APRIL MEETING, 1908

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 23 April, 1908, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Henry Lefavour, LL.D., in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read, and, after slight amendment, approved.

The Corresponding Secretary pro tempore reported that a letter had been received from the Hon. Frank Warren. Hackett accepting Corresponding Membership.

The President appointed the following Committees in anticipation of the Annual Meeting:

To nominate candidates for the several offices,—Mr. Waldo Lincoln, Dr. James B. Ayer, and Mr. John Noble, Jr.

To examine the Treasurer’s Accounts,—Messrs. Gardiner M. Lane and Francis H. Lincoln.

On behalf of Mr. Denison R. Slade, a Corresponding Member, Mr. Henry H. Edes exhibited a silhouette317 by Doyle of John Cheverus,318 the first Roman Catholic Bishop of Boston.

Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis read the following paper:

HINTS OF CONTEMPORARY LIFE IN THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS SHEPARD.

In the fall of 1634, Thomas Shepard, then a young man not quite twenty-nine years of age, set sail from the east coast of England with the purpose of chancing the hazards of what would practically be a winter voyage to New England. The sailing of the vessel on which he embarked had been announced several weeks before this, but various circumstances had detained her, and notwithstanding the fact that if one should make the voyage at that time of the year the passage to Boston could not be accomplished before the latter part of December, still it was determined by her owners to accept for the crew and the passengers the peril, the discomfort, and the suffering which would necessarily attend the trip, and for their craft the hazard of a winter approach to the dangerous New England coast. On the sixteenth of October, therefore, the vessel was permitted to sail from Harwich, having on board amongst others Thomas Shepard, his wife, and their infant son. That Shepard should have been willing to incur the exposure of such a voyage as this, is strong testimony to the peril of the situation in which he was then placed in England. Driven from pillar to post he had, notwithstanding his youth, become a marked man, and it was not only evident that he could not pursue his profession in England without sacrificing the tenets to which he was especially attached, but it was even probable that he might be punished for having disobeyed orders not to preach which had been given to him personally by Archbishop Laud, when Bishop of London, several years before. He had only been able of late to practise the functions of his office in remote districts, and if he ventured into parts where he was known he was obliged to exercise great discretion and remain in partial concealment. It was under the pressure of these circumstances that he sailed from Harwich, anticipating perhaps a voyage full of peril, but certainly without thought that even before he should be out of sight of land he would plunge into a violent storm which would utterly disable the ship and compel him three days thereafter to abandon her at Yarmouth. The experience of these three days was full of horror, and his sermons in after years bear evidence of the impression then made on him, through the frequent use of marine metaphors evidently drawn in a large measure from this source.

The restraints imposed in England upon the movements of nonconformists were at that time being drawn closer and closer, and it was not an easy matter for Shepard to follow out his plan of emigration. The exposure of his family on the unfortunate vessel in which he made his first attempt had resulted shortly after his landing in the death of the child which had shared their perils. This misfortune in no way altered his determination to emigrate. He and his wife remained, therefore, quietly under cover waiting for another opportunity to get away. During this period of seclusion another son was born to them, so that when they sailed from London in August, 1635, the family was again the father, the mother, and the infant son. Their voyage, although marked by much rough weather, was not unusually long, and Boston, the place of their destination, was gained in October, a little less than a year after their first attempt to reach it.

One of the first needs of an immigrant on landing here in those days was a house. There were no places of public entertainment adequate for sheltering or feeding immigrants arriving in groups, and the permanent residents of Boston, even if their homes were elastic, could not take in all that arrived. The settlers who landed with Shepard were, therefore, in luck, in finding the question of house-hunting determined for them by the migration of the Hooker colony from Newtown to Hartford. Here, in Newtown, were vacant houses, so situated that they were available, which the owners wished to dispose of. They would at any rate serve a temporary purpose and were promptly appropriated by the newly arrived party.

The fact that Shepard was a conspicuous man in England and that he had been the victim of persecution was undoubtedly caused by the wonderful influence that he exercised as a preacher over his audiences. Even the sermons preached by him as a beginner were afterwards published without his privity. It is not surprising, therefore, to find him at once taking high rank among the New England clergymen. A new society, with Shepard at its head, was promptly organized in Newtown to fill the vacancy occasioned by the migration of Hooker and his followers, and when in 1637, in order to escape the political pressure of the believers in Mrs. Hutchinson who were then in the ascendant in Boston, the sessions of the General Court were transferred to Newtown, it was Shepard’s strong influence, according to Cotton Mather, which secured the selection of that place as the site of a proposed college. Already it had been voted in 1636 that there should be a college and that the appropriation then nominally made should become available, one half the next year when the site should be selected, the other half when the building should be completed. Had the site been fixed in 1636, Shepard’s Voice might not have prevailed. As it was, with the Court holding its sessions in his own church, surrounded by his own people, and with himself in earnest in the work, he was able to accomplish his purpose.

It is obvious that there must have been some strong, moving power to influence the passage of the Act of 1636 prescribing that there should be a college. This Act did not in terms immediately appropriate any money—it was a mere promise or agreement to do this, and probably met with less opposition on that account, than if it had provided for an actual appropriation of £400 payable in whole or in part at once. Popular Acts which call for no immediate disbursements are at all times easy of passage, as was the case with resolves that statues should be erected in honor of the military heroes of the Revolution, in the early days of our Congress. When it came to making these resolves effective, that was another matter; and so with this Act of 1636, it would perhaps have died a natural death if somebody had not followed it up the next year and insisted upon the determination of the site as provided for in the original Act. Who it was in the General Court that did this we do not know, but what Cotton Mather says may help us to determine who inspired the action. The passage in Mather’s Life of Shepard which justifies this statement makes the assertion that it was with respect unto “the enlightening and powerful ministry of Mr. Shepard, that when the foundation of a college was to be laid, Cambridge, rather than any other place was pitched upon to be the seat of that happy seminary.”

It is clear that Shepard’s desire to secure the planting of the College in Newtown was prompted by his general interest in the cause of education. He was himself an educated man, and he tells us in his Autobiography that he looked upon the College as “an opportunity of doing good to many by doing good to students.” It was, in part at least, “at the desires of some of the students” that the Theses Sabbaticæ were published. It was at his instigation that the Commissioners of the United Colonies recommended a general contribution in aid of the College. He stands revealed to us, therefore, not only as one having posthumous reputation, but as a person of command and influence in the community where he lived, and the esteem in which he was held was not only recognized by the General Court, in the adoption of Newtown as the site of the College, and in his appointment November 20, 1637, upon a committee to “take order for a Colledge at Newtowne,” but found expression in the writings of contemporary authors, especially in the prefaces with which his fellow-workers introduced to readers his published sermons. It might be inferred, indeed, without this testimony that one who has left behind him so many published volumes of sermons and polemcal treatises upon theological subjects, many of which have passed through numerous editions, must of necessity have received contemporary recognition; must as a matter of course have commanded the respect of the community in which he lived. Now, although we cannot identify the person in the General Court who introduced the Act of 1636 ordaining that there should be a college, we can see that he whose influence secured the adoption of its site was this powerful and influential preacher who has left such an extraordinary record behind him, a record of homage reaching to comparatively recent times, and culminating in the coupling of his name as a mark of esteem and honor in the title of a religious society in Cambridge.

Thus far in treating of Shepard’s position in the community and his close connection with educational matters, we have dealt with accepted or obvious facts. Let us now, for the moment, enter the field of permissible conjecture, in an endeavor to show a probable association of his name with the bequest which has made Harvard immortal. Shepard was a graduate of Emmanuel College and it is not too presumptuous to say that to him as a fellow-graduate, John Harvard would, on arrival, have turned for counsel; for advice; for friendship. That the relations between the two were friendly, and that Shepard on his part esteemed Harvard, as we have just seen that Harvard must have esteemed Shepard, is shown by the allusion to Harvard in the Autobiography, at once the most touching, the most complete, and the most personal of the references to Harvard to be found. “This man,” Shepard says, “was a scholar and pious in his life and enlarged toward the Country and the good of it in life and death.” Who, more likely then than Thomas Shepard, the earnest promoter of the college and the personal friend of John Harvard, to have been the man to suggest to Harvard the method which he adopted to make his little fortune useful to his country?

Such, in brief, was the man from whose writings I have extracted for the purposes of this paper, a few paragraphs; such was his position in the community; and such are the possibilities which associate his name with the foundation of the great University in Cambridge.

We have quite a number of publications to which we turn for information concerning the early life of our fathers. What cannot be found on the pages of one writer may perhaps be discovered elsewhere by the diligent student, but no matter how much we may unearth, there is so much more that we should like to know that we examine eagerly every new source of information which may possibly enlighten us upon the every-day life of the early settlers, or which may increase our knowledge concerning topics which, being common to all, and being known to all, were not thought worthy of record. Now, Thomas Shepard preached continuously to the little congregation in Cambridge nearly fourteen years, and he left behind him publications, or manuscripts which were subsequently published, numbering upwards of a volume for each year of his Cambridge pulpit service. He was a learned man, but was cut off from sources of literary study in Cambridge, concerning which isolation he pathetically observes, “I have no books about me where I am.”319 His writings are fortified with quotations from the Bible and references thereto, by chapter and verse, and occasionally, but very rarely, also with some general allusion to the writings of some profane author. Some of Shepard’s works are in the nature of doctrinal treatises, some are sermons. Of these latter, some were delivered when in England, others were prepared for his Cambridge congregation; and it might be expected that somewhere in the pages of these volumes would be found hints which would reveal to us what we seek for in vain in the ordinary writings of the day—the interior life of a New England household in early times.

He who shall undertake to glean from the writings of Thomas Shepard such chance allusions as will help to reconstruct past life in Massachusetts will soon realize that the author had other motives in the publication of his works than to entertain his readers. This was apparent even to those of his contemporaries who furnished the press with his writings. William Greenhill and Samuel Mather when they brought out “Subjection to Christ,” while they described his preaching as “close and searching,” “with abundance of affection and compassion to his hearers,” and while they asserted that he affected “plainness of speech” and did not “shoot his arrows (as many preachers do) over the heads of his hearers,” yet felt compelled to add, “It is a stumbling block to some that his sermons are somewhat strict, and (as they term it) legal;320 some souls can relish none but meal-mouth’d Preachers, who come with soft and smooth and toothless words.” If, therefore, we to-day meet with the same stumbling-block, it is a consolation to know that contemporary admirers realized its existence and felt compelled to allude to it in submitting one of these works to the public for approval. It must also be stated that it will be evident to any reader of these sermons that the cold words on the printed page do not convey to the reader the power which made them so influential with the hearers, and this fact, as well, is recognized by the author of the “Address to the Christian Reader” in the same volume, presumably Jonathan Mitchel, who says, “These posthumous Editions are farre short of what the Author was wont to do, and of what the Sermons were in preaching.” “Reader,” says Mitchel in the preface to the Parable of the Ten Virgins, “if thou comest hither to carp and cavil, or to criticise upon each circumstantial imperfection, this work is not for thy turn.”

It was with the expectation of finding in these sermons some references to the little College in which Shepard was interested that I began an examination of their pages, and when I saw that “the desires of some of the students in the Colledge” had to do with “the more large discussing of the controversie,” I felt confident that there must be allusions; inferences to be drawn from metaphors and illustrations; and finally deductions to be made from what was said to the audience, that would be helpful in filling out the story of the College and in sketching a picture of early life in Cambridge. While the result of this examination along these lines was a failure, the search was not absolutely without result. For instance, we have in Theses Sabbaticæ a minute description of what may be done with propriety on the Lord’s Day, together with a statement of what ought not to be done. If we run through the enumeration therein of the things permitted and the things forbidden, we shall find that however much backsliders may have sloughed away, the legal rules for the observance of the Sabbath do not differ much from those which Shepard laid down and fortified with biblical references. These rules are of sufficient interest to quote in full. They are extracted from the Sanctification of the Sabbath.321 After laying down certain general propositions the author goes on specifically as follows:

SUNDAY LAWS.

If any work be done for any worldly gain, profit or livelihood, to acquire and purchase the things of this life by, (which is the principal end of week-day labour, Eph. iv. 28; 1 Thess. iv. 12,) this is a servile work, all one with what the commandment calls “thy work.” Hence buying, selling, sowing, reaping, which are done for worldly gaine, are unlawfull on this day, being therefore servile works: hence also worldly sports and pastimes (which are ordained of God to whet on worldly labour, not necessary every day but onely at some seasons) are therefore most proper appurtenances unto daies of labour, and are therefore unlawfull upon this day: holy Times are no more to be sported on then holy places; hence also on the other side, to rub the ears of Come, to dress meat for comfortable nourishment of man, because they respect not worldly gaine, are no servile works nor yet unlawfull, but may be more lawfully done for the comfort of man then to lead his horse to the water this day. Luke 6: 2. & 13. 13. & 14. 5. hence also such works as are done onely for the preservation of the Creatures, as to pull a sheepe out of a ditch, to quench a fire in a Towne, to save Corne and Hay from the sudden inundation of Water, to keepe Fire in the Iron Mills, to sit at Sterne and guide the ship, and a thousand such like actions (being not done properly for worldly gaine) are not unlawfull: God himselfe not ceasing from workes of preservation when he did those of Creation: hence also such works as are not works of immediate worship, but onely required necessarily thereto, as killing the Sacrifices in the Temple, travelling a Sabbath daies journey to the publique assemblies, being no servile workes for outward gaine, are not unlawfull upon this day.

Hence the building of the Tabernacle (which was not so much for mans profit as God’s honour) because it might be done upon the six daies seasonably enough hence it is prohibited upon the Sabbath day. Exod. 31. If a man hath Corn in the field, though he may pretend that the weather is uncertain, and it is ready to be brought into the Barn, yet he is not to fetch it upon the Sabbath day, because there is no eminent danger of spoyle the Monday after, and then he may fetch it as well as upon that day: the like may be said concerning Sea mens setting sayle upon the Sabbath day, though they be uncertaine of a faire gale upon the day after. Yet we must trust God’s providence, who almost in all such matters keeps us at uncertainties: hence also the sweeping of the house ought not to be done now, if it may as well be done the day before: So also to buy any things at shops or to wash clothes; if they may be done the week before or after, they must not be done on this day: hence on the other side works of necessity, which cannot be so conveniently done the day before or after, are not unlawfull upon this day, as to flie in persecution, to watch the City, to fight with the Enemy, Math. 24. 24. 2 Kings 1. 2. Hence also works of necessity not onely for preservation of life, but also for comfort and comelinesse of life are not unlawfull: for tis a grosse mistake to thinke that works onely of absolute necessity are allowed onely upon this day: for to lead an Ox to water, which in the strictest times was not disallowed of, is not of absolute necessity, for it may live more than a day without it; onely its necessary for the comfort of the life of the beast: how much more is allowed for the comfort of the life of man? The Disciples possibly might have lived longer than the Sabbath without rubbing Corn eares, and men may live on Sabbath daies generally without warm meat, yea they may fast perhaps all that day; yet it is not unlawfull to eate such meat, because its necessary for the comfort of life. Hence also to put on comely garments, to wash hands and face, and many things as are necessary for the comeliness as well as the comfort of life, are not unlawfull now: there is sometimes an inevitable necessity by God’s providence, and sometimes a contracted necessity through want of care and foresight; in this case the work may sometime be done, provided that our neglect beforehand be repented of: in a word, he that shall conscientiously endeavor that no more work be done on the Sabbath than what must be done for the ends mentioned, that so he may have nothing else to doe but to be with God this day shall have much peace to his own conscience herein, against Satans clamours: hence lastly, not onely outward servile work, but servile thoughts, affections, and cares, are to be cast off this day from the sight of God, as others are from the eyes of men; servile thoughts and affections being as much against the fourth Commandement as unchaste and filthy thoughts against the seventh.

Such were the rules laid down for the observance of the Sabbath by one whose word was law with his congregation. I think we can find running through them an unexpected liberality of thought. That which was necessary for the preservation of life came within the line of works not prohibited on the Sabbath, but so also did that which was essential for the comfort of animals; and if such consideration was felt for them, how much more might be done for man! It is not unlawful, he says, to eat warm meat on the Sabbath, and the inference is plain that it was not unlawful for Mrs. Shepard to prepare it for the table. That which was done specifically for gain was always unlawful. The practical definition of works of necessity and of mercy permissible on the Lord’s Day does not differ much from what can be extracted from our statutes and court decisions to-day.

But how about his congregation? Did they observe the day along the lines laid down by him? Listen to what he says to them. After asserting that God has set aside this day for man, he goes on as follows:322

HOW THESE LAWS WERE BROKEN.

And is this the requitall, and all the thanks he hath for his heart-breaking love? to turne back sweet presence and fellowship, and love of God in them, to dispute away these daies with scorne and contempt, to smoke them away with Prophanenesse, and madde mirth, to Dreame them away with Vanity, to Drinke, to Sweare, to Ryot, to Whore, to Sport, to Play, to Card, to Dice, to put on their best Apparell that they may dishonour God with greater pompe and bravery, to talk of the World, to be later up that day than any other day of the Weeke, when their own Irons are in the fire, and yet to sleepe Sermon, or scorne the Ministry, if it comes home to their Consciences; to tell Tales, and break Jests at home, or (at best) to talke of Forraigne or Domesticall newes onely to passe away the time, rather than to see God in his Workes and warme their hearts thereby: to thinke God hath good measure given him, if they attend on him in the Forenoone, although the Afternoone be given to the Devill, or sleepe, or vanity or foolish pastimes.

