for January, 1856 (xxxvii. 25, 26).

572 This is probably a reference to an extract from the New York Express already quoted from the Crisis of March 11: see p. 216, above.

573 See p. 216, above.

574 Harper’s Weekly, vii. 130.

575 Crisis, March 18, iii. 63.

576 Crisis, March 18, iii. 61.

577 Crisis, April 1, iii. 77.

578 Crisis, April 15, iii. 92–93.

579 Crisis, April 15, iii. 93.

580 Crisis, April 29, iii. 110.

581 Crisis, April 15, iii. 92.

582 iii. 95.

583 Crisis, April 22, iii. 101.

584 Crisis, April 29, iii. 110.

585 Old Guard, i. 92.

586 i. 94.

587 Crisis, May 6, iii. 118.

588 iii. 119.

589 Harper’s Weekly, vii. 144. In the legend attached to a cartoon in Harper’s Weekly of January 31 (see p. 212, above) are the words “Peace Sneaks.” It is clear from the extracts here given that the Republicans indulged in a play on the words “snake” and “sneak” — and perhaps such a pun was intended in that legend.

590 This title is taken from the catalogue of Libbie’s sale of April 25–26, 1918, no. 225, p. 19. The broadside was bought, by the Library of Congress, and I am indebted to our associate Mr. A. P. C. Griffin for the information that the woodcut is identical with the one in Harper’s Weekly of February 28.

591 Vanity Fair, vii. 33.

592 vii. 45.

593 Memoirs, London, ii. 44. Mrs. Joseph Pennell also states that Leland “wrote, with his brother [Henry Perry Leland], ‘The Book of Copperheads’ and illustrated it” (Charles Godfrey Leland, 1906, i. 254). As the pamphlet contains on its last page an extract from the Richmond Enquirer of May 18, and on p. 22 a cartoon dated May 23, it could not have been published earlier than the very end of May; but possibly some of the cartoons or rhymes had appeared elsewhere before being published in book form. The following is taken from Vanity Fair of May 2 (vii. 35):

Yea! Verily!

“The Philadelphia ‘Copperheads,’”

Quoth UNCLE SAM to me,

“Are in a very shaky state,

As whoso reads ‘THE BOOK’ may see!”

“How so?” quoth I with mild surprise.

“Why, see you not how dire their need

Must be whose chief dependence lies,

As theirs, upon ‘a broken REED’?”

This would seem to be an allusion to William Bradford Reed of Philadelphia, who is satirized in Leland’s pamphlet, a cartoon on p. 10 having the inscription:

There once was a twistified Reed, who took for his pattern Snake-Weed; Till the Copperheads all, great, middling, and small, Seemed straight by the side of this Reed.

On the other hand, I have found no proof that the cartoons or rhymes were printed independently, and Mrs. Pennell kindly informs me that as her uncle’s books and papers are stored in London she can throw no light on this matter.

594 In the catalogue of the Boston Public Library this is attributed to Leland, though on what authority is not stated; and Mrs. Pennell, as she kindly writes me, hesitates to say anything about it. “Ye Introduction” to this skit begins: “Ye ‘sneak’ is a sly-bird. Ye rattle-snake, indeed, hath some chivalry, even if it is in its tail; but ye Sneaks yclepid ‘Copperheads’ hath none.”

595 Title-page, verso, “To the Reader;” pp. 2–9, “Murder Punished, &c.;” pp. 9–17, “An Account of a Discourse betwixt T. D. and T. S. about Fourteen Days after he was Prisoner in Newgate;” pp. 17–21, “A Discourse betwixt H. B. and T. S. Prisoner in Newgate, after some Friends went away dissatisfied, fearing he had not a Sense of his Sin, &c.;” pp. 21–22, “On Friday-night he uttered these expressions in Company with H. B. being the Day that the other Prisoners were Executed;” pp. 22–30, “On Saturday at Night, in Company with Mr. Baker, he Discoursed thus;” pp. 30–33, “The Prayer of Tho. Savage in Newgate, with those that sate up with him the Night before his Execution;” pp. 33–40, “The Last Speech of Thomas Savage, at the Place of his Execution, at Ratcliff;” pp. 41, 42, “A Relation of what pa[ ] the Imprisonment an[ Execution of Hann[ah Blay];” pp. 43–62, “2 Tim. 2. 22 Flee also Youthful Lusts.”

596 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlviii. 324.

597 Though these errata would alone seem to make this copy unique, it appears that a certain number of other copies were similarly annotated: H. M. Dexter (Congregationalism of the Last Three Hundred Years, Appendix, p. 68) suggests that they were fairly numerous: “Copies circulated by the author,” Dexter writes, “contain nearly a page of errata on back of title.” The Massachusetts Historical Society has a copy (given by John Cotton to Richard Mather) with the errata as in the Gay copy; but I have not thus far succeeded in finding any others.

I am indebted to the assistant librarians of the John Carter Brown Library and of the Yale University Library for collations of the first edition of the Singing of Psalms with the second edition (1650). In the second edition only one of the errata noted by John Cotton has been corrected, that on page 51, line 7.

598 So far as I am aware, Shepard’s authorship of this work has been asserted only by the Rev. John A. Albro, who on p. cxcii of the first volume of his edition of the Works of Thomas Shepard, 3 vols., Boston, 1853, includes Singing of Psalms a Gospel Ordinance in his list of Shepard’s works. He gives no evidence of Shepard’s authorship, however. It is, of course, possible that Albro may have seen the Gay copy of this book. Who owned the Gay copy in 1853 or thereabouts I am unable to learn. Cotton Mather (Magnalia, 1820, i. 255) mentions “a discourse about singing of psalms, proving it a gospel-ordinance” as Cotton’s; in his account (ibid. i. 343–357) of Thomas Shepard, Mather gives no indication that Shepard had any part in planning or writing this work.

599 Miscellaneous Works of George Wither, printed for the Spenser Society, 1872, Publications of the Spenser Society, Issue No. 12, First Collection, pp. 121–122

600 Quoted in part by Phoebe Sheavyn, The Literary Profession in the Elizabethan Age, Manchester [England], 1909, pp. 81–82, where other interesting examples are given.

601 Samuel Butler: Characters and Passages from Note-Books, ed. A. R. Waller, Cambridge [England], 1908, p. 262

602 Perfect Diurnal, No. 310, July 2–9, 1649, p. 2561

603 Thomason (Catalogue, ii. 125) says this pamphlet was published about the middle of August, 1655. He dates his copy August 20.

604 See, for instance, London Gazette, No. 886 (May 14–18, 1674); the Compleat Library, Vol. 2, p. 220 (March, 1693).

605 Howell, State Trials, xiv. 1106–1107 (London, 1816).

606 For a full account of this matter, see J. F. Jameson’s edition of Johnson’s Wonder-Working Providence, New York, 1910, pp. 3–5.

607 Magnalia, i. 351.

608 Shepard’s Works, vol. i. p. clxxxvi.

609 Magnalia, i. 255

610 Plain Dealing, ed. J. H. Trumbull, p. 52 note.

611 On Simmons, see Henry R. Plomer, A Dictionary of Booksellers and Printers who were at work in England and Ireland from 1641 to 1667, London, 1907, p. 164.

612 Printed from the original manuscript in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society, “Worcester Papers,” i. 11.

613 History of American Literature during the Colonial Period, ii. 16.

614 Oakes probably died in the night of July 24–25, since his death is sometimes given as July 25: see our Publications, xviii. 369 note 9.

615 Sibleystated (Harvard Graduates, i. 181) that “An Elegy on Oakes was written by Daniel Gookin, H. U. 1669,” but in his additions and corrections (ii. 529) said:

“For ‘Daniel Gookin, H. U. 1669’ read ‘Cotton Mather, H. U. 1678.” ‘I have been unable to learn from what source Sibley obtained his information regarding Gookin.

616 Jonathan Mitchell (H. C. 1647), Oakes’s predecessor as pastor of the Cambridge church, died July 9, 1668.

617 The Committee consisted of Messrs. Winslow Warren and William Crown-inshield Endicott. Mr. Warren’s illness prevented him from serving.

618 The will of May 2, 1659, is printed in C. M. Endicott’s Memoir of John Endecott (1847), pp. 113–116; in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register (1861), xv. 126–128; and, together with various other documents, in Essex Institute Historical Collections (1888), xxv. 137–157. See also Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 151, 279, 289, 311, 387.

619 The date has been so effectually crossed out as to be illegible.

620 This John Endicott was a son of Zerobabel Endicott

621 Printed from the original will, in the possession of Mr. Endicott.

622 Massachusetts Archives, xv B. 95.

623 Massachusetts Archives, xv b. 96. Other documents relating to the disputed will are in the same volume, pp. 96a-106

624 The map is here reproduced

625 Suffolk Deeds, ii. 48.

626 Suffolk Deeds, ii. 48.

627 xi. 195.

628 Suffolk Deeds, xxxviii. 56; xv. 167. Mr. John H. Edmonds kindly furnishes the following receipt (Massachusetts Archives, xlviii. 148):

Recd of m^r Richard Russell ye 12 of May 1676 one hundred & thirty thre pounds of Indigoe att 3^s a fi: which is in part of ye Arears of Rent due for a house in Boston y^e Governor Endicott Liued in I say Reed as atturney To John Bell and Susen his wife of London

Edward Shippen

629 Suffolk Deeds, xxxviii. 98

630 cxiv. 137.

631 iv. 61, 141

632 iv. 61

633 vi. 233.

634 x. 107–108.

635 Suffolk Deeds, xii. 216.

636 xci. 76.

637 See our Publications, vi. 93, 94.

638 Suffolk Deeds, xvi. 133.

639 xxv. 166

640 xxv. 168

641 Suffolk Deeds, xii. 356

642 xxiv. 98

643 xlii. 284

644 The book was given to the Massachusetts Historical Society by the heirs of John Pickering, October 29, 1846, and has inscribed on a fly-leaf in front the following entry:

This volume was formerly Gov^r Endecott’s, as appears by his autograph on the titlepage. It was bought at an auction, in Salem, & presented to me by John S. Appleton Esq^r of that place. The binding was almost destroyed; but in putting on the present binding we took great pains to imitate the original as nearly as possible.

Jn^O Pickering

645 The letter is printed in Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 98.

646 Leverett’s Wharf was a little to the south of the then lower end of what is now State Street.

647 Diary, i. 159–163.

648 Wait Winthrop (1642–1717).

649 Diary, i. 164.

650 Diary, i., 193.

651 Council Records, ii. 149.

652 With this account, compare an account of expenses of a journey from Boston to New Jersey about 1688, in our Publications, xix. 28–32.

653 Entry after footing was made.

654 Entries after footings were made.

655 Entries after footings were made.

656 Entries after footings were made.

657 Entries after footings were made.

658 Entries after footings were made.

659 John Winthrop (1638–1707).

660 Entries after footings were made.

661 Entries after footings were made.

662 Entries after footings were made.

663 Entries after footings were made.

664 Entries after footings were made.

665 Entries after footings were made.

666 Entries after footings were made.

667 Entries after footings were made.

668 Entries after footings were made.

669 Entries after footings were made.

670 Entries after footings were made.

671 Entries after footings were made.

672 December, 1909, Publications, xii. 382–398

673 January, 1911, Publications, xiii. 226–234

674 December, 1908, Publications, xii. 191–203.

675 A paper and some documents communicated at this meeting will be printed in vol. xxi.

676 Pp. 104–108, above.

677 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Entomology, Bulletin No. 71 (1907).