Who were these renegades, these dissipated rioters and card-players, who slept late Sunday mornings, and in addition took naps during sermon time; who thought their duty to the Church and their obligations to the day ended with the morning service; against whom Shepard was emptying his phials of wrath? Were they students? Were they members of his own congregation? Surely he had some cause for thus admonishing his hearers, but let us hope that in his anger his austere spirit overstated the case. At best, however, we must confess that there must have been recalcitrants in Cambridge in those days, that all was not harmony and peace. Over and over again he warns his hearers in unconventional language against the vices to which the young men of that day were exposed and from which one would have inferred that they might have been exempt in a pioneer rural community. “Men wonder,” he says in one of his sermons, “why, in this country men are more vile than ever they were, men that gave great hopes; the reason is this, they have seemed to be under Christ’s government, but secretly cast it off.”323

In Subjection to Christ he discusses at some length town-orders and deplores resistance to them. He lays down rules as to what laws are binding and what are not. To appreciate the full force of this discussion, it must be borne in mind that the government of the Colony was administered during nearly all of Shepard’s pastorate without any code of laws. It was not until 1641 that the Body of Liberties was adopted and not until 1648 that a complete code of laws was secured. During this period the affairs of the Colony were carried on under the Charter, with no other provision for details of administration than an occasional statute. Important trials were held before the General Court of the Company; punishments were adjudged practically at the variable discretion of individual magistrates; members of religious societies were kept under control by church discipline; and town affairs were administered by officers—selectmen, we should call them to-day—whose authority was derived from consent and generally recognized.

RESISTANCE TO TOWN OFFICERS.

Shepard puts a question, “When is power cast off in towns?” and proceeds to answer it as follows:324 “When any Town doth cast off the power and rule of Townsmen . . . ?” He then goes on to say:

I know sometimes men may not be so able, wise, and carry matters imprudently: Town-orders may also sometimes want that weight, that wisdome, those cautions, that mature consideration as is meet, as also that due and prudent publication that all may know of them, with records of them. But take Town-orders that be deliberately made, prudently published, for the publick peace, profit, comfort of the place, to oppose these, or persons that make these, with much care, fear, tendernesse; If I know anything, is a sin of a crying nature, provoking God, and casting off his government, I confesse, if there be not care here; I know no way of living under any government of Church or Common-Wealth, if the publick affaires of the Town be cast off.325

Note the strength of this last sentence, and bear in mind the undeveloped state of the colonial form of government. Then think how much it meant to say that whether under the government of the Church or of the Commonwealth, still there must be loyal obedience to those who were engaged in administering the affairs of the towns. These strong expressions must have been occasioned by resistance to town officers and repudiation of town-orders as he terms them, which came immediately under his observation and touched him closely.

He then goes on to discuss the question of how far men’s consciences are bound by town-orders and human laws. In doing this he lays down a definition of the source of law, which is perhaps worthy of notice.

ALL LAWS FROM THE SCRIPTURE.

He says:

All good laws and orders inacted in any place by men, are either expressly mentioned in the word or are. to be collected and deducted from the word, as being able to give sufficient direction herein. For all the authority of the highest power on earth in contriving of lawes, is in this alone, viz. to make prudent collection and speciall application of the general rules, recorded in Scripture, to such special and peculiar circumstances which may promote the publick weal, and good of persons, places, proceedings.326

The foregoing shows Shepard’s sympathy with Cotton, who was then preparing his proposed Code of Laws for the establishment of a Theocracy.327 We must therefore refer to his English experience the following exposition of a legal proposition: “Its a known thing among men, that a Father may receive a gift or Legacy given to him, and his heires, and he, and his heires are bound to perform the conditions of the Covenant.”328

COLONIAL AFFAIRS.

We can obtain from time to time Shepard’s views as to the condition of the Colony in its relations to the outer world. Unfortunately, there is nothing on the surface to aid us in determining the dates when the several sermons were preached from which the extracts are procured. “New Englands peace and plenty of means breeds strange security,”329 he says in one of his publications, but farther on in the same volume we find the following: “I do fear there is at this day as deep mischief plotting against New England as ever the sun saw.”330 This apparent contradiction may, perhaps, be explained by the supposition that the strange security arose from ignorance of the plotting. In one of his sermons he enlarges upon the peaceful condition of the country:

The reports of divisions in New England are fables: The churches here are in peace; The Commonwealth is in peace; The Ministry in most sweet peace; The Magistrates (I should have named first) in peace; All our families in peace; We can sleep in the woods in peace, without fear of the Indians, for fear is fallen upon them.331

Again in a controversial publication he describes the Colony in the following words:

A Commonwealth erected in a Wildernesse, and in so few yeares brought to that state, that scarce the like can be seen in any of our English Colonies in the richest places of this America.332

It would probably be a comparatively easy matter, by reviewing the various episodes in the history of the Colony, to determine what caused these different expressions on the part of the writer. This task, however, I shall not undertake in this connection.

The foregoing represent all that attracted my attention in the volumes of Shepard’s sermons that I have examined, in which matters pertaining to the general affairs of the Colony or of the towns were discussed at any length. There remain to be considered, inferences as to the condition of society which may be drawn from the character of the advice offered or warnings given by the preacher, deductions to be drawn from metaphors or illustrations used, and occasional isolated expressions of opinion which when grouped together will show what the speaker thought upon some topic of interest. Among these the most natural place to expect results from an examination would be the metaphors or illustrations. One might almost assume that he would enforce an argument now and then by drawing some illustration from daily life, or by making some comparison based upon a parallel in the ordinary experience of the residents of the little village in which they lived. The resources of this field are greatly reduced, however, by the custom which then prevailed among clergymen of reinforcing every argument with some biblical text or scriptural analogy. Nevertheless we can find a few hints as to life drawn from these sources which, whatever their value, may prove of interest.

NAUTICAL ILLUSTRATIONS.

I have already mentioned the fact that the impression made by his nautical experiences is registered in Shepard’s sermons. No other portion of his career furnishes so many metaphors or is so freely drawn upon for illustration. The conditions of a vessel in port or at sea, under calm or during storm, at anchor or breasting the waves, in peril or in safety, are all made use of. The courage of the sailor and his confidence under circumstances of evident danger, his prudence in carefully inspecting everything about the ship before going to sea, his caution in approaching the coast, indeed, nearly every conceivable phase of his existence, is made use of by the preacher to enforce an argument or to illustrate a proposition. It may be that if he had spent the greater part of his life on the ocean and only a few weeks at Cambridge, the peculiarities of rural life in America would have made the same preponderant impression upon him, and we should have had from him a record of how people lived in New England instead of such copious references to the experience of sailors. It is to be noted in this connection that it is the ship and the sailor which furnish these metaphors and illustrations. The mighty power of the ocean itself, its monstrous waves, the cruel surf raging along the shore, have no place in his vocabulary.

SLEEPING IN CHURCH.

One inference may be drawn from these sermons, namely, that notwithstanding the fact that Shepard obviously relied for his effects upon his personal touch with his congregation, he nevertheless was compelled to take note that some of his audience took naps while he was preaching. The tendency towards this act of discourtesy would be affected somewhat by the length of his sermons. The solution of this question may perhaps be found in a reference to those “that come out of the Church when the tedious Sermon runs somewhat beyond the hour.”333 While this expression is capable of a broad interpretation which would not limit “the tedious Sermon” to the length of one hour, it seems to me probable that such is its natural reading.

I have already quoted the expression “and yet to sleepe Sermon” which was included in a category of evil doings against which he warned his hearers. In another place he refers to men who “neglect prayer and sleep out sermons.”334 Again he says, “We have Ordinances to the full, Sermons too long, and Lectures too many, and private meetings too frequent.”335 “Some Sermons,” he says, “men can sleep them out.”336 These quotations are enough to show that he was troubled by this lack of attention on the part of some of his hearers. There are more phrases of the same sort, but their recapitulation is not necessary.

We can gather no idea from his sermons of his own pulpit manners, but when he remarks, “People are naturally moved by a thundering minister,”337 we may perhaps conjecture that he had some person in mind whose preaching suggested this adjective; nor does the epithet convey the idea of thorough approval.

IRON MILLS.

The reference heretofore given to the fire in the iron mills, which it was permissible to keep going on Sunday, brings before us the strenuous efforts put forth by the early colonists to make something out of the bog ore of New England.

HOUSEWORK.

We have seen that washing clothes was not permissible on Sunday, and that sweeping ought not to be done on that day if it could be done on Saturday. I have met with one other allusion of interest to the house-wife, namely: “Doth he not let thee like a broom, lie behind the door?”338 Evidently broom closets were uncommon, and as for the broom itself, we must not think of it as made of broom corn. Probably it was made of birch or willow twigs. The phrase, “Here are no sour herbs to make the Lamb sweet,”339 may perhaps be regarded as pertaining to the domain of the kitchen.

TABLE MANNERS.

As for hints at daily life there are few. “Its from the excellency of a knife to cut well, but to cut my fingers with it when I should be cutting my meat with it, ariseth not from the end of the knife, nor from the intention of him who made it,”340 is, however, a reference to a daily peril at meal-times. It brings before us the adage, “Fingers were made before forks,” the application of which will show how the fingers of one having no fork were in danger when he cut his meat.

COIN SCALES.

“When there is much counterfeit Gold abroad, every man will have his scales, and not only look and rub, but he will weigh every piece he takes.”341 Here we have an indication of what was essential for every person who received coins in those days of degraded and short weight money. The scales were a necessary part of every pecuniary transaction, even if the question of counterfeit coin did not come in.

GARDENING.

“As with Apricott trees rooted in the earth, but leaning on the wall,”342 obviously refers to the method of training fruit trees on walls with southern exposures which prevails to-day in England; but “A Gardiner may intend to turn a Crab tree stock into an Apple-tree, his Intention will not alter the Nature of it until it be actually ingraffed upon”343 may have been suggested by grafting accomplished in Cambridge gardens.

CHURCH DISCIPLINE AND VISITING COMMITTEES.

“I conceive,” he says, “ ’tis casting off Christs power, to take away any power from Magistrates to punish sins against the first Table; of which errors and heresies in Religion are part.”344 This fairly expresses his hostile and unyielding attitude towards those whom he considers heretics, and yet his liberality leads him to urge his parishioners to welcome strangers. He says:

Many complain that New England hath so little love, Non-members not visited, not regarded (though many times unjustly). Oh, they thought to see so much love, and care, and pity; but here they may live and never be spoken to, never visited! Oh, take heed of this; Nothing beautifies a Christian in the eyes of others more than much love (hypocrisie is naught:) Oh excellence; visit poor families, sit one half hour and speak to discouraged hearts. Shew kindness to strangers; Such you were; I’ll warrant God will bless you, this was the Glory of Christ, full of grace and truth.345

The visiting committee dates back, it will be seen, to colonial times.

ARMOR.

In those days our soldiers wore armor. Shepard refers to this, setting forth the reluctance of a man to expose himself without his armor; “but,” he adds, “when he hath his armour on of proof, and such armour that he knows let him receive never so many wounds, yet he shall escape with his life,”346 then he is ready to go forward.

SOLDIERS.

As for soldiers themselves, he regards the individual as unobjectionable, but he says “when they are got into a knot together; now they go strong against all lawes of God or man.”347 Evidently he had experienced some serious difficulty with riotous soldiers, for he goes on to say, with an apology for what has just been repeated: “ ’Tis not now an Artillery day, only I must speak a word, because it is a thing of moment and matter of great conscience with me.”348

INDIANS AND BEGGARS.

He evidently had not much use for the native red men and speaks of them “as poor naked Indians,”349 “poor Indians, herds of beasts.”350 As for beggars, one would not expect to find any indication of professional mendicancy in a pioneer community. There are nevertheless references to beggars, and the following smacks of professional methods: “it is with faith as with a poor woman that hath a child, and hath nothing in the world to give it, she takes the child at her back and goeth from door to door, and what she getteth she giveth to the child.”351

SERVANTS.

A large part of the hard work in the Colony was performed in those days by indentured servants. During their term of service the position of these servants was anomalous. They shared with their masters the exposure incident to pioneer life under conditions of climatic changes which made it inevitable that even the best protected must suffer, and in addition they were subject to the caprices of those having charge of their work. The time of the servant belonged absolutely to the master, and the latter had the right to compel the service of the former by any means at his command. The relations between master and servant were therefore suitable topics for advice from a preacher, and Shepard discusses the matter on several occasions. He asserts that there is much discontent; that servants are weary of their masters and masters weary of their servants; that each complains of the other.

The Master saith the Servant is unruly, froward, surly, slothful, unfaithful, untrusty, and must not be spoken to; the Servant saith his Master is passionate, unkinde, wants pity to his body, and sometimes strikes him without cause, and much more careless of his soul, never instructs him.352

He says that one who has not yet been adopted by the Church is as yet no son but a slave to Satan, “a servant at best, working for Wages only, and fear of the Whip, who shalt not always abide in God’s House as Sons shall do.”353 He speaks of servants casting off their subjection “to their Govern our,” and discusses the condition of affairs as follows:

When they are not obedient, but answer again; if they be let alone, then idle; if rebuk’d and curb’d, then stubborne and proud and worse for chiding; and finde fault with their wages, and victuals and lodging; weary and vex out the heart of Master and Mistresse, and make them weary of their lives; their God also almost sometimes; and that by such professing Religion, and all that they might be from under the yoke.354

Here we have a picture of a condition of affairs in the Colony in Shepard’s day which is in some respects appalling. Servants discontented, insolent and rebellious, held to their work by fear of the whip, and seeking to ameliorate their condition by hypocritical pretensions of conversion. On the other hand, the masters are accused of being captious, wilful, and indifferent to the welfare of the servants, and the result is that masters and mistresses are weary of their lives.

SICKNESS, REMEDIES, AND MEDICAL PRACTICE.

Of sickness we have only allusions to the capriciousness of the appetite of a consumptive.355 Shepard had suffered in his family from the inroads of this disease, and doubtless his comments were based upon experience. Of remedies and medical practice there are but few hints. Men, he intimates, will not go to drug stores or call upon physicians if they have remedies at hand—or to quote his own words:

Now if a fainting man have Aqua-Vitae at his beds head he will not knock up a Shop-Keeper for it. Men that have a Balsome of their own to heal them, will not go to a Physitian.356

In the following excerpt, not only do we have a reference to one of the great remedies of the day, but a suggestion as to methods of administration which seems reasonable. “As surgeons when they let a man bleed, bid him look another way.”357 The sick-room diet and tonics are set forth as follows:

Men that are sick and like to die, can eat no common wholesom meat, but are now nourished by conserves, and Alchermies, and Spirits of Gold.358

Alchemy, the predecessor of chemistry, furnishes this title for a compounded prescription, while in the last mentioned we have the famous aurum potabile.

Here also is a bit of contemporary nursing practice:

What is the End of the Mother in laying Wormwood and Gall upon her Breast, but that the Child by tasting the Bitterness of it might be weaned and have his Stomach and Will turned from it.359

The comparison of the relative merits of “dish-milk and flit-milk” with “breast-milk” as food obviously belongs in the same category.360 If he had spelled “flit” “fleet,” we could easily have identified it with skimmed milk by means of our dictionaries.

The reduction of inflammation in the case of a burn is thus expressed: “As ’tis in Burnings so the Fire must be first taken out before there can be any healing.”361 His views as to the proper treatment of a demented person bring before us with painful precision the lamentable condition of these unfortunates until quite recent times, if indeed we can feel positively assured that the opinion that he expresses has everywhere disappeared:

Sick and weake men are to be tender’d much, but Lunatick and Phanatick men are in best care; when they are fetter’d and bound.362

PHYSICS.

His knowledge of the laws of physics is perhaps up to the times in which he lived, and his references to the subject, although rare, are just enough to give an idea of what it amounted to. “It’s a question,” he says, “whether the beams of the Sun are fire: Some demonstrate it thus, Take a Glasse and gather together the beams, it burns.”363 Here is his explanation of the law of gravity:

As ’tis with a stone, cast it up its against the bent of it, because the nature of it is to rest in the Centre, and hence it comes down again. It is not by internal bent but by external vis or force.364

A few pages further on in the volume from which the last quotation was extracted he reveals a theory prevalent in his day in the following words:

Some naturalists observe, that Brass would be Gold, it tends to it, had it but more heat of the Sun to correct it, and to bring it to perfection.365

The following will be recognized as a description of the telescope: “Optick glasses will take within them the present image of things afar off.”366 He speaks several times of “Bristoe Stones” which resemble pearls so closely that Jewellers alone can distinguish them. He refers in this to Bristol Stones, which being rock crystal might perhaps be mistaken for diamonds, the word pearls being used in this connection in its generic sense, for valuables or jewels. He does, indeed, in one place say, “There are your Bristow Stones like Diamonds.”367

Speaking of the malleability of lead he says, “as Austin shows by a Similitude of Lead which some Artists can beat so small as to make it swim,”368 and he describes sympathetic or invisible ink in the following terms: “As letters writ with the juice of Oranges, cannot be read until brought under the fire.”369 Referring to magnetic attraction, he says: “Just as it is with the Load-stone drawing the Iron, who would think that the Iron would be drawn by it? But there is a secret Vertue coming from the Stone which draws it; and so it comes and is united to it.”370

GEOGRAPHY.

The Beginning of the Sabbath is devoted to a discussion of the hour when the day should begin and includes, of course, the time when it should end. By means of a geographical illustration he disposes of certain theories of which he disapproves. After stating that some would measure the Sabbath by the daylight, would have it from the sun-rising to sun-setting, he goes on—“but if the day-light be the measure of the Sabbath, those that live in some parts of Russia and East-land must have once a yeere a very long Sabbath, for there are some times of the yeere wherein they have day-light a moneth together.”371

ENGLISH HISTORY.

References to English history are rare in Shepard’s pages, but one, at least, is worth noting. “Remember,” he says, “that the Discovery of Faux in the Vault, was the Preservation of England.”372 The celebration of Guy Fawkes’s day was likely to impress this event upon his memory in a special manner since he was born upon the 5th of November, 1605.