678 Bulletin No. 71, pp. 58–59.

679 Journal (1908), ii. 348. Cf. p. 106 note, above.

680 Report Conn. Exp. Sta. 1903, Part III, p. 214.

681 Bulletin, No. 71, pp. 54–55.

682 C. W. Hooker, The Periodical Cicada in Massachusetts, in Twenty-first Annual Report of the Massachusetts Agricultural Experiment Station (1909), part ii. p. 201.

683 P. 206.

684 Propositions concerning the Subject of Baptism (1662); Anti-Synodalia Scripta Americana; A Defence of the Answer and Arguments of the Synod Met at Boston in the Year 1662 (1664); The First Principles of New-England, Concerning the Subject of Baptisme & Communion of Churches (1675); and A Discourse Concerning the Subject of Baptisme (1675). The first two items (published together, though separately paged) were printed at London, the last three items were printed at Cambridge.

685 Cf. our Publications, xix. 333.

686 Early Interest in Dighton Rock, and Middle Period of Dighton Rock History, in our Publications, xviii. 235–299, 417, xix. 46–149. In the present paper, references to sources are generally omitted whenever these are indicated in the Bibliography, pp. 438—462, below.

687 Described in the Nouvelle Biographie Générale as a chemist and “homme politique,” born in 1763, died about 1832.

688 Newport Mercury, June 2, 1795, p. 3/1; June 9, p. 3/2.

689 Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1903, ii. 734.

690 ii. 721–1009.

691 ii. 943.

692 Newport Mercury, August 9, 1796, p. 3/1; Columbian Centinel, August 6, p. 3/1, August 13, p. 2/4.

693 Newport Mercury, September 13, p. 3/3; Boston Mercury, September 13, p. 2/4. Cf. 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 337.

694 Columbian Centinel, September 14, p. 2/4; Independent Chronicle, September 15, p. 2/5; Boston Gazette, September 19, p. 3/2.

695 Independent Chronicle, September 15, p. 2/5, September 29, p. 3/1; Boston Mercury, September 30, p. 2/4; Boston Gazette, October 23, p. 3/2; Columbian Centinel, September 24, p. 3/3.

696 Boston Mercury, October 14, p. 2/3.

697 Annual Report of American Historical Association for 1903, ii. 1017, letters of May 5, 16.

698 ii. 947.

699 These will be referred to hereafter as C, meaning the manuscript volumes entitled Correspondence and Reports; R, meaning the volumes entitled Records; and T, the Trustee’s Records. References to T and R are by dates, not by numbered pages.

700 Born January 16, 1795; died October 20, 1864. At his suggestion, the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries was founded in Denmark about 1825. Rafn was its perpetual secretary, editor of most, if not all, of its publications, practically sole author of many of them. The society was under the patronage and titular presidency of Frederick VII, King of Denmark. See 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, 1866, viii. 80–84, 175–201; and no. 67.

701 No. 16, p. 355. The original is in Latin. The reference here, as in all footnotes similarly expressed, is to the corresponding number in the Bibliography, pp. 438–462, below.

702 Now preserved in C i. 79. Some writers, including Bartlett, have asserted that the activity of the society in this matter was in response to a circular letter from Rafn to the American newspapers; but this is clearly an error.

703 No. 16, p. 357.

704 Pp. 356–361.

705 This remark was later distorted by at least two writers (Beamish, 1841 and 1907, and Bodfish, 1885) into the statement that the mounds and other things mentioned were in the western part of Bristol County, Massachusetts.

706 Both name and date of this drawing as here given and from this source always subsequently known, are partially erroneous. See our Publications, xix. 83.

707 The one in Swansea was never found. Concerning that at Rutland, Webb later wrote that its alleged inscription had nothing artificial about it (No. 16 p. 400).

708 C ii. 54; R, July 19, 1833

709 T, September 3, 1833; R, July 19, 1834.

710 C ii. 41.

711 T, October 14, 1834; C ii. 25, 31.

712 C ii. 30; T, January 6, 1835.

713 The answer given was that there were none; but at a later date Webb called Rafn’s attention to the so-called “Fall River Skeleton in Armor” and to the Newport tower, which were accepted by Rafn as Norse remains.

714 T, vol. i; C ii. 31.

715 C ii. 33. This reply was published in full in no. 16, pp. 361–371.

716 Published in part in no. 16, p. 372.

717 C ii. 52; no. 483, viii. 189

718 T; C ii. 30, 34.

719 See same references as for third letter.

720 C ii. 30.

721 The Winthrop and the Kendall were copied from the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and had been mentioned by Webb in his letter of 1830. The Sewall was especially copied for this occasion from the original at Harvard College (see our Publications, xix. 61 f). The Danforth was unknown to Webb previous to September 27, 1834 (C ii. 25), but he had heard of the papers in Archaeologia by Lort and Vallancey. On October 14, he had not yet seen Archaeologia, and hence was not yet acquainted with Danforth; but by November 30 he had found it, and inserted a reference to it in the revised reply to Rafn (C ii. 33). Of it he says that it “purports to be ‘a faithful and accurate representation of the Inscription.’ This is not sent with any idea that it will prove serviceable in your present inquiry, but simply to shew what strange things have been conjured up by travellers, and sent to Europe for examination” (no. 16, p. 371). This derogatory opinion as to the merit of Danforth’s drawing we have already claimed is wholly unjustified (our Publications, xviii. 254). His statement that it purports to be a faithful and accurate representation is also an error, rendered worse by being placed within quotation marks, whose only possible source must have been Vallancey’s description of it in Archaeologia (viii. 303) as “a fac simile copy of the inscription, taken before the stone was impaired or injured, exactly half a century prior to Dr. Greenwood’s drawing.” In this distorted quotation by Webb lies the source of the still more distorted claim by Wilson in 1862 that “Dr. Danforth executed what he characterized as ‘a faithful and accurate representation of the inscription,’” and a nearly similar statement in the unpublished manuscript by the Rev. C. R. Hale, written in 1865 (see our Publications, xviii. 254 note). Naturally it was meant by its author faithfully and accurately to represent the inscription, and it succeeded far beyond most subsequent drawings. But Danforth never made any claim as to its merits, nor did Vallancey state that he had done so.