HERBALISTS.

Naturalists were not so closely subdivided in those days as they are to-day. Moreover, not much attention was then paid to the study of the various branches of natural science. It is not strange, therefore, to find none of them mentioned, unless under herbalists he meant botanists. He speaks of the herbalist who finds out about plants from books, but perhaps treads under foot the very plants that he is after, without knowing them.373 This might pass for the description of an incompetent botanist, but when he speaks of “Herbalists, that treat of the Sovereign excellencies of several herbs,” he evidently refers to an herb doctor, and when he adds, “but when they come to gather them in the garden, they take their counterfeits in the room of them,”374 he shows his contempt for them. The similarity of the ending of each reference makes it probable that he only had in mind herbalists who made use of herbs in their therapeutics.

CHILDREN’S MANNERS.

The ladies of his congregation must at times have shrunk under his castigating criticisms. Here, for instance, is one that may have penetrated many a household: “What little hope of a happy generation after us, when many among us scarce know how to teach their children manners?”375

BANKRUPTCY AND IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT.

Bankruptcy and imprisonment for debt furnish illustrations drawn from the conditions of colonial trade. It is evident that somewhere, perhaps in England, he had seen some respectable merchant who had failed in business reduced to the necessity of peddling the wares that he formerly sold over the counter376 The fact that such an one has no other resource than to begin life again on the same lines in a smaller way impressed him, and he alludes to it more than once. He refers to one “in chains for debt,”377 without expression of sympathy, simply saying that if the debtor gets out without satisfying the debt he will be taken again; if, however, the debt is satisfied, he will be set free.

ACTORS AND LOVERS.

During Shepard’s collegiate career he tasted some of those experiences in life which were frowned upon by the nonconformist preachers of his day, and it is perhaps to that period of wider experience that we owe references to actors who act the part of kings but “look upon them in their tyring rooms they are but base varlets.”378 Perhaps also it is to this interval of gayer life that we owe “the foolish lover,” who when he goes to woo a lady falls “in love with her hand-maid that is only to lead him to her.”379 It would seem to be quite sure that this could not be founded on an experience in rural New England.

FOOTBALL.

Shepard knew nothing of the Rugby game of football. The old fashioned game was to be won by superiority of kicking. The following reference seems to bring Satan before us as an expert in the kicking game: “Satan now appears with the ball at his foot, and seems to threaten in time to carry all before him, and to kick and carry God’s precious Sabbaths out of the world with him.”380

HUMOR.

Humor is, perhaps, the last thing we should look for in these sermons. Yet there are indications that Shepard could appreciate humorous satire. “Wrastling with his shadow,”381 and “can see no further than his own buttons,”382 are both of them pointed, vigorous, and humorous expressions, which need no glossary. “Aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus,”383 he says when he trips up an opponent in a polemical discussion. “He who keeps not his shop, his shop will not keep him,”384 is a saying of profound truth but decidedly humorous. “The Elder’s foot is now too big for his shoe”385 must have tickled his congregation, especially if they could make a personal application of the saying. “And not set the whole house on fire to roast their own Egs”386 squarely anticipates Charles Lamb’s method of roasting a pig.

ENGLISH FLOUR.

In a category of evils, such as: “the Family is sick; the Cattle die; Servants are unfaithful” he puts on even terms with the foregoing, “the English flower is gone.”387 The colonists in early times were frequently dependent upon Indian meal, but this gives a hint of their real liking for wheaten flour.

POLITICS.

In 1638 Shepard preached the Election Sermon. An abstract of what was then said has fortunately been preserved. The Sermon was inspired by the exciting political events of that year. Vane’s indiscreet manifestation of his interest and faith in Mrs. Hutchinson permitted Winthrop easily to undermine his power outside of Boston. The Court of Election was, through Winthrop’s adroitness, held at Cambridge. The day was full of excitement and of personal conflict, and the result was the overthrow of Vane. The Sermon is full of veiled personal allusions, from which I select one which undoubtedly refers to Vane’s following and at the same time expresses a view as to the political opinions of the people which would pass current to-day. “The multitude,” says Shepard, “are exceeding apt to be led by colours, like birds by glasses and larks by lures.”388

SEPARATISTS.

The phrase “Anabaptists, Familists and rigid Separatists, and who have privily crept into New-England churches,”389 is very striking. The classification of the rigid Separatists with obnoxious people like Familists and Anabaptists betrays an unlooked for clinging to the Anglican Church on the part of a people who had abandoned all outward signs of adhesion to that Church, and of a pastor who looked upon it as sinful that he took out a licence in London to preach. This phrase is introduced in a discussion of church government. Men who will not acknowledge the authority of the church rules arrogate to themselves the entire authority of the church, “not only,” he says, “single members or Officers, but Pastor, and Teacher and Elder and all.”390 Such men are especially to be found among Anabaptists, etc.

Dunster, the President of the College, was an Antipœdobaptist, and his outspoken views on this subject ultimately led to the termination of his collegiate service. Shepard on his part very likely had Dunster in view in some of his hits at Anabaptists. His allusions to the doctrine which Dunster held in such esteem are at all times contemptuous. For instance, speaking of Anabaptists, he says:

They would not have any Children to be Baptized: and so they make the condition of the Children of the Saints of God (dear to God), in as miserable an estate as the Children of any Turk or Pagan and but as lawful to Baptize them, as a Cat or a Dog.391

Again, in a preface to a publication by a friend, he says:

It is much to be feared, that the doctrine of Anabaptisme, especially in this controversie concerning Infants, will gangrene farre, and leaven much; . . . .392

Such language as this concerning a doctrine which Dunster held so dear indicates that there must have been friction between these two men, holding the most important positions in the little village in which they both lived. This might perhaps have been inferred from Shepard’s The Church Membership of Children, which warmly advocates his ideas upon this subject.

ARCHAIC EXPRESSIONS.

When we meet archaic expressions or run across unusual customs, we cannot feel sure that an explanation of these is to be sought in New England manners and customs. Shepard brought over with him memories of Old England, and his rules of life are deduced from the Scriptures. The New Testament, for instance, furnishes authority for the propriety of rubbing ears of corn on the Sabbath,393 while it is the Mosaic Law which prohibits work on the Tabernacle on that day.394 “Kitchen physick,”395 an expression used more than once, probably came from over the water, but it doubtless referred to food as the best cure for the disease of hunger. “Fired him out,”396 which occurs in the Autobiography as well as in a sermon, sounds like slang, but it has Shakespeare behind it, and when he wrote “the Bishop fired me out,” he evidently meant to put the transaction in vivid form. A reference to “Bonners Cole-house”397 coupled with Newgate as a place where those were confined who would not “subscribe”—an allusion presumably to persecutions for heresy—brings before us Bishop Bonner and the Windsor Coal-house, a reference familiar probably to his hearers, but obscure to most of us to-day. “Kiss the clinke”398 is another quaint expression that is met with, the reference being plainly to the prison called the Clink. “Walke thus with thy bootes Frenche like”399 apparently from the context means to walk pompously, to strut, while on the other hand there is an idea of depression in the description of one whose heart sinks when sin and weakness, death and condemnation wrap him about like “Jonah’s Weeds.”400 The expression “John’s candle flies” may perhaps be based upon some of the illuminations on the eve of St. John’s Day.401

The foregoing extracts have been obtained from eleven different volumes,402 printed under the titles given heretofore in the notes, and containing in some instances subdivisions with separate titles, or perhaps two or more sermons, each with its own sub-title. Besides these I have examined three other publications which yielded nothing serviceable for my purposes.403 The various editions of Shepard’s works which have appeared from 1641 down to the present time, in one form or another, the authorship of which cannot be questioned, number sixty-eight. Besides these Allibone gives three other titles, all of which are questionable, one being—I am quite sure—a pamphlet by Giles Firmin.404 Sabin gives the titles of twenty-one editions of The Sincere Convert, and fourteen of The Sound Believer. Fortunately for the person who cares to examine Shepard’s writings, these are all reprints, so that the examination of one will do for all bearing the same title. While these extracts from Shepard’s sermons throw some light upon colonial life, they are perhaps of more interest to the topical student than to the general reader. At all events, they reveal to us that our ancestors were human.

The reading of this paper led to some discussion. Mr. Davis having quoted from Shepard’s election sermon of 1638 the words that “the multitude are exceedingly apt to be led by colour, like birds by glasses and larks by lures,”405 and having remarked that Shepard may have referred to the infatuation felt in the Colony for Henry Vane, Mr. James K. Hosmer, a Corresponding Member, spoke as follows:

The suggestion is interesting. There are grounds for believing that Vane assumed a state and circumstance unusual in the Colony. His long hair and courtier-like dress and ways displeased his shipmates on the “Abigail,” until he managed to win them by his personal charm. As Governor, he was attended on all state occasions by four halberdiers in full armor. His own attire and demeanor were no doubt those of the well-born and high-placed men of the time. On the scaffold, even, Vane appeared in a silken vest of scarlet, “the victorious colour:” certainly in his youth and on occasions less tragic he would not be indifferent to color. The statue of Vane, by MacMonnies, in the Boston Public Library, has been criticised as dapper and finical, presenting, as it does, Vane as an elegantly appointed cavalier, plumed and courtier-like, such an one as might have been encountered at Whitehall in attendance upon Charles I. In some such guise, however, the young Governor probably appeared, and Puritans of the graver sort might not unnaturally use such language concerning him as these words of Thomas Shepard.

Again on behalf of Mr. Slade, Mr. Edes communicated the original marriage settlement, dated 9 March, 1725–26, between Josiah Willard, Secretary of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay from 1717 to 1756, and Mrs. Hannah Clarke, widow of William Clarke.406 The marriage settlement, which is wholly in the handwriting of Mr. Willard, follows.

To all People unto whom These Presents shall come, Josiah Willard407 of Boston within the County of Suffolk & Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England Esq^r. Sendeth Greeting; Know ye That in Consideration of a Marriage Agreed upon by Gods Grace Shortly to be had & Solemnized between the said Josiah Willard & M^rs Hannah Clark of Boston afore said Widow, The said Josiah Willard for himself his Heirs, Executors & Administ^rs doth Covenant, Grant & Agree to & with Mess^rs Jacob Wendall, Samuel Appleton and Joseph Brandon All of Boston afore said Merch^ts Trustees for & on Behalf of the said Hannah Clark, their Execut^rs. Administ^rs. & Assigns, That she the said Hannah & her Heirs at all Time & Times after the said Marriage had & solemnized & her Coverture Notwithstanding shall be Entituled to Have, Hold, Retain & Enjoy the sole & separate, Right, Title Interest Use & Property to & in all & singular her Money, Plate Utensils of Household, Trading Stock, Merchandise, Adventures, Goods Chattels & Estate what soever, As well that in her actual Possession, as what is outstanding in Debts by Book, Accompts, Bonds, Specialties, Mortgages or other Securities or in Adventures by Sea or howsoever otherwise to her of Right belonging in as large & ample Manner as she had whilst sole & unmarried, And that the said Hannah shall have free Liberty, full Power & Authority at all Time & Times by her self, her Trustees or such other Person or Persons as she shall think to Nominate & Appoint for her Agents or Factors, To Manage & Employ & Improve the said Estate, To take receive & keep all the Proceeds Incomes, Interest & Profits thereof, to her proper & separate Use, Benefit & Behoof without any Lett, Denial, Hindrance or Obstruction of him the said Josiah Willard And without any Accompt, Reckoning or Answer therefore to be made rendered or given to him or any others from by or under him, or without Disavouring any Act, Thing or Things to be made or done by the said Hannah her Trustees or Agents in that Respect; And that the said Josiah Willard his Heirs Execut^rs. or Administ^rs shall in no wise intermeddle or make any Pretension, Challenge, Claim or Demand to any Part Portion or Parcel of the Estate of the said Hannah either During the Continuance of the said Marriage or at the Dissolution thereof, If it happen he survive her.

And the said Josiah Willard Doth further Covenant Grant & Agree to & with the above named Trustees, That it shall & may be lawful to & for the said Hannah, And she is hereby Granted free & full Liberty and Authority (The Coverture between her & the said Josiah Willard Notwithstanding) at any Time or Times To Make Subscribe, Seal Publish & Execute any Writing Purporting her last Will & Testament, or any Deed, Instrument or Instruments, And thereby To Give, Bequeath, Dispose, Assign & Appoint to any Person or Persons according to her own free Will & Pleasure, the Whole or any Part, Parts or Portions of her Money, Plate, Stock, Goods, Chattels & Estate referred as afore said, in as full, large & ample Manner, as she might or could do, If she were then a Feme Sole & unmarried; And such Will, Deed, Instruments or Writings by her signed & executed shall have a like Operation & Effect in Law & be pursued & performed & put in Execution by such Person or Persons as she shall think fit to nominate & appoint for that Purpose without any Lett, Denyal, Obstruction or Impediment from or by the said Josiah Willard or any other Person or Persons by or under him, by his Means, Assent or Procurement; But if it happen No such Will or Disposition to be made by the said Hannah, or None such do Appear, That then & in such case, All her Goods Chattels & Estate shall be Imployed Disposed & Distributed to and among her Children & Heirs in Manner as is Provided by Law: And the said Josiah Willard Doth further Covenant, Grant & Agree That from & after the Consummation of the said Marriage & During the Continuance of the same, He will well & sufficiently provide for maintain and support the said Hannah with suitable & convenient Alimony Lodging and Apparel according to her Quality & Degree

In Witness whereof, The said Josiah Willard hath hereunto set his Hand & Seal this Ninth Day of March in the twelfth Year of his Majesties Reign, Annoq Domini One Thousand Seven Hundred & twenty five, six. Sign’d Seal’d & Deliver’d

in Presence of Us

Ebenezer Holmes Josiah Willard [Seal]

Gedney Clarke

The Rev. Henry A. Parker read the following paper:

BERMUDA COLONIAL CLERGY IN NEW ENGLAND.

There are but three of the early clergy, so far as is known, who exercised their office both in New England and in the Bermudas,—John Oxenbridge, William Golding, and Sampson Bond.

John Oxenbridge, who was a minister of the First Church in Boston for four years and more before his death on December 28, 1674, had been in his younger days a very important person in the Bermudas.

William Golding, who took an active part in establishing Independency in the Bermudas and was in correspondence with some of our leading men, gains entrance to Savage’s Genealogical Dictionary only from his having stopped over in Boston on his way to England. He was here at the lecture November 5, 1646.

Sampson Bond, who had been long settled as a minister in the Bermudas, was here in 1682, and for a time assisted James Allen at the First Church in Boston. He was forced to resign his position “for preaching a sermon not composed by himself,” and returned to the West Indies.

Nathaniel Ward, “the Simple Cobbler,” was supposed by Governor Lefroy to have been the same man as a minister of that name who was for some time in Bermuda, but in this Lefroy seems clearly to have been mistaken, since, as Mr. Dean shows, the New England Nathaniel Ward twice signed papers in England during the time the other Nathaniel Ward was very actively employed in Bermuda.408 Although it is not unlikely that both he and the Bermuda clergyman, Nathaniel Ward, were relatives, of those who came to New England Ward of Bermuda seems to me a different sort of man, by no means the equal of our useful New England colonist.

The Puritan clergy of the island, including the three who came to us, promulgated in Bermuda a rather different sort of Puritanism from that which was allowed in Massachusetts. The Puritan schoolmaster Richard Norwood, who suffered not a little at their hands, questions concerning them:

Whether this discipline or form of religion which they would set up, be the same at all points of moment with any other reformed church whatsoever, except perhaps in Providence where it had no such success as should induce us to embrace it. If they say Yes! in New England! we are very doubtful of that.409

His doubt was more than justified.

When we think of the so-called New England Theocracy and the power of the clergy here, we are perhaps disposed to overlook or underestimate the careful oversight which the magistrates exercised and the vigor with which they suppressed any action which seemed to them excessive or dangerous on the part of the clergy. Of course, the suppression of the so-called Antinomians is the most noted instance of this, but that action does not stand alone, the clergy understood that the magistrates were the masters. The iron hand was usually gloved, but Dunster and Whiting and many another had on occasion personal experience of its weight and strength. Only once did the magistrates get the worst of it in a contest with the clergy. Skelton and Higginson at the very first, with the aid of Governor Endicott, so arranged matters that they were able to “rush” Winthrop and the new comers on their arrival; and taking them by surprise enforced on them a system of church organization which they had not intended to set up and that afterwards made trouble which the more politic men of affairs might otherwise have avoided. There was no choice for Winthrop and Dudley on their arrival but submission, or a violent and disastrous quarrel. They had to decide at once, and they accepted what had been done, but saw to it that the preachers should never get out of hand again, and only once—when the inexperienced Vane was chief magistrate—was their government ever seriously threatened.