722 Reproduced with alterations by Rafn in no. 16 as “Rhode Island Historical Society’s 1830.”

723 Reproduced with alterations in no. 16 as “View of the Assonet Inscription Rock. J. R. Bartlett del.”

724 C ii. 52; no. 483, viii. 189

725 C ii. 45.

726 C ii. 48. Apparently they never heard of his drawings of Dighton Rock.

727 C ii. 40, 49, 74; no. 16, pp. 397 f.

728 No. 16, pp. 397–399.

729 C ii. 49; no. 16, pp. 400–404.

730 This rock has subsequently been rediscovered. Its inscription is described and figured in no. 312, and in W. H. Munro’s History of Bristol, p. 388.

731 C ii. 74.

732 No. 483.

733 This report was printed, and a copy is preserved in C ii. 101

734 No. 41.

735 No. 16, p. 365.

736 This is an error of memory. Two modes only were used, the continuous lines and the broken lines alluded to above. The third mode, the use of shaded lines, was a later addition by Rafn.

737 No. 482.

738 Wilson, no. 493. Denied by A. H. Everett, no. 156.

739 Nos. 276, 310, 355

740 No. 293.

741 See our Publications, xix. 87, 112.

742 The tide tables of 1834 do not give these data. But Professor Frederick Slocum of Brown University, to whom I referred the problem, tells me that the relations of Full and New to Perigee and Apogee were nearly the same in 1913 as in 1834. He kindly calculated the results for me, and remarks: “By analogy it would seem as if the tides of September 4, 1834, should have been 8 or 9 inches lower than the tides of August 20 or September 18. Theoretical considerations would lead to the same conclusions.”

743 Compare it with the Shove lithograph, Plate XXXVII.

744 I am informed that the measurements of the originals are: of the View, about 9 x 11.4 inches (23 x 29 cm.); of the Drawing, about 15.3 x 35 inches (39 x 89 cm.).

745 No. 16, Tab. X. Measures about 7¼ x 10 inches.

746 No. 16, Tab. XII, Number IX. Measures about 5 x 11½ inches.

747 Plate XXXII.

748 Among others, Squier called attention to this disadvantage. He says of the interpolations that they are “hardly to be distinguished, by the lighter manner in which they are engraved, from the rest of the so-called inscription — a circumstance which has been a fruitful source of error to superficial inquirers” (no. 436). It is to be noticed also that even a photographic or a photostatic copy of the drawing in the Antiquitates is very likely to blur the shaded lines so that they are not distinguishable from the others.

749 The reproductions known to me are as follows:

Of the View in whole or in part: Aall, 1838; Schoolcraft, 1839; Laing, 1844; Lelewel, 1852; Horsford, 1887; Winsor, 1889; no. 34. Also a painting in oil prepared for A. H. Everett, 1838, for which see p. 320 note 2, below.

Of the Drawing: Aall, 1838; Barber, 1839; Beamish, 1841; Laing, 1844; Hermes, 1844; Guillot, 1844; Holmberg, 1848; Schoolcraft, 1851 (in part); Gravier, 1875; Andree, 1878; Mallery, 1889; Onffroy de Thoron, 1889; Gaffarel, 1892; Neukomm, 1896; Brittain, 1903. Note also reproduction prepared for A. H. Everett, 1838, for which see p. 320 note 2, below.

750 No. 16, pp. 387 f.

751 This is quoted from a letter from M. Weslauff, President of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, who speaks of the rock as “a very important monument” (no. 485).

752 The text is not explicit as to how many winters were spent in each place. It does state that the return to Greenland was in 1011, and that Snorre was then three years old. It would seem that, in order to make the narrative consistent, the corrections given in parentheses above must be made to the statements of the text.

753 Magnusen is called by Rafn an expert in Runic inscriptions. But his expertness has been called in question. Rau (no. 370) tells of the instance of the Runamo rock in Sweden, which in 1833 was visited by a committee of the Royal Danish Academy of Sciences, including Magnusen. In 1841 Magnusen published an illustrated quarto work of 742 pages, the principal feature of which was his translation of the marks on Runamo Rock. He made out a runic inscription of thirteen lines. In 1842 and 1844, the rock was visited by J. J. A. Worsaae, who reported “that there is no runic inscription whatever on Runamo Rock, and that the marks considered as runes by Finn Magnusen are simply the natural cracks on the decayed surface of a trap dike filling up a rent in a granite formation.” Rau regards the arguments of Worsaae as absolutely convincing. At any rate, it is not difficult to believe the story, after one has examined Magnusen’s methods in dealing with Dighton Rock.

754 The former shaped like a lower-case n, the latter somewhat like a trident. They are easily found on the Baylies drawing in the position indicated. Magnusen’s exposition can be followed best by reference to Plate XXVI (our Publications, xix. 106), whose lower drawing is the one used by Magnusen. Plate XXXV (p. 316, below) is a fair substitute, although most of the figures referred to are shown in rather faint dots. Number 23 on that plate is the N, number 21 the M, and between them the mastless ship. The original text uses special forms for the letters C. M, N. and O. differing somewhat from those here employed.

755 The combination of figures, largely triangular, whose centre lies above the MA monogram. It is number 3 in Plate XXXV. The helmet next spoken of is number 8 lying to the right of the MA monogram. The heifer is number 22.