John Oxenbridge, for us the most important of the Bermuda clergy, came into notice in England in the winter of 1633 or in the following spring, he then being a tutor at Magdalen College, Oxford, when he was twenty-six years old.410 He took his bachelor’s degree at Lincoln College in 1624 and had been for some years tutor at Magdalen, when it was discovered that he was binding to himself certain of his pupils (I have seen no statement of the number) by a “Sacramentum Academicum or oath of obedience.” The oath itself does not seem to have been printed, but the general purport is said to be that—

It promises obedience to his government in hair and clothes, studies, performance of religious duties, company and recreations. It extended also to unveiling [confessing] to Oxenbridge at times of reading and private conference, and telling him what the vower knew of his fellowpupils.411

Oxenbridge admitted to Vice-Chancellor Duppa that it was his own composition, without advice, and stated (April 27) that he “first used it about the holidays of Christmas last,” said that he had “long ago [!] resolved to suppress it,” and pleaded that—

By the principal of the house wherein he is a commoner he has been sharply upbraided with indiscretion in this matter, and the copies of the Sacramentum which he had by him were burned before his face, a punishment which he would have thought proportionable to a young man’s error so soon seen and stopped.412

So, however, did not the authorities think, and “the sentence” (May 27, 1634) “for distutoring of Mr. Oxenbridge,” runs as follows:

Whereas John Oxenbridge . . . both by the testimony of witnesses upon oath examined, and, by his own confession, hath been found guilty of a strange, singular and superstitious way of dealing with his scholars, by persuading and causing some of them to subscribe as votaries to several articles framed by himself . . . These are to signify that I Bryan Duppa, Vice-chancellor of the university for the time being, duly weighing the quality of the fact and the ill consequences which might follow upon the insnaring of young and tender consciences with the religion of a vow, do order and decree that the said John Oxenbridge shall no longer be trusted with the tuition of any scholars, or suffered to read to them publicly or privately, or to receive any stipend or salary in that behalf.413

That sort of thing would have been as summarily suppressed in Massachusetts then as it would now, but a like sort of enforced auricular confession and personal obedience was not unknown among Puritans elsewhere, nor did this severe experience cure Oxenbridge of the disposition to exalt his personal authority as a clergyman to a degree that seems to us and seemed to our ancestors intolerable.

Mr. Savage says that Oxenbridge went to Bermuda that same year, but this is doubtless a mistake, though where and how he spent the next year does not appear, but his name is found in the list of the passengers “to be transported to the Bormoodes or Somer-Islands, imbarqued in the Truelove de London,” June 10, 1635, who “being examined by the Minister of Gravesend concerning their conformitie to the orders & discipline of the Church of England as it now stands established: and tooke the oath of Allegeance.”414 One wonders sometimes about that Gravesend minister.

There are almost no records remaining for the earlier years of Mr. Oxenbridge’s ministry in Bermuda. The first record of him, some eighteen months after he left England, is of “his purchase of a female negro slave called Lucra, aged 18, . . . of Hugh Wentworth, for 12l. sterling, and for a term of fourscore and nineteen years.”415 Her term of servitude, though not perpetual, would seem to have extended into the other world. Governor Lefroy’s account of Oxenbridge is derived chiefly from the correspondence of Richard Norwood in the Record Office, London, and from William Prynne’s second edition of A Fresh Discovery of some Prodigious New Wandering Biasing Stars and Firebrands styleing themselves New Lights,—Mr. Oxenbridge being one of the very bright wandering and blazing stars referred to. The Governor summarizes the matter thus:

His pledge of conformity to the order and discipline of the Church of England was broken very soon after his arrival in Bermuda, and he was one of the four ministers who left no stone unturned to set up the new order and new discipline, administered by themselves alone, which soon convulsed the little community. Richard Beake416 refers to him, and his wife especially, as “the first groundwork of this faction,” which was afterwards headed by Nathaniell White. He [Oxenbridge] returned to England about 1641 . . . to agitate and influence Parliament; thence he sent out the catechism called “Baby Milk,” which was at first instilled into youth alone, one day in the week for two hours at noon . . . but soon afterwards was forced with great vehemency . . . upon grown men and women, with a degree of spiritual arrogance which to the milder temper of our times is hardly conceivable.417

Just when William Golding or Goulding went to Bermuda does not appear, and nothing seems to be known of him before. He had been appointed to his cure in Bermuda probably early in 1638, which was long before the establishment of Independency there; which came about thus. On January 31, 1643–44, Mr. Oxenbridge not being present,—

Master Nathaniel White, Master Patrick Copeland, and Master William Golding did . . . at a fast day by them ordained and not commanded by any authority to be held, in the Pagetts Tribe,418 in the Summer Islands in the afternoon of the said day draw themselves together in the body of the said Church and did then and there publicly manifest and declare, that they . . . did lay down renounce and relinquish their Office of Ministry in the Church of England, acknowledging themselves to be but private men, yet so as they held themselves to be a church of themselves, and to that end had entered into a covenant among themselves and would be ready to receive into their covenant such as would submit thereunto.419

Though Mr. Oxenbridge was not present on this occasion, he had been very active in the things leading to it. There had been a series of conflicts between civil and ecclesiastical authority, some of them very queer. For example, it was testified so early as 1628 that a parson, one Grimes,420 threatened to refuse to preach to his congregation if the governor prevented him from having a vestry. One does not know whether to call this a threat of strike or interdict,—it was not the only time a like threat was made there. And there were times when the clergy not only sat as members of the Council,421 but seized on all sorts of power.

The schoolmaster Norwood, writing to the Governor and Company February 28, 1641–42, says:

Foure yeares past when I came hither, the times were dangerous in England, by reason of the many innovations in Religion brought in by the Bishops (the Lord be blessed for that happy reformation w^ch we heare and hope of) and at that time I was in danger my selfe to have bene called in question, w^ch occasioned me to move the hono^ble Company for this place.422

He complains that Governor Sayle has been “wholy guided” by the ministers,—

and executed what they have thought fittest. Whereby we have seene an experimen^t here of . . . the superiority or government of Ministers or an assembly of Ministers, esteeming the government to be theyrs who have the mayne sway in it. But w^th what loftines, violence and severity (to say no more) and in what an arbitrary way they have proceeded, I suppose you will hear by the complaints of diverse.423

He says that of late they had compelled all persons, men and women, throughout the island to present themselves and be catechised one day in each week. Against their right to do this he, Mr. Norwood, had protested to the others severally in person, but had written to “Mr. Oxenbridge (the most eminent of them all),” and some correspondence followed which seems in my judgment to have been conducted on Mr. Norwood’s part with courtesy and good sense: but as a result the Governor sent the sheriff to summon the schoolmaster, as he says, “to make myne appearance at the house of Mr. Oxenbridge or Mr. Painter, and the day after the fast to answer such things [as] by the ministers should be objected against me . . . intending it as (as was conceived) a kind of synod.”424 Norwood refused to go, and appealed to the general assizes. This appeal the Governor allowed, to the great displeasure of the ministers. He goes on to tell of a man and wife “a very Christian man and woman indeed . . . who disliking this new forme of catechising went to their Minister M^r Golding privately, intreating him that they might be spared from that his weekly exercise. . . . Whereat M^r Golding was much displeased,”425 and had them boycotted. Matters went from bad to worse and Norwood threatened in the pulpit and out of it appealed to the new Governor for protection. According to him, writing in March, 1642–43: “Some say our Ministers are as supreme heads under Christ of their severall churches here, and not subordinate in these days Ecclesiastical to Parliament or any other power on earth whatsoever,”426 and he goes on to ask the minister thirty questions. One is “Whether they mean to continue that Lordly or Masterly practice of Universal catechising . . . and that all shall be tied to answer according to that Catechism of Mr Oxenbridges called Baby Milk, or some other.”427 Another is “Whether the minister and his officers will govern and censure the rest according to some laws, or in an Arbitrary way?”428

The next year, as we have seen, White, Golding, and Copeland, who had been theoretically more or less “conformable ministers of the church of England,” renounced their orders and established Independency. Golding, who was here on his way to England in 1646, returned to Bermuda to take part in the quarrels which became more and more confused and uninteresting. The four ministers divided two against two, taking sides for Independency and Presbyterianism. Our friend the schoolmaster Norwood at last joined the Independent party as being the less tyrannical.

Golding died in 1648; Oxenbridge, having been long in England, in 1651 sold off his land and slaves in Bermuda; in 1653 he became a member of the Bermuda Company, and Governor of the Company in 1655. In England he was settled at Beverley; became a fellow of Eton College; at the Restoration lost his fellowship429 and retired to Berwick-upon-Tweed. Being silenced by the Act of Uniformity he went to Surinam, and was there when the English were driven out by the Dutch and the Dutch in turn by the English. Then he returned to the West Indies and after a two years’ stay at Barbados came to Boston, Massachusetts, where he seems to have given way to none of the eccentricities of his earlier years. If he had we should know it, nor would he have remained with us.430

Mr. Bond, the last of the three clericals from Bermuda, did not arrive in the island until Golding had been long dead and Oxenbridge still longer gone. He went there January 12, 1662–63. Governor Lefroy says: “This turbulent minister fills a considerable space in the records.” Before that little seems to be known of him. We learn that “hee had bin active for the king against the Parliament in 1642.” Savage says he was an ejected minister from County Cumberland at the Restoration. To judge from what came after, his former life cannot have been a quiet one, but it may not on that account have been interesting. The part about which our information is abundant is chiefly filled with uninteresting broils. Governor Lefroy says “there are baptisms by him in Pembroke parish register from March 1, 1663, to October 6, 1666, and again at intervals from 1679 to 1690. Complaints against him are perpetual.”431 Between these dates he was here in Boston and about 1670 he was in Barbados, threatening to go to England and negotiating for a cure in New York. The Governor and Council of Bermuda wrote home about him, saying amongst other unpleasant things that they forwarded certain copies of the records—

that thereby y^r honors may the better know him, and not giue credit to any of his language against vs or Mr Smith [another clergyman] till wee are heard to speak for ourselues If Mr Sampson Bond the p.son that said the Booke of Com̄on Prayer was a Mass Booke, or a company of packt praiers made vp by the pope and the words Godfather and Godmother be blasphemy or words to that effect [be heard] What condition shall yr servants here liue vnder if such practices are suffered vnder y^r Gouernm^t.432

Bond was, however, a good deal of a lawyer and contrived to get back to the scene of his activities in the island and there to be a source of annoyance to the authorities. Indeed, the ease and despatch with which the Massachusetts people got rid of him is in amusing contrast with the difficulty the West Indian authorities found in controlling his pernicious activities.

On behalf of Mr. Francis H. Lee, Mr. Edes communicated an Indenture of apprenticeship of James Taylor of Lynn and Boston, who was Treasurer of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay from 1693 to 1714.433 Mr. Edes spoke as follows:

Some extracts from this Indenture were made by the editors of Sewall’s Diary in an elaborate note (III. 95–97), but as a mistake was made in the transcription of one of the dates, as it reveals the name and English residence of Taylor’s father, and as it preserves a part of his family record not found elsewhere, it has seemed well to print this valuable document entire. It is written on parchment 9¾ × 8½ inches in size, and is in a good state of preservation, although the ink with which the vital records were subsequently made has faded badly in some places.

Sewall’s editors were in ignorance of the maiden names of Taylor’s two wives. Taylor’s second wife was Rebecca Clarke, a daughter of Captain Christopher Clarke of Boston, merchant, who was admitted a freeman in 1673, and frequently voyaged between England and New England.434 She was born in Boston 4 May, 1657,435 and bore the given name of her mother, who was admitted to the Church in Boston 25 December, 1647.436 Captain Clarke died intestate. In the agreement of his heirs as to the settlement of his estate, dated 7 November, 1693, it is stated that he “dec̄e^d on or about the Tenth day of February now last past at Boston.” Among the heirs enumerated are “James Tailer of Boston afores^d. Merchant and Rebecca his wife one other of the Daughters of the s^d Christopher Clarke dec̄e^d.”437

While the search for the maiden name of Taylor’s first wife, Elizabeth, has not been successful, some new facts have been recently found which may lead to its discovery. In the will of James Taylor, his eldest and only son by his first wife, Captain Christopher Taylor, mariner, was cut off with a legacy of £50.438 He appears to have been the black sheep of the family and to have deserved ill at the hands of his father. Nevertheless, he appealed from the probate of the will in Essex to the Governor and Council, and prolonged litigation ensued, no less than three Private Acts of the General Court having been passed in the interest of the litigants.439 Captain Christopher Taylor’s will was made 18 March, 1732, and proved 25 June, 1734. He mentions his younger half-brother William,440 four of his sisters, his natural son Charles Taylor, and his servant Anne Bell, the mother of his child. He also names his “loving cozens Benjamin Landon, merchant, and John Procter, schoolmaster,” executors.441

Benjamin Landon of Boston, shopkeeper, made his will 21 October, 1731, and it was proved 17 January, 1746–47. It contains a bequest to his minister, the Rev. Elisha Callender, who was directed to pay out of it £10 “to my kinsman John Procter, son of John Procter, schoolmaster.”442 Landon was born in Boston 18 December, 1693, the son of David and Martha Landon,443 and died 8 January, 1746–47, in his fifty-third year.444 His wife, Rebecca Gridley, whom he married in Boston 28 April, 1719,445 died shortly after her husband, 23 January, 1746–47.446

John Procter, variously styled schoolmaster, minister, and gentleman,447 was born in Boston 29 December, 1703, the son of Richard and Rachel Procter.448 His father was in Boston as early as 1690 when he was admitted a freeman, and died 1 February, 1719–20,449 leaving a good estate including a brick house and land in Queen Street valued at £500, which was his homestead.450 John Procter married (1) Lydia, daughter of John Richards the younger of New London, Connecticut, by whom he had the son John, born in Boston 31 December, 1726,451 who, as we have seen, was mentioned in Benjamin Landon’s will as “my kinsman;” and (2) Lucretia, youngest daughter of John and Mary (Fosdick) Arnold of Boston and New London, who survived him.452 The Boston Town Records under date of 8 March, 1730–31, state that the Selectmen reported—

That they haue Indeavored to find a meet person for the Said [North Writing] School and Return m^r John Procter as a meet Person for that place.

Voted the Said Report accepted And that the Selectmen Intraduce him into the Said place Accordingly.453

Procter was one of Prince’s subscribers. He also appears to have been an active and uncomfortable member of the First Baptist Church in Boston during the pastorate of the Rev. Elisha Callender, in whose flock were also numbered Richard Procter and Benjamin Landon.454 In 1743 John Procter was admonished and suspended from communion with the church, whereupon he organized a new society, which met at his schoolhouse in Scollay Square and became the Second Baptist Church.455 His death is thus announced in the Boston Weekly NewsLetter of Thursday, 27 January, 1757:

Last Thursday Morning died here, just entered in the 54th Year of his Age, Mr. John Procter, formerly Master of a public Writing School in this Town (p. 3/2).456

His will457 mentions, besides his mansion house and land in Back (now Salem) Street, his house and land next to Mr. Waldo in Queen Street. This he purchased, in 1734, from William Payne,458 whose first wife was Mary Taylor, eldest surviving daughter of James Taylor and only sister of the full blood of Captain Christopher Taylor. It is worthy of note that the Waldo estate was long owned by James Taylor, who bought it of Bozoun Allen in 1705, when in the tenure of Paul Dudley.459 It had a frontage of 106 feet on Queen (now Court) Street and to-day makes the northerly corner of Brattle Street. Taylor’s heirs sold it for £1,050 in 1723 to Jonathan Waldo, who in 1728 gave it to his son Samuel Waldo.460

It thus appears that Christopher Taylor, Benjamin Landon, and John Procter were closely related; that the Taylors and Procters owned adjoining estates in Queen Street; that the Landons and Procters were members of the First Baptist Church; and that diligent inquiry has thus far failed to discover the maiden name of the mother of either of these three cousins. To have been cousins, according to the present use of the word, implies a common grandparent; and as all the brothers and sisters of Christopher Taylor, of the half blood as well as of the full blood, and their children are fully accounted for in various legal proceedings involving inheritance, it seems impossible that he could have used the term in the sense of nephew or niece, a practice not uncommon in the eighteenth century. Later investigations may reveal the maiden name of Christopher Taylor’s mother. The present search was undertaken in the hope of adding something to the little that is known about the family of the Province Treasurer, who appears to have been an estimable, enterprising, and successful private citizen, and a faithful public servant for a quarter of a century. The text of the Indenture follows.

This Indenture Witnesseth That James Taylor son of Christopher Taylor Citizen and Leatherseller of London hath put himselfe Apꝑn̄tice unto John Cole of Ratcliffe in the County of Mariner to learne the arte of Navigation which he the said John Cole now useth and with him after the manner of an Apꝑn̄tice to dwell and serve from the Twenty ffowerth day of June last past before the date of this ꝑ^rsent Indenture unto the end and terme of Six yeares from thence next ensueing and fully to be compleat and ended dureing which terme the said Apꝑn̄tice his said Ma^r: well and faithfully shall serve, his secretts keepe, his comandem^ts lawfull and honest every where gladly shall doe,—Hurt or damage to his said Ma^r: he shall not doe, nor of others know to be done, but he to his power shall lett it or forthwith give his said Ma^r: knowledge thereof, the goods of his said Ma^r: he shall not inordinately waste nor them to any unlawfully lend, fornication he shall not comitt. matrimony he shall not Contract, at Cards dice or any other unlawfull games whereby his said Ma^r: may receive any loss he shall not play, Taverns or Alehouses of custome he shall not frequent with his owne goods or any others dureing the said Terme without the Consent of his said Ma^r: he shall neither buy nor sell But in all things as a good and faithfull Apꝑn̄tice ought to doe shall gently use and behave himselfe towards his said Mea^r: and all his during the said terme And the said John Cole the said James Taylor his Apꝑn̄tice in the Arte aforesaid which he the said John Cole now useth after the best manner he can or doth know shall teach and instruct or cause to be taught or instructed ffindeing provideing and alloweing unto and for the said Apꝑn̄tice Competent and sufficient meat drinke washing and Lodgeing meet and decent for an Apꝑn̄tice of the same Arte dureing the said terme And to the performancē of all and singular the Covenants and agreements aforesaid Either of the said parties bindeth himselfe to the other firmely by theis ꝑn̄ts In witness where of the parties aforesaid to theis ꝑ^rsent Indenture interchangeably have put their hands and seales Dated the Eleaventh day of July Anno Dn̄i 1664 And in the Sixteenth yeare of the reigne of our Sovereigne Lord Charles (the Second) by the grace of God king of England Scotland ffrannce and Ireland defendo^r: of the faith &c

James Taylor461

[Reverse]
Sealed & delieūd in y^e ꝑnce of
Dudley Short
Jn^o Houghton ser^t			1673
John Austin his serv^t			Aprill 1647
			age 26

			1673
			August 1653
			age 20
	married y^e 28
on a Thursday	January 1673		1673
Janu^ry 28			1655
1673		Elizabeth Taylor	age 18
		my daughter died the
		24th October 1674 in y^e
		morning at 9 o’Clock
		My Daughter Mary Taylor was
		Borne the 25^th of January 1675
		My son Christopher Taylor was Borne y^e 16^th Decemb^r 1677
		I was married to my second wife
		Rebecca y^e 26^th Januarie 1679
		being a Munday
		My Daughter Rebecca
		Taylor was Borne y^e 18^th
		October 1681 born ye Tuesday
		at ½ hour past 3 in ye after
		noone
		My son James Taylor was
		Borne y^e 31st Decemb^r 1683 about 5 or 6 in y^e morning

My Daught^r Elizabeth Taylor was
on wensday Borne y^e 16^th Decemb^r 1685 about
10: in the morning &462

My Son Samuel Taylor was Borne y^e 5^th Decemb^r
1687 at about 7. of y^e Clock in y^e morning on a munday463

1 The title of this book is as follows:

2 This paper was originally prepared to be read as a part of the memorial exercises at Cambridge which were held under the auspices of the Harvard Memorial Society, in honor of the three hundredth anniversary of Harvard’s birth. The material then collated relative to the construction of houses, etc., when worked into shape proved to be far in excess of the demands for the occasion, so that the paper had to be much abridged in reading; but in submitting it to the Colonial Society with a view to publication, the rejected matter has been restored.

3 Winthrop’s Journal, ii. 88, note by Savage.

4 Ibid. ii. 342.

5 Magnalia (1853), ii. 10.

6 Cotton Mather gives his father’s argument in full, as to the power of the College to confer degrees, in Magnalia, ii. 19, 20, and the degree itself, ii. 26.

7 Magnalia, ii. 10, 30.

8 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vol. iii. p. iv.

9 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 196.

10 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 237.

11 In “The Site of the First College Building at Cambridge,” in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for October, 1888, the “Way to Charlestown” is identified with Kirkland Street, and the inference is drawn that the town grant was north of Kirkland Street, as it is now laid out. There can be but little doubt that Kirkland Street represents the “Way to Charlestown,” but whether the way was not from time to time removed from place to place is another question. President Wadsworth’s location of the town grant within the Yard shows his opinion, and my own later views are expressed in “The College in Early Days,” in the Harvard Graduates’ Magazine for April, 1893.

12 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 206.

13 Records of the First Church in Charlestown, Boston, 1880, p. 9.

14 “The 26 of the ii. Month” (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vol. iii. p. iv.).

15 Records of the First Church in Charlestown, p. 165.

16 Frothingham’s History of Charlestown, p. 74.

17 In Pientissimum, Reverendissimumque virum, Johannem Harvardum, è suggestio Sacro Caroloensi ad cœlos evectum (Magnalia, ii. 33).

18 Frothingham’s History of Charlestown, p. 55.

19 Frothingham further says that in another division his lot was nearly a third larger than that of Mr. Symmes, and adds that on November 27, 1637, he had a grant of three and a half feet of ground for a portal (History of Charlestown, p. 74).

20 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vol. iii. p. iv.

21 Diary, i. 446, 447.

22 Quincy’s History of Harvard University, i. 48, facsimile of the record.

23 Hutchinson’s Collection of Original Papers, p. 49.

24 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 408; Palfrey’s History of New England, i. 298; Neal’s History of New England, i. 129, 130.

25 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts (1795), i. 431.

26 Journal, i. 33.

27 Winthrop, writing in 1633 of the proceedings against Saltonstall, Humphry, and Cradock, says that “the defendants were dismissed with a favorable order for their encouragement, being assured by some of the Council, that his Majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies of the Church of England upon us; for that it was considered that it was the freedom from such things that made people come over to us” (Journal, i. 103).

28 His description in his mother’s will as “clarke” and in his marriage licence as “clìcum,” carries with it the probability that he was ordained in the Anglican Church.

29 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 219, 220.

30 Ibid. i. 220. The proceedings this day were replete with interest. Winthrop baffled Vane’s attempt at delay and finally compelled him against his will to proceed with the election by threatening to assume charge of the meeting himself, if Vane would not yield to the desires of the majority.

31 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 220.

32 Ibid. i. 220.

33 Ibid. i. 232.

34 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, i. 64. Winthrop’s account is: “None of them met him & the Sergeants who had escorted the former Governor refused to perform that service for him alleging that such service had been performed on account of the man not the place” (Journal, i. 234).

35 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, i. 65.

36 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 235.

37 Wonder-working Providence (1867), p. 72.

38 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 74.

39 Ibid. i. 74, 76, 77, 79, 91, 109, 160 (wages); 126, 183 (sumptuary laws).

40 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 88. Thomas Dexter was in March, 1632–33, set in the bilboes, disfranchised and fined 40 s. for reproachful and seditious words against the Government here established, and for finding fault to divers with the Acts of the Court, and for saying “this captious ^t will bring all to naught, adding that the best of them was but an atturney” (ibid. i. 103).

Capt. John Stone, in September, 1633, for “confronting aucthority, abuseing M^r Ludlowe both in words and behaviur, assalting him & calling him a iust as,” was fined £100 and prohibited “comeing into this pattent, w^thout leaue of the , vnder the penalty of death” (ibid. i. 108).

41 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 211, 212.

42 Journal, i. 322, 323.

43 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. (second edition) 1.

44 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 86.

45 Ibid. i. 75.

46 Ibid. i. 83.

47 Ibid. i. 111.

48 Ibid. i. 93.

49 The situation was sized up by Chalmers in the following words:

The colonists became at length dissatisfied with adjudications various and contrary, since every magistrate decided according to the equity of his own mind, without established laws to inform his judgment, or former precedents to direct his practice. Dissatisfaction soon swelled into clamor, and continued complaint produced ultimate reformation (Introduction to the History of the Revolt of the American Colonies, Boston, 1845, i. 50).

50 Winthrop himself contended that he was not in favor of a rigorous execution of the orders against those who were merely residents. He stated “that it was his judgment, that, in the infancy of the plantations, justice should be administered with more lenity than in a settled state;” and after some discussion he acknowledged “that he was convinced, that he had failed in over much lenity and remissness and would endeavor (by God’s assistance), to take a more strict course hereafter” (Journal, i. 178).

51 Magnalia, ii. 33.

52 Autobiography, p. 64.

53 Wonder-working Providence, p. 103.

54 Certain Select Cases Resolved, p. 49.

55 The memorandum made by Winthrop and published by Savage in the Addenda reads: “Mr. Harvard gave to the College about £800” (Winthrop’s Journal, ii. 342). The author of New England’s First Fruits, p. 12, says “one halfe of his estate, (being in all £1700) towards the erecting of a college, and all his Library.” Thomas Shepard says, “The Lord put it into the heart of one Mr. Harvard, who dyed worth £1600 to give halfe his estate to the erecting of the Schoole” (Autobiography, p. 64). Johnson in his Wonder-working Providence fixes the amount of the bequest at “near a thousand pounds” (p. 133).

56 Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 374.

57 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, i. 91; Johnson’s Wonder-working Providence, p. 31.

58 Magnalia, i. 80.

59 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 268.

60 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 192.

61 Ibid. i. 201.

62 Winthrop calls them wigwams (Journal, i. 36, 38); Prince, booths and tents (Annals, p. 309); Scottow, huts and smoky cottages (Narrative of the Planting of Massachusetts Colony, 1694, p. 16); Hubbard, small cottages (History of New England, p. 134); Winslow, booths and huts (Good News from New England, 1648, 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 201)

63 Early Records of Charlestown, in Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 374.

64 March 2, 1646–47, John Crocker vs. Thomas Shawe, “for coming into his house by pulling aside some loose pallisadoes, on ye Lords day, about ye middle of ye day” (Plymouth Colony Records, i. 111).

65 New Englands Plantation, in Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 244.

66 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 48.

67 For references to wooden chimneys and thatched roofs, see Dudley’s letter to the Countess of Lincoln, March, 1631 (Collections New Hampshire Historical Society, iv. 248)

68 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. 70.

69 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 54.

70 Magnalia, i. 311.

71 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 63.

72 Mourt’s Relation (1865), p. 9.

73 Scottow’s Narrative of the planting of the Colony, p. 40.

74 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. 40.

75 Ibid. iv. 63. See also two charges in 1637 for daubing the meeting-house (Essex Institute Historical Collections, iv; Second series, i). Roger Clap describes the Castle as built with “Mud walls which stood for divers years” (Memoirs, Boston, 1731, p. 15).

76 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 82.

77 Ibid. i. 73.

78 Scottow’s Narrative of the Planting of Massachusetts Colony, p. 41.

79 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 87.

80 The Early College Buildings at Cambridge, Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for April, 1890.

81 It may seem unnecessary to devote so much time to the discussion of daubed walls in connection with the career of one whose mother was from Stratford and a contemporary of the poet who wrote the familiar lines—

Imperious Cæsar dead and turned to clay

Might stop a hole to keep the wind away.

82 “Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows” (Winslow in Mourt’s Relation, p. 142).

83 Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 254. Capt. Smith says, “traine oyle with the splinters of the roots of pine trees for candles” (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 38); Wood, New England’s Prospect (1898), p. 18.

84 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 92 (corn), 97 (bullets), 140 (beaver), 208 (wampum).

85 Dunster’s list of these books comprehends 260 titles. Several of these titles indicated works published in several volumes. See A few Notes concerning the Records of Harvard College, Bibliographical Contributions, Library of Harvard University, No. 27. Quite recently a praiseworthy effort has been put forth to place upon the shelves of the Harvard Library a copy of each work named in the catalogue—a contemporaneous publication by preference. The study of the subject has revealed the fact that the library bequeathed by Harvard must have contained 373 volumes.

86 The effort to duplicate these volumes has disclosed the fact that many of them were octavos and some even smaller.

87 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 304.

88 Winthrop was not, apparently, opposed to its use. March 18, 1627, he wrote “We want a little tobacco. I had very good, for seven shillings a pound at a grocer’s by Holborn Bridge” (Journal, i. 350). The statutes referred to will be found in the Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 101 (use prohibited), 109 (constables to take note of persons), 136 (sale prohibited), 204, 206 (former laws repealed), 241–242 (new law against use).

89 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 377.

90 Ibid. i. 379.

91 Wood writes in 1634: “Four eggs may be had for a penny and a quart of milk at the same rate and when butter is six pence a pound and Cheshire cheese at five penc” (Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 414).

92 When the Governor’s wife arrived in 1631 people sent him “fat hogs, kids, venison, poultry, geese, partridges, &c.” (Journal, i. 57). By 1633, the gardens had become productive, so that notwithstanding a scarcity of corn people lived well with fish and the fruit of their gardens (ibid. i. 108).

93 “For bread and beer, that it was denied to them betwixt meals, truly, I do not remember, that ever I did deny it unto them; and John Wilson will affirme, that, generally, bread and beer was free for the boarders to go unto” (Winthrop’s Journal, i. 310 note).

94 Thomas Dudley writes in 1631 to the Countess of Lincoln saying “having yet no table, nor other room to write in than by the fireside upon my knee” (Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 305).

95 My attention has been called to the omission in the text of reference to the use of intoxicating liquors. Of course drunkenness was one of the troubles of that time. Numerous convictions are recorded for the offence, but at the period which I cover, all liquors were imported except strong beer. In 1630, Winthrop restrained the drinking of healths at his table, and so it grew little by little to disuse (Journal, i. 37). In 1635, he speaks of drunkenness occasioned by people running to the ships (ibid. i. 161).

96 I am indebted to Professor Kittredge for calling my attention to two things: first, the proverb “fingers were made before forks,” evidence in itself that the knife was not used by well bred persons for conveying food to the mouth; and secondly, to Chaucer’s description of the dainty manner in which the Prioress fed herself, obviously with her fingers, given in the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. Thomas Shepard in one of his sermons calls attention to the danger accompanying the use of the knife in cutting one’s meat: “Its from the excellency of a knife to cut well, but to cut my finger with it when I should be cutting of my meat with it, ariseth not from the end of the knife, nor from the intention of him who made it” (Certain Select Cases Resolved, p. 7).

97 Montaigne’s Journal, iv. 210.

98 William T. Davis in his Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth (p. vii.) makes substantially the same observations as to the preponderance of napkins.

99 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 210.

100 Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 54.

101 “We could not follow them in our Armor” (Winthrop’ Journal, i. 199).

102 Massachusetts Colony Records, i, 125.

103 “Our men being completely armed with Corslets, muskets, bandoliers, rests and Swords.” Head pieces are also mentioned in this account. (Capt. John Underbill’s Newes from America, in Hart’s American History told by Contemporaries, p. 439.) Besides the expression, showing that the men were in armor—quoted in the note above—Winthrop, in another description in the same year, 1636, speaks of their being armed with corselets (Journal, i. 194).

104 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 126, 183.

105 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. 8, iv. 3.

106 Boston Record Commissioners Reports, iv. 22.

107 “He demands of the next man he met, what the signall of the drum ment, the reply was made they have as yet no Bell to call men to meeting” (Johnson’s Wonder-working Providence, p. 103).

108 Winthrop’ Journal, ii. 220.

109 Wonder-working Providence, p. 41.

110 See C. F. Adams’ Antinomianism (Prince Society), p. 251. Shepard did not take a very active part in the discussion relative to the heresy of Mrs. Hutchinson, and he evidently considered that he occupied a neutral opinion in the controversy, for he says that Newtown was “kept spotless from the contagion of opinion.” He was, however, one of a committee which examined Mrs. Hutchinson, and although he was not violent in his opposition to her, yet he joined in a report with Thomas Welde which was referred to several times in the discussion. It seems to me therefore that he must be considered as practically taking sides in the matter.

111 Cotton Mather is authority for the statement that the Clergy had “eminent skill in physick.” He says, “it is well known that until two hundred years ago, physick in England was no profession distinct from divinity.” Most of Charles Chauncy’s sons, six in all, were, he says, practicers of physic as well as clergymen (Magnalia, i. 475).

112 Magnalia, ii. 33.

113 It is known that Mrs. Harvard bore children by her second husband. It is probable that Wilson was thinking of these children when he composed his elegy. The form of the elegy, an address by Harvard to an assembly of graduates, involves the idea of the lapse of many years after Harvard’s death before such a gathering could have taken place. Wilson died in 1667 at the age of seventy-nine, and if we allow an interval of at least twenty-five years to have elapsed after Harvard’s death before the elegy was composed, it would make him seventy-five years of age when it was written. This may perhaps account for this expression in the elegy, as confusion of memory on his part. That this must have been so, becomes apparent when we take into consideration the date of Harvard’s marriage, April 19, 1636.

114 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 183.

115 Ibid. i. 208.

116 Ibid. i. 217.

117 The close resemblance of this committee to the body to whom was entrusted the care and regulation of the affairs of the College in 1642, has led encyclopædists to record that members of the committee were at that time appointed Overseers of Harvard College.

118 Magnalia, i. 386.

119 Autobiography, p. 64.

120 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 447, note. George E. Ellis was one of the committee in charge of the publication of this volume and doubtless is responsible for this witty and appropriate quotation.

121 The assumption that Harvard’s will was nuncupative may be correct, but it does not rest upon direct evidence.

122 Publications, viii. 243, 244.

123 The Boston News-Letter of Thursday, 30 September, 1756, stated that “On Saturday last His Excellency embarked on board His Majesty’s Ship Mermaid, Washington Shirley, Esq; Commander” (p. 1/2).

124 Suffolk Deeds, ci. 164.

125 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 15,041.

126 Suffolk Deeds, cxxxv. 196. See also clxx. 48, 96, clxxvi. 13, 15.

127 Born in 1590 at Wethersfield, Essex, where his father the Rev. Richard Rogers held a lectureship from about 1577 to 1618, being repeatedly “suspended for Nonconformity though supported by the Puritan Lord Knolys.” Ezekiel Rogers’s elder brother, Daniel, succeeded his father, after an interval, in the Wethersfield lectureship. All three were of the University of Cambridge. See Victoria History of the County of Essex, ii. 52.

128 The History of Rowley, by Thomas Gage, with an Address by the Rev. James Bradford, 1840. Most of the information about Mr. Rogers is contained in the Address and in Appendix A to the Address.

129 This reminds one of the inability of the younger Weller to see his father in court.

130 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1638–1639, pp. 430, 431.

131 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, pp. 263, 264.

132 Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, Report vii. App. p. 538.

133 There is a letter dated November 6, 1621, from Mr. Rogers to Lady Joan Barrington, the wife of Sir Francis, who was a daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell and so an aunt of the Protector (ibid. p. 543). Another letter dated September 28, 1626, tells of Mr. Rogers’s sickness and recovery (ibid. p. 543). In 1644 Sir Thomas Barrington died and was succeeded by his son Sir John, and Mr. Rogers wrote to Mr. John Kendall at Sir John Barrington’s on December 8 of that year—

A long letter about what the late Sir Thomas Barrington had promised him in the way of preferment. He alludes to his diligent attendance on and comfort to Sir Thomas “on his sad and deep distemper of melancholy; not only in the day but in the night watchings and midnight rising he (Rogers) did much to impare his health.” (On the back is the copy of an answer by Kendall dated 1 May, 1645, in which he says that Sir Thomas had left his son burdened with 10000 l) (ibid. p. 570).

Mr. Rogers wrote again November 9, 1645, and once more December 9, 1646: “He mentions that old Lady B. promised him 100 l, and that Mr. Bridge said that he himself paid it to Robert Barrington, to be sent to New England for Rogers.” On April 25, 1646, “John Barrington to Ezekiel Rogers in England.—Copy of a letter on the subject of Rogers’s claims.” Was he then in England? See also a letter of the Rev. Daniel Rogers, a brother of Ezekiel, of July 7, 1647 (ibid. p. 570).