756 Ventilogium. This is a word that is not often correctly translated. It is not given in most Latin dictionaries; but may be found in Du Cange’s Glossarium, 1846. The ship here mentioned demands a complaisant imagination for its recognition in the jumble of lines between the P at the extreme left of the drawing and the first human figure. It is number 40 on Plate XXXV.

757 The key is easily identified inside the drawing representing Gudrida, the large human figure at the left.

758 This ship is the one mentioned under I, between the N and the runic M.

759 This is of course the figure of the bird, at the middle bottom of the drawing; number 14.

760 The apparently human figure just to the right of the central part of the drawing; number 25.

761 Thorfinn’s shield is the series of lines, to the right of Thorfinn, Bhaped like an hour-glass at the top, thence curving down to a small triangle near the bottom of the human figure; number 10.

762 The two human figures at the right; numbers 26, 27.

763 All the implements of war here enumerated can be sufficiently well made out by an active imagination between the shield and the Skrellings. Numerous bows can be imagined, as to the right of 26 at his feet, to the left of 26 above 31, above the head of 26, and at 32. 34 is an arrow. Other lines leftward of 26, also 28, 29, 30, 35 must be the clubs and branches, and the stones with ropes attached. The huge ball resting in the ballista is probably number 31.

764 No. 16, pp. 378–382. Here translated with some condensation from the original Latin.

765 Pp. 355–396.

766 In a footnote on p. 390 he also mentions Gebelin’s interpretation.

767 P. 378.

768 The actual distance is nearly five feet on the rock.

769 The one that Magnusen called Gudrida.

770 An upright line terminating above in a dot

771 No. 16, pp. 396–405.

772 P. C. Sinding, nos. 417, 418

773 Our Publications, xix. 115.

774 Plate XXXII.

775 I do not wish to deny that the picture-completing apperceptive process may construct almost anything it seeks to find in the complex and innumerable details of texture and light reflections of the surface. In that manner I can myself see, though rather ill-proportioned, the whole name Thorfinn there, if I wish to relax into the seeing of dreamlike unrealities. And of course in like manner I can see numerous alternatives with equal ease. But critical examination does not justify the assumption of the actual existence of such subjectively originating lines.

776 Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 1836–1839, pp. 361–385. Letters of Webb (1839) to Rafn (pp. 361–368), with Rafn’s remarks (pp. 369–385), reprinted in Supplement to the Antiquitates Americanos, 1841

777 G. C. Mason, Jr., Old Stone Mill at Newport, in Magazine of American History, 1879, iii. 541–549.

778 Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 1840–1844, pp. 104–119.

779 Ibid. pp. 110, 118. See also no. 209.

780 See Winship’s Sailors’ Narratives of Voyages along the New England Coast, 1524–1624 (1905), pp. 15, 43 f, 56.

781 20th Annual Report of the Peabody Museum, 1880–1886, iii. 543 f.

782 Nos. 39, 41.

783 No. 482.

784 See Minnesota Historical Society’s Collections, 1915, xv. 221–286.

785 The evidence for all here mentioned is examined, apparently authoritatively, in no. 471. See also no. 496.

786 Studien over Vinlandsreiserne, published in English in Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 1888, pp. 307–370.

787 M. L. Fernald, Notes on the plants of Wineland the Good, in Rhodora, xii. 17–38.

788 No. 158

789 No. 246.

790 No. 494.

791 Nos. 214, 215, 216.

792 The statements in this paragraph are condensed from nos. 150, 483.

793 Considerable confusion in discussion has arisen from the habit, much indulged in, of calling the characters on Dighton Rock runes. The only runic characters claimed for this rock were the Sol, initial of Snorre, the doubtful Th, and the trident-like M, initial of madr. The letters forming the numerals, words and name most discussed were regarded by Magnusen and Rafn as Roman, or modified Roman forms. Hence the many criticisms founded on their lack of resemblance to runes were irrelevant.

794 No. 158.

795 No. 156. In 1864, E. E. Hale presented to the American Antiquarian Society the two representations of Dighton Rock which A. H. Everett used in his lectures. They are greatly enlarged copies, with some slight differences, of the Rhode Island version in Antiquitates. Each measures nearly 4x6 feet. The View is based on Bartlett’s, but is an oil painting, executed for Mr. Everett by a certain “Bower” of Providence — doubtless the sign-painter, Samuel J. Bower, mentioned in the 1838 directory. See no. 211.

796 No. 398.

797 No. 31.

798 Nos. 15, 83, 310, 366. The hoax is said by C. e. Hammett, Jr. (Bibliography and Literature of Newport, 1887, p. 28) to have been due to two well known Newport wags. Their names, not given by Hammett, are disclosed in a letter written November 10, 1875, by Dr. David King (1812–1882) of Newport to Justin Winsor, then librarian of the Boston Public Library. In this letter, which is pasted into a copy of Brooks’s pamphlet owned by the Library, Dr. King said:

“The above mentioned pamphlet was compiled for M^r Hammett by the Rev. Charles T. Brooks, late Pastor of the Unitarian Church of Newport. The remarks, introductory and conclusive, were written by Mr. Brooks.

“The letters from Brown University were written by W^m H. Cranston, and by Henry Tisdale of Newport. W^m H. Cranston was a Lawyer, and became, subsequently, Editor of the Daily News of Newport. He was, also, for several years Mayor of Newport. Henry Tisdale was a very bright intelligent man, a silversmith, and for [several years a member of the City Council of Newport. The letters signed, one the Oldest Inhabitant of Newport were written by David Melville, at one time Surveyor of the Customs of Newport. The lines by a Lady at p. 55, were composed by M^rs W^m L. Littlefield of this City.”