134 Ibid. pp. 543, 570.

135 Barton Stacey, a tithing and parish in Hants. The parish includes also the townships of Bransbury, Drayton, and Newton Stacey.

136 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1635, pp. 520, 521.

137 Magnalia (1820), i. 74.

138 Bond, Genealogies and History of Watertown, p. 995.

139 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 170.

140 Trumbull, History of Connecticut, i. 11.

141 Johnson, Wonder-working Providence, pp. 75, 77; Holmes, History of Cambridge, 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 15, 16; Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of Connecticut, p. 86 note.

142 Winthrop’s Journal (1853), i. 214 note.

143 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 154; Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of Connecticut, p. 512; Stiles, History of Ancient Wethersfield, i. 24. But see Records of the First Church of Dorchester, Massachusetts, 1636–1734, p. vii. The records of the Windsor Church, now extant, do not embrace anything pertaining to its life at Dorchester, Massachusetts.

144 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 2.

145 Journal, i. 203.

146 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxv. 21

147 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 26, 103, 123.

148 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, iv. 230.

149 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 580.

150 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlviii. 263.

151 Stiles, History of Ancient Windsor, i. 429.

152 Magnalia, i. 74.

153 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 7.

154 Holland, History of Western Massachusetts, i. 24.

155 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxv. 21. Dr. H. R. Stiles, in his History of Ancient Windsor, i. 54, and of Ancient Wethersfield, i. 39, seems to confuse him with the Rev. Henry Smith, who later came over from England and became the minister in Wethersfield. See his Ancient Wethersfield, i. 154.

156 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 113.

157 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 118.

158 Trumbull says that this reads “inconvenient” in the manuscript Journals of the Congress (Historical Notes on the Constitutions of Connecticut, p. 5).

159 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 119.

160 Trumbull, History of Connecticut, i. 525.

161 Bowen, Boundary Disputes of Connecticut, 15.

162 Trumbull, History of Connecticut, i. 544.

163 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 477.

164 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 160.

165 Dr. Henry Bronson states, I think mistakenly, that Mr. Welles was for a short time a magistrate under the Massachusetts commission. New Haven Colony Historical Society Papers, iii. 296.

166 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 12.

167 Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, i. 13.

168 Burt, First Century of the History of Springfield, i. 152.

169 As late as 1639 there were probably not over fifteen men there. Green, Springfield, 1636–1886, p. 45.

170 Dwight’s Travels in New-England and New-York, i. 319.

171 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, v. 472.

172 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 308.

173 Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, ii. 283.

174 Morris, Early History of Springfield, p. 11; Todd (The Burr Family) puts the date of his removal as 1644. He represented Fairfield in the Connecticut General Court in 1645, his name being enrolled as “Jehu Burre” (Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 130).

175 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 10, 13.

176 Letter quoted in Taylor, Roger Ludlow, p. 70.

177 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 192.

178 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 259.

179 Ibid. i. 260.

180 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 10.

181 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 11.

182 Ibid. i. 13.

183 Ibid. i. 19.

184 Johnson, Wonder-working Providence, p. 199.

185 Roger Wolcott’s Memoir, Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, ii. 326.

186 Journal, i. 216.

187 This was on October 7, 1640 (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 304). Connecticut assented in 1641 (Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 64).

188 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 281.

189 Ibid. i. 284.

190 Letter of Thomas Hooker to Gov. Winthrop. Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, i. 9; Winthrop’s Journal, i. 237, 285, 286.

191 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 216.

192 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 320, 321.

193 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 260.

194 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 321.

195 Ibid. i. 229, 230, 232.

196 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 72.

197 Ibid. ii. 111.

198 Ibid. ii. 112.

199 Ibid. ii. 137.

200 John Winthrop, Senior.

201 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 139.

202 Journal, i. 319. Cf. i. 335.

203 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 264.

204 Ibid. “You” in this letter evidently refers generally to those who represented Massachusetts at the conference.

205 Winthrop’s Journal indicates that this conference occurred not in June but July, 1638. He speaks, under date of December 13, 1638, of these three men as having brought their Connecticut amendments to the attention of the General Court at Newtown (i.e. Cambridge) on “the of the 5^th” (Journal, i. 342). This probably indicates simply a lapse of memory.

206 Winthrop’s Journal, ii. 428; Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, i. 2.

207 Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, i. 14.

208 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ii. 422.

209 Journal, i. 344.

210 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 25, 26.

211 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 20, 24.

212 Ibid. i. 18.

213 Massachusetts Historical Society Manuscripts, 81. D. p. 4. I am indebted for this reference to the courtesy of Mr. Charles K. Bolton, the librarian of the Boston Athenæum.

214 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xiii. 291; Holland, History of Western Massachusetts, i. 33; 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 487.

215 Green, Springfield, 1636–1886, pp. 29–36; quoted from the original manuscript now owned by Charles E. Oliver of Boston. The only date of the letter is the 18th day of the second month, but it was addressed on the back “To his lov. friend, M^r Pinchon, at his house in Aguam, lett these bee del^d,” and on the first page is a marginal note, apparently in his handwriting, of its receipt on “the 20 April, 1639.”

216 Green, Springfield, 1636–1886, pp. 55, 60.

217 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 119.

218 Winthrop’s Journal, i. 360.

219 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 30, 31.

220 Burt, First Century of the History of Springfield, i. 144.

221 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 296.

222 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 320–322.

223 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 57.

224 Trumbull, History of Connecticut, i. 115.

225 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 31, 35, 36; Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 82.

226 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 90 note.

227 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 119, 185.

228 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 123.

229 Colonial Records of Connecticut, i. 139.

230 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 136.

231 A copy of this survey is given in Bowen’s Boundary Disputes of Connecticut, opposite p. 19. It runs the line below Enfield Falls. See further Bowen’s description of the territory included, in chapters iii and iv of his work.

232 Colonial Records of Connecticut, v. 390–399.

233 Colonial Records of Connecticut, ix. 431.

234 Johnston, History of Connecticut, p. 209.

235 Hazard, Historical Collections, ii. 142.

236 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 109.

237 Winthrop’s Journal, ii. 457.

238 Green, Springfield, 1630–1886, p. 63.

239 This letter, dated 15 March, 1793, is printed in Anne Cary Morri’s Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris (1888), ii. 38. The opening words—“I have receiv’d yours of the third of February and reply shortly that I may reply immediately. My Reason for which is that”—are omitted in the Diary and Letters, as are also the words printed in italics in the following sentence: “In the first Place I must have leave to resign from the President but further you will consider that the very Circumstance,” etc.

240 Publications of this Society, vi. 109–130.

241 For Boyle, see ibid. vi. 321 note 4, ix. index.

242 Palfrey, History of New England, i. 313.

243 Cambridge Modern History, iv. 275.

244 Ibid. iv. 266–275.

245 In the Massachusetts Colony Records (i. 36), under date of March 17, 1628–29, is the following entry:

A warrant was made ffor payment of 120^t to M^r Nathaniell Wright, for so much p^d by him to M^r Jarvis Kerke, M^r W^m Barkley, & M^r Roᵬrt Charlton, ffor the shippe.

The Jarvis Kerke here referred to is the Gervase Kirke named in the text, both forms of the name being found in the Calendars of State Papers. Thia entry was made a few days after the date of the Charter, March 4–14,1628–29, but before organization thereunder.

246 Henry Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada (1871), p. 69.

247 History of New England (1853), i. 15, 16.

248 Ibid. i. 17. Terceira is one of the large islands of the central group of the Azores. It is in slightly above 27° west longitude. Under date of May 9, Winthrop says that the fleet was a little west of Corvos. Corvo and Flores are the two islands comprising the northwestern group of the Azores and are in slightly above 31° west longitude. Upon the two estimates the fleet made about four degrees of longitude in ten days.

249 History of New England, i. 17, 18, 21.

250 See Parkman, Pioneers of France (1896), p. 444; Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, p. 136; Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, pp. 69–74. In saying that “Champlain surrendered Quebec to the English on the 9th of August, 1629,” Henry Kirke is slightly inaccurate. The surrender of Quebec took place on July 20; the articles, drawn up July 19, were ratified on August 9 by David Kirke at Tadousac. See Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, pp. 98, 99. The matter is correctly stated by R. Brown in his History of the Island of Cape Breton (1869), p. 73. The articles are printed in Hazard’s Historical Collections, i. 285–287.

251 Birch’s Court and Times of Charles the First contains letters bearing on the subject from the Rev. Joseph Mead to Sir Martin Stuteville dated September 26, 1629 (ii. 28), from Mr. Beaulieu to Sir Thomas Puckering dated January 20, 1629–30 (ii. 52), from John Pory to Puckering dated January 13, 1630–31 (ii. 89, 90), from Beaulieu to Puckering dated May 25, 1631 (ii. 122), from Pory to Puckering dated June 16, 1631 (ii. 123), and from Pory to Puckering dated February 23, 1631–32 (ii. 171, 172). In his letter to Puckering of January 13, 1630–31, Pory, with pleasing naïveté, writes:

That Philip Burlamachi hath gotten a brave employment into France, to fetch home the latter half of the Queen’s portion, being £120,000, and satisfaction also for three great rich English ships, treacherously taken by the French after the peace proclaimed. “Do you think that the French, being so exhausted by their wars, would part with such heaps of treasure for nothing? No: you may be sure they would not. The bait, therefore, to allure them thereunto, is the fort of Kebeck, in Canada, to get it out of Capt. Kirk’s clutches; the trade of beavers and otters, which they want to enjoy by the possession whereof, having been worth unto them, communibus annis, £30,000 by year.” That the said fort sticketh in their hearts, as Calais did in Queen Mary’s.

252 Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, pp. 82–86; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, pp. 117, 118.

253 In a note to Winthrop’s History of New England (i. 15), Savage says that “Capt. Kirk” was “probably a brother of Sir David Kirk.”

254 Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, p. 93.

255 Mosquitoes.

256 Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, p. 87.

257 Parkman, Pioneers of France, p. 444. In Rymer’s Foedera (xix. 303) is a promise of Charles I to return Quebec to the French King dated June 29, 1631.

258 Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, p. 137. The Treaty of St. Germain has been printed several times in French, but not in English. See Rymer’s Fœdera, xix. 361–365; Memoires des Commissaires (1755), ii. 7–13; Collection de Manuscrits relatifs a la Nouvelle-France (1883), i. 86–97; Hazard, Historical Collections, i. 319, 320.

259 See E. F. Slafter, Sir William Alexander, and American Colonization (Prince Society), pp. 62–72.

260 Winsor, Carrier to Frontenac, p. 138.

261 Ibid. p. 138. In a letter to John Winthrop, Jr., dated London, December 26, 1631, Francis Kirby wrote:

Captain Bruton who was imployed by my cozen Moris Thomson and company for the trade of bever in the river of Canada is now arrived heer . . . he hath brought in heer about 3000^lb weight of bever, and they are now hasteninge to set forth a small ship only for that river hopinge to be there before Captain Kerke whom (I hear) Is to fetch his men from Quibeck and yield up the Castle againe to the French this next somer (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 238).

It would appear from these statements that the English were making the most of their control of the River St. Lawrence while it lasted.

As contemporary glimpses of the Kirkes are somewhat rare, it may not be without interest to bring together a few. In a relation written at Quebec August 28, 1632, Father Le Jeune said:

At length, on the 5th of July, which was Monday,—two months and 18 days since the 18th of April, when we sailed,—we reached the much desired port. We cast anchor in front of the fort which the English held; we saw at the foot of this fort the poor settlement of Kebec all in ashes. The English, who came to this country to plunder and not to build up, not only burned a greater part of the detached buildings which Father Charles Lallement had had erected, but also all of that poor settlement of which nothing now is to be seen but the ruins of its stone walls. This greatly inconveniences the French, who do not know where to lodge. The next day Captain Thomas Ker was summoned, a man of French Nationality, born at Dieppe, who had gone over to England, and who, with David and Louys Ker, his brothers, and one Jacques Michel, also born at Dieppe, all huguenots, had thrown themselves upon this poor country, where they have done great damage and have prevented the doing of much good. . . . The English Clergyman, who was not of the same Faith as his people,—for he was a Protestant or Lutheran, and the Kers are Calvinists or of some other more libertine Religion (they held this poor Minister a prisoner in their house for six months),—told me that the Moutagnards wanted to negotiate a peace with the Hiroquois (Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, v. 39, 41, 49).

Under date of July 25, 1645, Governor Winthrop wrote:

Monsieur La Tour having stayed here all winter and thus far of the summer, and having petitioned the court for aid against Monsieur D’Aulnay, and finding no hope to obtain help that way, took shipping in one of our vessels which went on fishing to Newfoundland, hoping by means of Sir David Kirk, governour there, and some friends he might procure in England to obtain aid from thence, intending for that end to go from thence to England. Sir David entertained him courteously, and promised to do much for him; but no means of help appearing to answer his ends, he returned hither before winter, Sir David giving him passage in a vessel of his which came hither (History of New England, ii. 303).

In a letter to John Winthrop, Jr., dated New Haven, September 26, 1659, the Rev. John Davenport said:

I desire . . . to let you know that I have received a large letter fr: M^r Blinman date^d Aug. 22. whereby I understand that God hath brought him and his to Newfoundland, in safety and health, . . . After these passages and his notifying to me the Lady Kircks respectful and loving mention of me whom she saith, she hath heard in London, he addeth to what I had heard fr: England that a fine of 5^£ is put upon any that shall name the last protector (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 25, 26).

No doubt this was the widow of Sir David Kirke.

262 W. A. Shaw, Knights of England, ii. 201.

263 Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, p. 161 and note.

264 Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, p. 167.

265 Shaw, Knights of England, ii. 215. In his History of Newfoundland (pp. 155, 162, 164), Judge Prowse speaks of “Sir James Kirke.” This is apparently a mistake, for in the documents from the Calendars of State Papers referred to by Prowse James Kirke is not spoken of as a knight, nor is his name found in Shaw’s work. On the other hand, John Kirke, though his name too is not in Shaw’s work, was knighted, though exactly when does not appear. On May 14, 1683, there is mention of a “Petition of Sir John Kirk, Knight, to the King” (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1685–1689, p. 643), and on January 26, 1684, of “Sir John Kirk” as the father-in-law of Radisson (ibid. p. 648). The second wife of Radisson is sometimes erroneously said (Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, v. 277) to have been the daughter of Sir David Kirke. Radisson himself said that he was “marry’d at London unto an Hon^ble familly,” and spoke of “my father-in-Law, Sir John Kirk” (Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson, Prince Society, pp. 250, 254).

266 R. Brown, History of the Island of Cape Breton, p. 112 note; Kirke, First English Conquest of Canada, p. 173.

267 That from the autumn of 1651 to June 11, 1652, Sir David was in London, as stated by Henry Kirke, is shown by the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, pp. 363, 371, 372, 373, 381. Henry Kirke writes:

At the same time [i.e., June 11, 1652], permission was granted to Sir David to return to Newfoundland, on condition that he returned to England with the Commissioners, and in the meanwhile gave security that he would answer whatever was objected against him, and to pay such sums as shall appear to be due from him to the Commonwealth. Upon such hard terms as these, Sir David Kirke returned to his estates at Ferryland, in the summer of 1652. He could not have remained there long, for in the spring of 1653, we find him again in England, . . . he was allowed to return to Newfoundland, upon entering into a bond of double the value of his estate, to answer any charges that might be brought against him. With such terms, which were the best he could procure, Kirke was bound to be satisfied; so he set sail for Newfoundland and arrived there in the autumn of 1653. . . . But all hopes and expectations were blighted by his death, which took place in the winter of 1655–6, but the exact date is not known. (First English Conquest of Canada, pp. T77–184.)

Henry Kirke offers no proof that Sir David returned to Newfoundland in the summer of 1652 and again in the autumn of 1653, and, while the statement may be correct, there is nothing in the Calendar of State Papers to support it. As to the date of Sir David’s death, Henry Kirke is clearly wrong. On June 11, 1653, a petition of Sir David was referred to the Committee of the Admiralty, and on December 1, 1653, an order of the Council of State referred the petition to the Committee for Irish and Scotch Affairs. On April 24, 1654, Sir David was spoken of as dead. (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, pp. 404, 412, 415.)

268 “In the full conviction,” writes Henry Kirke, “that the Baltimores had abandoned Newfoundland, Sir David Kirke obtained a grant of that place from the King, . . . This was in 1637, and no complaint was made by Lord Baltimore till 1660” (First English Conquest of Canada, pp. 188, 189). As early as February, 1637, Lord Baltimore presented a memorial “touching his right to part of Newfoundland” (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, pp. 246, 247). On June 11, 1652, the Committee for Foreign Affairs considered “the interests of the Commonwealth in Newfoundland, and the encouragement of the fisheries there;” and “Sir David Kirke and Lord Baltimore, who pretend private interest, agree that the proceeding therein will be no inconvenience to them” (ibid. p. 381). The Maryland Historical Society owns several documents relating to the subject dated 1652 or 1653, among them “the Lord Baltimore’s case concerning Avalon” (Calvert Papers, part i. p. 113). Under date of June, 1660, is a—

Petition of Cecil, Lord Baltimore to the King. Recites King James’s patent of Newfoundland to his father; where he began a plantation, built a fair house in which he resided, and expended above 30,000 l. After his decease, the petitioner deputed Capt. William Hill, Governor. In 1638 . . . Sir David Kirke surreptitiously obtained a patent, went over the following year, and dispossessed the petitioner of all his rights there. In 1655 Kirke made over part of his patent to John Claypole (son-in-law to Cromwell), . . . and others, and Sir Lewis Kirke and others are endeavouring to get a confirmation of that patent. Prays that no grant may be passed to his prejudice, and that he may be restored to his rights according to his patent (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574–1660, p. 481).