799 (A) Favorable to Norse origin of inscription: Lossing (in 1850–52 suggested that the inscription was the record of a battle with Indians made by Scandinavians acquainted with and using Phoenician letters, but in 1876 stated that the Norsemen left no traces, except the tower at Newport), Hosmer, Anderson (1874, but in 1907 was “hospitably disposed” to Horsford’s location of Vinland), Goodrich, Bodfish, Gagnon, Henrici, Neukomm.

(B) Favorable to Rafn’s localities at least approximately, but reject Norse character of inscription: De Costa, Horsford, Goodwin, De’Roo.

(C) Unfavorable to Rafn’s localities and Norse inscription: Cabot, Haven, Wilson, C. R. Hale, Gaffarel, Lodge, Slafter, Higginson, McLean, Reeves, Power, Fiske, Baxter (1893), Ruge, Fischer, Avery, Vignaud.

(D) Bibliographical and critical: Watson, Winsor, Hermannsson.

800 Whittier, Complete Poetical Works (1894), pp. 9–11.

801 One of thèse quotes M. Madier de Montjau as author of the paper; whereas this gentleman did nothing more than “analyze” the paper by Gravier at the Congress.

802 Washington, Kendall, Davis: see our Publications, xix. 81, 104, 115.

803 xviii. 235, 238, 239, xix. 105, 109, 111, 147.

804 No. 476.

805 No. 482.

806 Nos. 433, 434.

807 No. 435.

808 No. 436.

809 No. 437.

810 No. 436.

811 Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 1840–1844, 119127. For a cautious verdict on this tablet, see Hodge’s Handbook of American Indians, i. 506.

812 No. 399.

813 No. 336.

814 No. 401.

815 Plate XXXV.

816 See p. 379, below.

817 No. 402. See our Plate XXXVI.

818 No. 403

819 No. 75.

820 No. 76.

821 No. 414.

822 No. 12.

823 Prehistoric Man in America, in Forum, 1890, viii. 502.

824 Nos. 297, 298.

825 See letter of Bushnell, 1915, in our Publications, xviii. 235.

826 See especially articles on Archæology, Engraving, Graphic Art, Inscribed Tablets, Pictographs, Popular Fallacies, Sign Language, Tattooing, Totem.

827 Early History of Mankind, 1878, chap, v, on Picture-Writing.

828 See especially American Anthropologist, 1892, v. 165.

829 Nos. 401, 403. Compare with Plate XXXV.

830 See our Publications, xix. 122. I have found no indication that Moulton ever lived nearer to Taunton than Roslyn, Long Island.

831 I doubt very much whether any marks exist on the south, or down-stream end of the rock. There are some, however, on the up-stream end, ordinarily wholly invisible, but on rare occasions in unusually favorable light appearing with great clearness; see below, p. 406. If these are the ones here meant, then this person is the third previous observer who has seen them. His description differs much from that of Dr. Stiles, but is reconcilable with the actual characters.

832 No. 143.

833 “Notes on New Books,” in National Intelligencer, September 13, 1848

834 No. 261.

835 No. 342.

836 No. 183.

837 Rafn’s drawing, Plate XXXIV.

838 For a cut of this stone see Squier’s Aboriginal Monuments of the State of New York, 1849, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, ii. 172, art. ix. Squier accepts the stone as probably “a genuine remnant of antiquity;” so also apparently does Schoolcraft (no. 401, p. 109).

839 John Patterson Lundy, Princeton, 1846; D.D. Andalusia College, 1869. Rector of Church of the Holy Apostles (Presbyterian) in New York, 1869 to 1875. Author of Monumental Christianity. Bom 1823, died 1892.

840 No. 139.

841 No. 43, p. 27.

842 Nos. 481, 482.

843 V. Baker, Massasoit’s Town Sowams in Pokanoket, pp. 36–37.

844 Magnalia, bk. i. ch. i. p. 2.

845 No. 27, p. 82.

846 No. 128, p. 308.

847 Fernald received his M.D. at the Harvard Medical School in 1872, and afterwards practised in Boston. The initials of his self-conferred title stand for “God’s United States and Foreign Alliance.” He was born December 5, 1847, at Wolfborough Centre, N. H.; died March 15, 1916. Besides this book, he published also: The Downfall of Rome; or, History Repeating Itself, 1896; and in 1899 issued two editions of a large folded sheet printed on both sides, entitled: Genealogy of the Ancient Fernald Family, From Adam to Date.

848 For evidences of what appear to be delusions of persecution, including thirty-nine attempts upon his life, see pp. 136, 137, 182, 191, 211 f, 256, etc.

849 P. 33, Plates 64, 69. Cf. the Biglow Papers.

850 Pp. 5, 8, 9, 20 (7), 29, 32, 33 (2), 36, 37, 38, 44, 50, 60, 66, 67, 71, 78, 79 (2), 82, 87, 88, 108, 124, 127, 133, 135, 162, 166 (2), 241, 259, 267, 278, 369, 398, 427.

851 Very likely an edition of one of Lossing’s pictorial histories, since Lossing is the only historian I have yet discovered who uses the Job Gardner drawing.

852 Pp. 20, 33. See Fig. 5, on this page.

853 Plymouth Colony Records, xii. 242.

854 When the Court acquired or assumed the right to dispose of them is not on record. Doubtless they were conveyed by Massasoit in the original, now lost, Cohannet deed of about 1637, or soon thereafter, for Philip included them in his confirmatory deed of 1663.

855 See our Publications, xviii. 241; Land Records at Taunton, Book 3, p. 287 (1680); Book 3, p. 174 (1691); Book 7, p. 720 (1717).

856 Plymouth Colony Records, v. 191, 240.

857 Plymouth Colony Records of Deeds, Book 5, p. 199.

858 Land Records at Taunton, Book 3, p. 287

859 Our Publications, xviii. 286; also Probate Records at Taunton, Book 3, p. 469.

860 Bristol County Probate Records, Book 20, p. 396.

861 Land Records, Book 71, p. 13.

862 Probate Records, Book 54, p. 506

863 Book 78, p. 117.

864 Land Records, Book 166, p. 107; Book 170, pp. 25, 161; Book 220, p. 300.

865 Nos. 10, 17, 18, 20, 218. See also J. E. Olsen, in Nation (1887), xlv. 395.

866 Land Records, Book 253, p. 92. The boundaries of the land conveyed with the rock in this and subsequent deeds are thus described: “Beginning at a point where an east and west line drawn 17½ feet south of the Rock known as the Writing or Dighton Rock intersects a line drawn north and south 35 feet east of said Rock, thence by said north and south line north 35 feet, thence west to Taunton River channel, thence south by said river 35 feet, thence east to the first mentioned bound.”

867 Land Records, Book 253, p. 93.

868 Book 259, p. 49.

869 A footnote adds: “It appears that the people of Massachusetts took no particular interest in the rock prior to this time.”

870 No. 293.

871 Land Records, Book 470, p. 211.

872 Nos. 210, 214–216.

873 No. 211.

874 See p. 406, below.

875 No. 324, evidently adapted from Barber.

876 No. 482.

877 I am indebted to Mr. Matthews for the following note:

a letter from S. F. B. Morse dated Paris, March 19, 1839, was printed in Niles’ Register of April 27th (lvi. 134). The issue of September 21 stated that the secret of the Daguerre “will be known here when the British Queen arrives,” the arrival of that vessel at New York being announced in the same issue; and the issue of September 28 contained an extract disclosing the secret from the London Globe of August 23 (lvi. 52, 64, 73). What is described as “the first attempt” was “a photographic plate of the central high school, taken by Joseph Sexton” in Philadelphia (lvii. 172). In the issue of January 11, 1840, appeared this item:

“The Daguerreotype. The New York Observer has been favored with the sight of a large number of pictures from a collection of the exquisitely beautiful results of this wonderful discovery, just arrived from Paris. . . . The collection is in the hand of M. Gourraud, a gentleman of taste, who arrived in the steam packet British Queen” (lvii. 312).

The issue of May 9 announced that “likenesses from the human face have been successfully taken by it” in Philadelphia; and the issue of May 30 stated that Robert Cornelius of Philadelphia “is now engaged, most successfully in making miniature liknesses, by means of the process designed by Mons. Daguerre” (Iviii. 160, 208).

In March, 1840, M. Gouraud visited Boston, where his “collection of photogenic drawings” was exhibited privately on March 6, and publicly from March 11 to April 8. He also delivered lectures at the Masonic Temple on March 27, April 3 and 4, at the first of which he took “a beautiful view of Park Street, with the intervening trees, and part of the Common, covered with snow,” and at the second “a fine view of the State House, from a front window of the Temple” (Boston Advertiser, March 7, p. 2/2; March 28, p. 2/4; April 4, p. 2/4). A communication from him was printed in the issue of March 26 (p. 2/2–3), and reprinted at the end of a 16-page pamphlet published in Boston the same year entitled “Description of the Daguerreotype Process, or a Summary of M. Gouraud’s Public Lectures, according to the Principles of M. Daguerre. With a Description of a provisory Method for taking Human Portraits.” This concludes with the words, “I will now say . . . that by adopting a confidential communication which I have received from M. D. G., the French Professor at Cambridge, since I arrived in Boston, I think it is very probable that we shall succeed in obtaining a Daguerreotype portrait in much less time than by the process above described.” “M. D. G., the French Professor at Cambridge,” was Anatole de Goy, Instructor (not Professor) in French in 1840–1841.

Finally, in the Boston Advertiser of April 6, 1840 (p. 3/2), appeared an advertisement of G. W. Prosch of 140 Nassau Street, New York, beginning: “The Daguerreotype apparatus of improved construction warranted to be correct, and better adapted to the purpose than the French, of which any reasonable person can be satisfied upon inspection. It is more portable and less expensive manufactured and for sale by the subscriber.”

878 No. 178.

879 L. E. Richards, Letters and Journals of S. G. Howe, ii. 102.

880 No. 402.

881 See number 39, p. 394, below.

882 Nos. 419, 420.

883 No. 222.

884 In 1890, Mr. Young was proprietor of a crockery and glassware store. Later directories list him as justice of peace and notary. On his business cards he also called himself a “Compiler and Special Writer.” He died January 15, 1918.

885 Our Publications, xix. 63. See also no. 219.

886 It may have been C. Thomas’s account of the rock in Hodge’s Handbook.

887 Besides the Rock, this photograph shows several other features of interest. In the middle background is Grassy Island, several times referred to in this study. To the left of the island and the rock is Taunton River, coming down from the north near the extreme left of the picture. Leftward from and beyond that point is the upper part of the village of Dighton. Rightward, the land in the background is in the town of Berkley, the water is Smith’s Cove, and the foreground is Assonet Neck.

888 The most extraordinary statement of this character was made by Jerome V. C. Smith, later mayor of Boston, in a letter to Rafn dated June 15, 1842:

“I am satisfied from a careful examination, that the rock once stood on the dry land, perhaps 20 rods from the water, but the river has gradually forced itself against the eastern bank, or Berkley side, and actually excavated the land, ‘till the rock has nearly gained the middle of the river at high tide. A boy who went as a guide, assured me that the river gained a little every year upon the Berkley side, which convinced me that my theory in regard to the original location of the rock was right. At the present rate of washing, it is not improbable that within the next 50 years it will be entirely out of sight, in the very centre of the channel” (no. 427).