It has been stated that the Kirke who in 1655 “over part of his patent to John Claypole” was Sir David; but if the date is correct, Sir David was then dead; hence probably it was James Kirke, or else there was a mistake in, the date. A little later than the above petition, we find, presumably dated in 1661, another—

Petition of Cecil Lord Baltemore to the King. Recites his former petition and the proceedings thereon . . . ; with his Majesty’s order (of 20th March 1660/1) to restore petitioner to his possession and rights in Newfoundland, but that he hath yet no satisfaction for such damage done him by Sir David Kirke and others in dispossessing petitioner of his house, goods, and rights in the province of Avalon, and keeping him out of possession many years, to his prejudice of above 20,000 l. sterling, for which damages petitioner sued said Sir David Kirke at his first return thence into England about ten years since, and laid him in prison, where he died before making any satisfaction to petitioner. That nevertheless Sir Lewis Kirke claims satisfaction for the charges wrongfully bestowed by his brother upon said province to petitioner’s prejudice (ibid., Colonial, 1061–1668, p. 21).

Lord Baltimore appointed Captain Robert Swanley to be his lieutenant in Avalon, and on May 9, 1663, the King’s officers and subjects were “to be assisting to Capt. Swanley or his deputy in the Government of said province” (ibid. p. 132).

269 History of New England, i. 24. The following is the entry for May 30:

The wind N. by E. a handsome gale, but close, misty weather, and very cold; so our ship made good way in a smooth sea, and our three ships kept close together. By our account we were in the same meridian with Isle Sable, and forty-two and a half (ibid. i. 24).

270 That the colonists felt that they were in grave danger of hostilities by the French is shown by a statement in Thomas Dudley’s letter to the Countess of Lincoln, dated March 12, 1630–31, wherein Dudley, referring to the efforts of the colonists in July and August, 1630, to find a place for their sitting down, says:

And to that purpose, some were sent to the Bay, to search up the rivers for a convenient place; who, upon their return, reported to have found a good place upon Mistick; but some other of us, seconding these, to approve or dislike of their judgment, we found a place (that) liked us better, three leagues up Charles river; and thereupon unshipped our goods into other vessels, and with much cost and labor brought them in July to Charlestown. But there receiving advertisements, by some of the late arrived ships from London and Amsterdam, of some French preparations against us, (many of our people brought with us being sick of fevers and the scurvy, and we thereby unable to carry up our ordnance and baggage so far,) we were forced to change counsel, and for our present shelter to plant dispersedly, some at Charlestown, which standeth on the north side of the mouth of Charles river; some on the south side thereof, which place we named Boston, (as we intended to have done the place we first resolved on;) some of us upon Mistick, which we named Medford; some of us westwards on Charles river, four miles from Charlestown, which place we named Watertown; others of us two miles from Boston, in a place we named Rocksbury; others upon the river of Saugus, between Salem and Charlestown; and the western men four miles south from Boston, at a place we named Dorchester. (Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, pp. 312, 313.)

It thus appears that the danger of attacks by the French may have affected the locations of towns and town boundaries in the neighborhood of Boston.

271 Savage, referring to the capture of Quebec by the Kirkes, says (Winthrop’s History of New England, i. 13 note) that it was an event then and long after thought of so little consequence as not to be noticed in Hume’s History of England.

272 History of New England, chap. xiv.

273 History of New England, chap. lxxi.

274 This estate was at the southerly comer of what are now known as Washington and State Streets.

275 Mather, Magnalia (1702), book iii. chap. xxv. p. 144.

276 The Rev. John Wilson.

277 The Rev. John Norton.

278 See Massachusetts Colony Records (second edition), i. 37 f, 37 g, 37 h.

279 Original agreement in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

280 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (part i.) 327.

281 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ii. (second edition) 158.

282 For Oxenbridge in England, see index of Masson’s Life of Milton.

283 Mather Papers, in Catalogue of Prince Library, ii. 15; Suffolk Probate Files, no. 716.

284 Acadia was ceded to France by the Treaty of Breda, 1667, but was not actually turned over until 1670.

285 Both wills are given in Prime’s Some Account of the Temple Family, Appendix (1899), pp. 94–99.

286 The title-page has neither imprint nor date. It is generally assigned to the year 1670. In the address “To the Reader,” the Rev. Increase Mather, a brother of Samuel Mather, speaks of it as a posthumous work; and as Samuel Mather died October 29, 1671, the pamphlet obviously could not not have been printed before the end of 1671.

287 See John Dunton, Life and Errors (1818), p. 204.

288 John Usher (1648–1726).

289 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 576.

290 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vii. 162.

291 Diary, i. 141.

292 Foote, Annals of King’s Chapel, i. 45, 46.

293 Diary, June 27, 1671; August 3, 1671.

294 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 162.

295 Diary, i. 159, 160, 162.

296 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vii. 220.

297 See Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xi. 13, 14.

298 Ibid. xi. 26.

299 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 178.

300 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xi. 37.

301 See Palfrey’s History of New England, iv. 295 note, quoting a letter from Governor Dudley to the Lords of Trade, March 10, 1705: “I have received her Majesty’s picture and coat of arms. The same were the next day fixed in the Council Chamber of this Province.”

302 See John Hull’s Diary, p. 150 note.

303 See Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts (1767), ii. 187.

304 Sewall’s Letter Book, i. 422.

305 See Publications of this Society, viii. 19–21.

306 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xi. 185.

307 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 163.

308 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xiii. 249.

309 See Publications of this Society, xi. 196–207.

310 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xviii. 422.

311 [The return of Mede’s book to the King’s Chapel Library came from a suggestion by Mr. Canavan.—Editor.]

312 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xi. 240.

313 Sewall’s Letter Book, ii. 208.

314 See J. J. Ogle’s The Free Library (London, 1897), p. 11.

315 Report for 1899, p. 43.

316 The inscription has been kindly verified by Dean Wace of Canterbury Cathedral, who writes that the tablet is of white marble. It need scarcely be pointed out that the terms “British Colony of New England,” “British Forces,” and “American Commonwealth” would not have been employed by an American.

317 This silhouette of Bishop Cheverus belonged originally to the Rev. Dr. Eliphalet Pearson (H. C. 1773), a Fellow of the Corporation of Harvard College, and the first Principal of Phillips Academy, Andover. It was inherited by his daughter Margaret Bromfield Pearson, who married the Rev. 1. H. T. Blanchard (H. C. 1817), the Unitarian minister of Harvard, Massachusetts, and always adorned the wall of her chamber. At her death it passed to her kinsman our late associate Dr. Daniel Denison Slade, and is now the property of his son, Mr. Denison R. Slade. See Publications of this Society, v. 198 note, 205 note, viii. 290.

318 Jean Louis Anne Madeleine Lefebvre de Cheverus (1768–1836) signed himself, when Bishop of Boston, John Cheverus (Memorial History of Boston, iii. 518).

319 Some Select Cases Resolved (Boston, 1747), p. 44.

Again, the authors of A Defence of the Answer made unto the Nine Questions (London, 1648) say: “We had neither time nor Bookes ready at hand to Consider some of the quotations” (p. 29). Thomas Shepard and John Allen figure as the joint authors of this volume. Sabin treats it as identical with the Treatise of Liturgies, which is placed among the works of Shepard.

320 Legal may have a technical meaning here. Legalists are contrasted with Antinomians in contemporary literature. They were those who adhered to a rigorous administration of the word.

321 Theses Sabbaticæ, or The Doctrine of the Sabbath: etc., etc. By Thomas Shepard, Pastor of the Church of Christ at Cambridge in New England. London, 1649. The Sanctification of the Sabbath . . . The fourth Part, p. 36 et seq.

322 Theses Sabbaticæ, or The Doctrine of the Sabbath: etc., etc. By Thomas Shepard, Pastor of the Church of Christ at Cambridge in New England. London, 1649. The Sanctification of the Sabbath . . . The fourth Part, p. 45.

323 Subjection to Christ (London, 1652), p. 25.

324 Subjection to Christ (London, 1652), Quest. 3, p. 120.

325 Ibid. Answ. 2, p. 122.

326 Subjection to Christ (London, 1652), p. 124.

327 May 25, 1636, “M^r Shepeard” was one of a committee appointed by the General Court to prepare “a draught of lawes agreeable to the word of God, w^ch may be the Fundamentals of this com̄onwealth” (Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 174). March 12, 1637–38, “M^r Sheopard”—one of several who were described as “elders of severall churches”—was also on a committee appointed by the same body for a similar purpose (ibid. i. 222). This Shepeard or Sheopard was probably our Shepard.

328 The Church Membership of Children, p. 26.

329 The Parable of the Ten Virgins (London, 1660), p. 106.

330 Ibid. p. 166.

331 New England’s Lamentation for Old England’s Errours (1644), p. 5.

332 A Treatise of Liturgies . . . in answer to Mr. . . . Ball, p. 8.

333 The Sincere Convert (London, 1659), p. 69.

334 The Parable of the Ten Virgins (London, 1660), p. 226.

335 The Parable of the Ten Virgins (London, 1660), part ii. p. 5.

336 Ibid. p. 6.

337 Some Select Cases Resolved (Boston, 1747), p. 49.

338 The Parable, p. 103.

339 Ibid. p. 106.

340 Certain Select Cases Resolved, p. 7.

341 The Parable, p. 223.

342 Ibid. p. 127.

343 The Sound Believer (Boston, 1742), p. 206.

344 Subjection to Christ, p. 116.

345 The Parable, part ii. p. 61.

346 Ibid. p. 41.

347 Subjection to Christ, pp. 119–120.

348 Ibid. p. 121.

349 The Parable, p. 89.

350 Subjection to Christ, p. 192.

351 The Saints Jewel, p. 184. This is printed in connection with The Sincere Convert, with continuous pagination.

352 The Parable, part ii. p. 55.

353 The Sound Believer, p. 216.

354 Subjection to Christ, p. 132.

355 The Parable, pp. 107, 166.

356 The Sincere Convert, p. 164.

357 The Saints Jewel (London, 1659), p. 197. Printed with the Sincere Convert and having continuous pagination.

358 The Parable, p. 110.

359 The Sound Believer, p. 62.

360 The Parable, part ii. p. 97.

361 The Sound Believer, pp. 111, 112.

362 Theses Sabbaticse, The Sanctification of the Sabbath, p. 43.

363 The Parable, p. 57.

364 Ibid. p. 211.

365 The Parable, p. 227.

366 The Parable, part ii. p. 23.

367 The Sincere Convert, p. 114.

368 The Sound Believer, p. 238.

369 The Sincere Convert, p. 52.

370 The Sound Believer, p. 142.

371 Theses Sabbaticæ, The Beginning of the Sabbath, p. 3.

372 The Sound Believer, p. 33.

373 The Parable, p. 41.

374 Ibid. p. 215.

375 The Parable, part ii. p. 7.

376 The Parable, part i. p. 80; The Sincere Convert, p. 163.

377 The Parable, part i. p. 191.

378 Theses Sabbaticæ, The Sanctification of the Sabbath, p. 88.

379 Ibid. p. 175.

380 Ibid. p. 49.

381 Theses Sabbaticæ, The Morality of the Sabbath, p. 28.

382 Theses Sabbaticæ, The Morality of the Sabbath, p. 88.

383 A Treatise of Liturgies, p. 42.

384 Subjection to Christ, p. 92.

385 Ibid. p. 106.

386 Preface by Thomas Shepard—without pagination—to A Reply to a Confutation of some Grounds for Infants Baptisme, by George Philips (London, 1645). See sixth page.

387 The Parable, part ii. p. 103.

388 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxiv. 363.

389 Subjection to Christ, p. 100.

390 Ibid. p. 100.

391 Wine for Gospel Wantons: or Cautions against Spiritual Drunkenness (Cambridge, 1668), p. 9.

392 This is to be found on the third page of a preface by Shepard, which has no pagination, to A Reply to a Confutation of Some Grounds for Infant Baptisme, by George Philips (London, 1645).

393 Luke, vi. 2.

394 Exodus, xxxi. 15.

395 The Parable, p. 18.

396 Autobiography, p. 34.

397 Subjection to Christ, p. 97. For the explanation of this I am indebted to Professor Roger B. Merriman.

398 Subjection to Christ, p. 11

399 Ibid. p. 27.

400 The Sound Believer, p. 101. For the meaning of this, Professor Kittredge, who has helped me in solving some of these questions, says: See Jonah, ii. 5.

401 Certain Select Cases Resolved, p. 49.

402 (1) Autobiography. (2) The Church Membership of Children. (3) New England’s Lamentation for Old England’s Errours. (4) The Parable of the Ten Virgins. (5) The Saints Jewel, with The Sincere Convert. (6) The Sincere Convert. (7) Some [or Certain in some editions] Select Cases Resolved. (8) The Sound Believer. (9) Subjection to Christ. (10) Theses Sabbaticae. (11) Treatise of Liturgies. (12) Wine for Wanton Gospellers. The Saints Jewel, which is separately cited, is only to be found in connection with The Sincere Convert. The Day-breaking if not the Sun-rising, etc., is the title of another pamphlet included by Sabin among Shepard’s works, but not considered by me as entitled to this attribution.

403 The Clear Sun Shine of the Gospel breaking forth upon the Indians, etc., separately published; First principles of the Oracles of God, to be found in Three Valuable Pieces; and Meditation and Spiritual Experiences, also to be found in Three Valuable Pieces, but which was subsequently published by itself. The Sincere Convert in the form of a translation into the Indian tongue is also to be seen in some of our libraries.

404 The Liturgical Considerator Considered in Reply to Dr. Gaudon, London, 1661.

405 See p. 160, above.

406 William Clarke was the father of Richard Clarke, one of the consignees of the tea in 1773. See Publications of this Society, viii. 78 note.

407 The Hon. Josiah Willard, son of Samuel and Eunice (Tyng) Willard and grandson of Major Simon Willard, was born in Boston 21 June, 1681; graduated in 1698 at Harvard College, which he served later as a tutor and librarian; studied divinity and preached, but retired from his profession because of unconquerable diffidence; travelled in Europe and the West Indies, and at one time commanded a ship in the London trade. On 17 June, 1717, he was commissioned Secretary of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay and held the office till his death. From 1728 till 1745 he was Judge of Probate in Suffolk; and from 1734 till 1755 he sat in the Executive Council. He was universally honored and esteemed and was affectionately called “the good Secretary.” At the time of the Knowles riot in Boston, in 1747, Commodore Knowles dined with him. During the dinner the Commodore used some profane language, for which he was gently admonished by his host, but not until the next day. (See the correspondence in Publications of this Society, iii. 239, 240.)

Secretary Willard married (1) Katharine Allen, 24 October, 1715, by whom he had several children; and (2) Mrs. Hannah Clarke, 7 April, 1726, who also brought him two sons and a daughter. Mrs. Clarke was born in Lynn, 1 November, 1684, the daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth (Whittingham) Appleton of Ipswich. She married William Clarke of Boston, at Ipswich, 11 October, 1705, by whom she had several children; and after his death, as already stated, she became the second wife of Secretary Willard. Her first husband, William Clarke, had inherited from his uncle of the same name valuable real estate in Boston, including a parcel at the southeasterly corner of Tremont and School Streets, opposite King’s Chapel, now covered by the newer part of the Parker House. The lot measured 68 feet, 10 inches, on School Street and 94 feet, 5 inches, on Tremont Street, its southerly line bounding on the present site of Tremont Temple. On the northerly portion of this lot stood his mansion house, which faced School Street. Here his widow continued to reside after her marriage to Secretary Willard; and here is where Commodore Knowles dined on the occasion already referred to. Mr. Willard died 7 December, 1756. His widow survived him nearly ten years and died 28 July, 1766. See Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 156, xxviii. 61, 135, xxx. 302; Willard Memoir (1858), pp. 368, 369, 400–403; Whitmore, Massachusetts Civil List, pp. 44, 55–59, 80; Publications of this Society, viii. 78 note, 79 note, xii. 134; Suffolk Probate Files, nos. 3273, 4439, 11,380, 13,898; Suffolk Deeds, lxviii. 136, lxxvii. 191; Minute Book no. 26 of the Superior Court of Judicature, third leaf from end, Docket no. 227, Suffolk term beginning 13 February, 1738–39, of which no Record is known to exist; Suffolk Court Files, dccvi. 15, case no. 108,493; Boston Evening Post, 13 December, 1756, p. 2/2, 4 August, 1766, p. 2/3.

408 Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas or Somers Islands, i. 710. Governor Lefroy considers Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich, New England, and him of Bermuda the same; but on p. 545 he says, whether they are the same individual or not “the Editor has not ascertained. N. Ward can be traced in Bermuda from 1627 to October 1631.” At vol. ii. p. xv of the same work the title-page of Nathaniel Ward’s sermon preached before the House of Commons on June 30, 1647, is given, with a parenthesis for explanation, thus: “By Nathaniel Ward, minister of God’s word (long a minister in Bermuda).” The words in parenthesis are not a part of the title, and the assertion is clearly a mistake.

409 Ibid. i. 583.

410 Savage says born in 1606. Foster (Alumni Oxonienses) says born 30 Jan., 1608; matric. 20 June, 1623, aged 18; M. A. 17 April, 1627. The editor of Laud’s Works (v. 98) says that he took the degree of M. A. at Magdalen College June 18, 1631. Hotten’s Original Lists (p. 87) gives his age in June, 1635, as 24 years. There is a very good account of Mr. Oxenbridge and his family, which I had not seen until after this article was in type, in the Sussex Archseological Collections (xii. 203–220); where may be found his will, printed at length, and the epitaph of his first wife, whose influence over him was very great. I think the writer has somewhat misunderstood the matter of the sacramentum academicum and Laud’s connection with it. See also p. 121 notes 3 and 4, above, and p. 173 note 4, below.