Smith’s boy seems to have been cast in much the same mold as that used later in constructing the one who told me his wonder-tales. Smith’s accuracy will be appreciated when the reader is informed that the furthest reach of the tide does not exceed 75 feet beyond the rock, and that, as measured on the unpublished A. M. Harrison charts of 1875, in the office of the United States Coast Survey, the river is 1500 feet wide at this point.

889 In Economic Geology, 1910, v. 623.

890 Visible in the middle background of Plate XLVII.

891 Since then I have found also an adze, a small broken pestle-like stone, and several holes filled with decayed organic material, reaching down nearly two feet into the former surface, some of them the remains of small trees, others of stakes driven into the ground as parts of an ancient weir, dwelling or other structure.

892 I find definite early estimates ranging from 200 to 260 years ago, for about half of these meadows, involving about fifty acres in all. By measurements on the large scale A. M. Harrison charts of 1875, and by recent pacing of most of the boundaries, which in all of these cases can be identified from old descriptions with practical certainty, I am led to believe that there has been no appreciable change. But such comparisons cannot be exact enough to be decisive.

893 Visible to the left of Dighton Rock in Plates XLII and XLIV.

894 Some additional measurements of the above-ground portions made by previous observers and probably as reliable as any that could be given were mentioned in my second paper (xix. 53, 105 n).

895 Handbook of Rocks, 5th ed., 1911, p. 214.

896 Visible to the right of Dighton Rock in Plates XLII and XLIV.

897 xix. 112 note.

898 xviii. 248.

899 The line of intersection of the plane of the face with the plane of the horizon, allowing for a magnetic deviation of 13° West, is directed N 58° — 60° E, or almost exactly ENE by compass.

900 See drawing and description on p. 366, above.

901 My own photographs of 1919 support the same conclusion.

902 See Fig. 7, p. 416, below.

903 See no. 298, pp. 37–42.

904 On a photograph by C. W. Brown, taken May 15, 1915, and not here reproduced because in other respects not helpful to our study, the CORTEIX is even clearer and more decisive than on the Hathaway photograph; and following the M is an almost certain IC or IG. My own recent examination of the rock and photographs of it convince me that the G and a V following it are as certain as any of the other characters.

905 Les Corte-Real, 1883; Gaspar Corte-Real, in Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l’Histoire de la Géographie depuis le XIII^e jusqu’à la fin du XVI^e Siècle, 1883; Discovery of North America, 1892.

906 The expedition of Gaspar Cortereal in 1501 had brought back to Portugal 67 natives, apparently designed for use as slaves. In a paper on The Portuguese Royal Society of Canada, 1890, vol. viii. sect. ii. pp. 133 f), the Rev. George Patterson asks: “What more likely than that these navigators should have fallen victims to the vengeance of the friends or clansmen of the kidnapped, or perhaps been overpowered in an attempt to capture more.” In the absence of any knowledge of the circumstances under which the kidnapping took place, whether by violence or by persuasion, and whether knowledge of it reached the particular natives with whom Miguel came in contact, such an assumption is no more probable than the one that I make.

907 See Winship’s Sailors’ Narratives, pp. 21, 45.

908 See Fig. 7 (on p. 416), and note that in two facsimile signatures reproduced by Harrisse in the second paper cited above, the name is spelled Miguell CorteReall. In the figure, I have drawn in heavy lines all the component parts of name and date that are unambiguously observable in the Hathaway photograph. The light and dotted lines in the name indicate how it may be dubiously completed. Neighboring and overlying lines and figures are also drawn in light lines. Of the two “deers,” the one at the right, though fairly clear in the photograph, is a little uncertain and has never heretofore been observed. It is much more distinct in my own photographs. The “bird” is inserted to show the position where Baylies and his companions probably saw it and where with difficulty it may still be imagined in the Burgess and Hathaway photographs. I do not believe, however, that there ever was really any bird portrayed in that position on the rock.

909 I have found some evidence pointing in this direction. Apparently it was a time of transition between the use of Gothic and of Roman forms in lettering, and their intermingling, as in this inscription, was customary. Our associate Mr. R. Clipston Sturgis says in a recent letter: “Letters in use in Portugal in 1500 would be just the same as those in use in other parts of Europe at that date. It was at the end of the highest period of the Renaissance in Italy, and the various beautiful forms of Gothic lettering had been gradually abandoned for those based upon Roman types.” Lewis F. Day says: “Writers of old never seem to have been bound hard and fast to one type of letter. Even in the same phrase various forms of the same letter occur” (Lettering in Ornament, 1902, p. 34). One of his illustrations shows the use of an angular and a rounded C in the same word; another is a modern imitation of mediaeval lettering, in which the curved E is used exclusively in the midst of letters otherwise of Roman type. In Antiquitates Americanæ (pp. 379, 380), Rafn discusses early and mediaeval use of angular C and O. According to the Traité du Numismatique du Moyen Age by A. Engel and R. Serrure (1905, iii. 1350 ff), the coins of Portugal between 1357 and 1481 employed both forms of E in the same words and phrases, the curved form occurring much more frequently than the other, and the majority of the other letters being of the now prevalent Roman forms. Conrad Haebler’s Typographie Ibérique du Quinzième Siècle (1902) gives “Reproductions en facsimile de tous les caractères typographique employés en Espagne et en Portugal jusqu’à l’année 1500.” His No. 42 shows a page of a book printed in 1485, having a border of capital letters in which occur both the angular and the rounded C, both the angular and the rounded E, and an O that is intermediate. Such forms of letters as I make out in the inscription would have been appropriate for Miguel Cortereal to have employed in 1511.

910 Our Publications, six. 71, 125.

911 Our Publications, xix. 285–289.

912 H. Bond, Genealogies and History of Watertown, i. 62; S. Roads, History and Traditions of Marblehead, p. 117; T. F. Harrington, Harvard Medical School, i. 175; Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, ii. 260; F. B. Heitman, Register of Officers of the Continental Army (1914), p. 109.