411 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1633–1634, p. 563.

412 Ibid. p. 571.

413 History of Laud’s Chancellorship of Oxford, Laud’s Works, v. 98.

414 Hotten, Original Lists, pp. 85, 87.

415 Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 706.

416 He was the other or another schoolmaster who was, it would seem, a real Church of England man and whose imprisonment and other sufferings make him write more violently if not more strongly than Norwood.

417 Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 706, 707.

418 Tribe in Bermuda is equivalent to township elsewhere.

419 Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 585.

420 Otherwise Graeme, or Grames, the Rev. Alexander. Ibid. i. 663,704.

421 For an instance somewhat earlier (1616), see ibid. i. 107.

422 Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 569.

423 Ibid. i. 570.

424 Ibid. i. 571.

425 Ibid. i. 573, 574.

426 Ibid. i. 581.

427 Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 583.

428 Ibid. i. 584.

429 David Stokes, who had been removed by the Puritans, being restored.

430 Mr. Oxenbridge’s first wife, Jane Butler, was with him in Bermuda. She was a masterful woman, and in England is reported to have had much to do with her husband’s ecclesiastical activities. She died April 25, 1658. See also p. 168 note, above.

431 Memorials of the Bermudas, i. 692.

432 Ibid. i. 694.

433 Whitmore, Massachusetts Civil List, p. 45. See Massachusetts Province Laws, vii. 24, 54. This was not his first public service. After the overthrow of Andros, Taylor was chosen one of the Representatives from Boston to join in a convention with the Council of Safety at Boston on the ninth of May, 1689, for consultation in regard to the adoption of a form of government (General Court Records, vi. 15, 25). After the arrival of the Province Charter, he again represented Boston in the lower House at the session which began 31 May, 1693 (Massachusetts Province Laws, vii. 20). He may have been identical with the James Tailer, as the name was frequently spelled, who was Commissioner of Impost and Excise from 17 June, 1696, till 18 June, 1697 (Whitmore, Massachusetts Civil List, p. 125). Taylor died in Lynn 29 July, 1716, and was buried in Boston on the second of August (Sewall’s Diary, iii. 94, 95).

434 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary of New England, i. 392.

435 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 59, 63. She was buried in Boston 23 July, 1718, æ. 60 (Sewall’s Diary, iii. 190).

436 Records of the First Church in Boston.

437 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 2005. The estate was administered by Stephen. Minot, who had married Capt. Clarke’s youngest daughter Mary (or Mercy).

438 Essex Probate Files, no. 27,301. See also Rebecca Taylor’s estate, ibid. no. 27,315; Rebecca Kelsoll’s (sometimes Kelsey’s) will, ibid. no. 15,297; Essex Deeds, xliv. 152; Sewall’s Diary, iii. 94, 95.

439 Massachusetts Province Laws, vi. 108, 119, 123, and side notes. See also ibid. ii. 195 note.

440 William Taylor died 23 January, 1769, æ. 72 (Lynn Vital Records, ii. 602). See Essex Probate Files, no. 27,320. He married Sarah Burrill of Lynn, their intentions having been recorded 29 May, 1726, by whom he had two daughters one of whom, Rebecca, born 5 June, 1727, married her second cousin Timothy Orne of Salem, 20 June, 1747, and became the ancestor of our associate Mr. Francis H. Lee (Lynn Vital Records, i. 395, ii. 285, 368, 369).

441 Both declined service and William Taylor, the testator’s half-brother, administered the estate (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 6603). See Massachusetts Archives, li. 283; 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xiii. 410, 414,416.

442 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 8656.

443 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 207.

444 Rev. Jeremiah Condy’s Funeral Sermon, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ix. 175. This sermon was called to my attention by Mr. William P. Greenlaw. See ibid, xxxii. 423.

445 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxviii. 83.

446 Rev. Jeremiah Condy’s Funeral Sermon on her husband.

447 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xi. 27, 28; Suffolk Probate Files, no. 11,430. This family appears to have spelled its name Procter and not Proctor.

448 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 23.

449 Boston Town Records,—Old Sexton’s bill.

450 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 4273; Suffolk Deeds, xxxviii. 224. This house stood on a part of the site of the Adams Building, between the Ames Building and Franklin Avenue. In 1714 Richard Procter dwelt in Cornhill (now Washington Street), on the westerly side, between Queen (now Court) Street and the present thoroughfare known as Cornhill. This estate ran through to the passageway now called Franklin Avenue (ibid. xxix. 252, xxx. 199).

451 Caulkins, History of New London (1852), p. 318, 367; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 177. See Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxx. 20, 422.

452 Mrs. Procter’s gravestone at New London is inscribed: “In memory of M^rs Lucretia widow of M^r John Procter M.A. who died Sept. 10^th 1770 in y^e 64^th year of her age” (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xi. 27, 28). If Procter ever received an academic degree, the name of the college or university conferring it has not been discovered. See Caulkins, History of New London, p. 318.

453 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xii. 21. See Publications of this Society, x. 257 note.

454 Records of the First Baptist Church, passim; Nathan B. Wood, History of the First Baptist Church of Boston, pp. 201, 204, 208, 209, 234.

455 In March, 1746, the Society met in their new meeting-house in Baldwin Place. It is now known as the Warren Avenue Baptist Church (ibid. p. 241). Concerning the schoolhouse, see Publications of this Society, x. 257 note.

456 I am indebted to our associate Mr. Julius H. Tuttle for this important item.

457 After Procter’s death, a dispute arose between his widow and executrix and the Baptist Church officials over his accounts with them. A commission appointed to adjust the dispute awarded in favor of the Church officials, 12 October, 1758 (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 11,430).

458 Suffolk Deeds, xlix. 141.

459 Ibid. xxii. 451.

460 Ibid, xxxiii. 235 (two instruments); xxxvii. 79, 80; xlii. 181.

461 As the parchment has, between the given name and surname of the signature, three slits for the insertion of a ribbon, a seal was probably pendant.

462 This entry and the next entry are on the face of the parchment.

463 The Boston Town Records preserve the dates of birth of the following named children of James Taylor which do not appear on the parchment: by wife Elizabeth, Elizabeth, 24 October, 1674; and by wife Rebecca, Abigail, 2 August, 1690; Ann, 13 November, 1692; Sarah, 19 May, 1695; William, 19 June, 1696; Mercy, 13 November, 1700, and Mary, 15 July, 1702 (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, ix. 134, 191, 202, 224, 228, xxiv. 5, 17). The daughter Mary, born of James Taylor’s first wife, Elizabeth, 25 January, 1675, had married William Payne, 11 October, 1694 (ibid. ix. 218) and died in childbed, 6 January, 1700–01, before the birth of Taylor’s youngest daughter of the same name by his second wife, Rebecca, 15 July, 1702 (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xiii. 410). Cf. Suffolk Deeds, xxxvii. 79, 80.

464 Argent; a chevron between three cross-crossleta sable within a bordure engrailed gules bezantée; impaling argent on a saltire azure a dragon’s (?) head, erased or.

465 Hartford, 1790; Boston, 1825–1826; Boston, 1853; New York, 1908 (Hosmer’s edition).

466 Journal (Hosmer’s edition), i. 32.

467 Smiles, John Harrison, Inventor of the Marine Chronometer, in Men of Invention, London, 1884.

468 Lady Arbella Johnson.

469 See pp. 101–113, above.

470 Terceira is one of the central group of the Azores, and is in about 27° 10′ west longitude.

471 In his journal of his voyage to New England, Francis Higginson says under date of June 1, 1629, “For coming now to the height of the Western Islands, some of our men fell sick of the scurvy, and others of the small pox,” etc. (Young’s Chronicles of Massachusetts, 1846, p. 226). Higginson sighted Cape Sable June 24 (ibid. p. 231). On his second voyage, Josselyn sighted Flores and Corvo June 25, 1663, but passed them without landing. (Two Voyages to New England, 1865, p. 32.)

472 See Edmund M. Blunt, American Coast Pilot, 1827, p. 564; E. & G. W. Blunt, Chart of the North Atlantic Ocean, New York, 1832; A Chart of the Banks of Newfoundland, 1775, in Jefferys’s American Atlas, 1778, No. 13; Alexander G. Findlay, Directory of the North Atlantic Ocean, London, 1895.

473 Winsor, Christopher Columbus, pp. 201–203; L. A. Bauer, United States Magnetic Declination Tables and Isogonic Charts for 1902, pp. 22–24, 24 note. Under date of May 25 Winthrop writes: “We went on with a handsome gale, and at noon were in forty three and a half; and the variation of the compass was a point and one-sixth.”

474 Barrow, Life of Lord Anson, 1839, p. 84.

475 Ibid. pp. 46–47; F. J. Britten, Old Clocks and Watches and their Makers, 1899, pp. 235, 236.

476 Williamson, History of Maine, 1832, i. 231 and note.

477 Savage believes this to have been the White Mountains (Winthrop’s Journal, 1853, i. 28).

478 It will be remembered that the promontory now known as Cape Ann was originally named Tragabigzanda by Captain John Smith, and that Smith also named three of the islands off that Cape the “three Turks heads” (Works, 1884, p. 204). I suggest the probability that Mt. Agamenticus temporarily acquired the name of the Three Turks’ Heads through some confusion in the description of, or reference to, the said three islands off Cape Ann.

Hubbard gives his version as to how the cape and three islands referred to ceased to be called by the above names respectively in characteristic language as follows:

As some merchants from the west of England had for a long time frequented the parts about Munhiggon, for the taking of fish, &c, so did others, especially those of Dorchester, make the like attempt upon the northern promontory of the Massachusetts Bay, in probability first discovered by Capt. Smith, before or in the year 1614, and by him named Tragabizanda, for the sake of a lady from whom he received much favor while he was a prisoner among the Turks; by whom also the three small islands at the head of the Cape were called the Three Turks’ Heads. But neither of them glorying in these Mahometan titles, the promontory willingly exchanged its name for that of Cape Anne, imposed, as is said, by Captain Mason, and which it retaineth to this day, in honor of our famous Queen Anne, then surviving, the royal consort of King James; and the three other islands are now known by other names (History of New England 1878, p. 105).

The story of “this Noble Gentlewoman,” as Smith called Charatza Tragabigzanda, and of the three Turks whom he overcame in single combat, is told by the redoubtable Captain in his True Travels, Adventures, and Observations, published in 1630 (Works, pp. 838–840, 853, 866). But Hubbard was mistaken in thinking that Capt. John Mason imposed the name of Ann upon the cape, as the change was made by Prince Charles (ibid. p. 232). It is worth noting that the same royal personage altered the name of Accominticus to Boston. But while the former change was accepted, the latter was rejected. Young gives the present names of the three islands as Straitsmouth Island, Thacher’s Island, and Milk Island (Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 22 note).

479 On the sketch a line across the Atlantic on the parallel of 43° 15′ is laid in illustration.

480 See Johnson, Wonder-working Providence, pp. 31, 34; Hubbard, History of New England, pp. 199, 200.

481 In his Annals of New England, published in 1755, Prince gives (p. 10) this “List of Ships which arriv’d in New-England this Year,” 1630:

No	Names	whence set sail England	whence set sail 1630	when arriv’d 1630	where arriv’d New-Engl.
1	Lyon	Bristol	Feb.	Maye.	Salem
2	Mary-John	Plymouth	March 20	May 30	Nantasket
3	Arbella		April 8	June 12
4	Jewell		Ditto	June 13
5	Ambrose		Ditto	June 18
6	Talbot		Ditto	July 2
7	May Flowr	S. Hampton	May		Charleston
8	Whale	ditto	Ditto		Charleston
9	Hopewell	ditto	Ditto		[Salem]
10	Wm & Fran.	ditto	Ditto		[Salem]
11	Tryal	ditto	Ditto
12	Charles	ditto	Ditto
13	Success	ditto	Ditto	July 6	[Salem]
14	Gift	Maye.	Aug. 20	Charlestown
15	Another	June
16	Handmaid	Aug. 6	Oct. 29	Plymouth
17	Another set out by a private Merchant

The Mayflower, Whale, Hopewell, William and Francis, Trial, Charles, and Success, are the ships which in the text are stated to have sailed in May.

482 In a letter to his wife written on board the Arbella at Cowes on March 28, 1630, Winthrop, referring to the four vessels which sailed from Yarmouth and the seven which sailed from Southampton, says: “We are, in all our eleven ships, about seven hundred persons, passengers.” He also states that the Mary and John carried about one hundred and forty persons, and the Lion about eighty (Life and Letters, 1864, p. 388). Young says that the Handmaid brought about sixty passengers (Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 310 note).

483 History of Plymouth Plantation (1908), pp. 106, 107.

484 Leviathan (1651), pt. i. ch. xiii. p. 63.

485 Ibid. pt. ii. ch. xviii. pp. 89, 90.

486 Leviathan, pt. ii. ch. xx. p. 102.

487 Ibid. pt. ii. ch. xxix. p. 169.

488 Observations upon Aristotles Politiques, touching Forms of Government (1652), Preface.

489 Ibid.

490 Observations, etc., Preface.

491 On November 29, 1769, Harvard College received from Thomas Hollis a volume containing six of Filmer’s pamphlets printed in 1680. On a fly-leaf Hollis has written the following:

As the Patriarcha gave occasion to two of the noblest works which were ever executed by men, the “Discourses of Government” by Algernon Sydney, and “Two Treatises of Government,” by John Locke; I have been willing to send all the Publications of Sir R. Filmer, to Harvard College, that so the whole of those Works by the curious may be compared.

Aug. 12. 69. T. H.
- Floreat Libertas!

492 The Social Compact (1842), p. 28.

493 Discourses on Government (1805), i. 453, 454.

494 Discourses on Government, ii. 20, 21.

495 Ibid. ii. 381.

496 Two Treatises, § 22, Works (1823), v. 351.

497 Ibid. § 90, v. 389, 390.

498 Ibid. § 95, v. 394.

499 Two Treatises, § 99, v. 396.

500 Early Records of the Town of Providence, i. 1.

501 Whittier, The Mayflowers.

502 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, lvi. 341–344.

503 The words “so long as his Master lives of said Term” are interlined.

504 Presumably he was the “[C?] ollister Baker” who was baptized on March 1, 1720 (Vital Records of Marlborough, p. 15).

505 The Philadelphia Hospital, the first in this country, was established in 1751. See Harrington, Harvard Medical School, i. 30, 31; Scharf and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, ii. 1584, 1588.

506 This was the class which President Stiles of Yale University called “the learned class.” Our associate, Mr. Franklin B. Dexter of the Yale University Library, in a letter to Mr. Henry H. Edes, writes that this phrase is pencilled in President Stiles’s copy of the Harvard Triennial of 1776, now preserved in the Yale Library, and that certain members of the class are marked as “docti” and “doctissimi.”

507 I am indebted to our associate Mr. Julius H. Tuttle, of the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, for suggesting this identification.

508 It is written on a small folio sheet of four pages, 15¾ by 6 inches. Pages 2 and 3 are blank.

509 History of Concord (1835), p. 45.

510 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. part i. 100, 101.

511 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. part i. 205. See also ibid. vol. iv. part i. 179, 186; Publications of this Society, iii. 417–425.

512 Substituted for “and.”

513 I am indebted to Mr. William Prescott Greenlaw, a descendant of the Rev. Peter Bulkeley, for deciphering this very obscure signature. Although not mentioned by Shattuck in his History of the town, Maj. Thomas Henchman, Hinchman, or Hincksmen, was among the early inhabitants of Concord who removed to Chelmsford, which was settled soon after the date of the Agreement in the text. He is also said to have been one of the “Wenham company” who under the leadership of the Rev. John Fiske, and as members of his church in Wenham, transplanted themselves to Chelmsford, where Allen says he “was for many years a leading character, and became a large land holder.” Savage says that Maj. Henchman died 18 July, 1703. See Colony Records, vol. iv. part i. 251, 261, 431, 432,441,460, vol. iv. partii. passim, and vol. v. passim; Province Laws, i. 93, 406; Wilkes Men, History of Chelmsford (1820), pp. 8, 16, 21, 27, 106, 122, 148, 149, 152, 154, 156–158, 162, 163, 166–170; Savage, Genealogical Dictionary of New England, ii. 403.

514 William Underwood also removed to Chelmsford, of which he was one of the first settlers, and a selectman in 1679. Other signers of this Agreement cast in their lot with the founders of Chelmsford.

515 Sketches of the Judicial History of Massachusetts, p. 304.

516 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, iii. 147.

517 Life of Thomas Hutchinson, chap. xii.

518 See G. E. Ellis, in Atlantic Monthly, liii. 662.

519 See Eighth Annual Report, pp. 14–15; Tenth Annual Report, pp. 19–20. A photograph of the field accompanies both Reports.

520 Andrew Oliver.

521 Stephen Greenleaf.

522 David Phips.

523 Of the Class of 1770.

524 College Book, vii. 216–220.

525 Of the Class of 1737.

526 The original is in Harvard College Papers, ii. no. 73.

527 This letter is printed in the Magazine of American History (1883), ix. 375.

528 Col. William Dalrymple.

529 On July 17, 1774, Omiah was presented to George III, who recommended his being inoculated; and on August 25, having recovered from the small-pox, he dined with the Royal Society. He was still in England in 1775. See the Gentleman’s Magazine, xliv. 330, 388, 441, xlv. 167, 169.

530 John Bowers came to Medfield with the Braintree and Weymouth people about 1652. His house lot was near the Great Bridge. His house was burned and he was killed by the Indians in their attack on Medfield February 21, 1676–76. See Tilden, History of Medfield, p. 320.

531 Henry Adams, son of Henry Adams of Braintree, came to Medfield, of which he was the first town clerk, with the Braintree and Weymouth people about 1652. He was killed by the Indians on February 21, 1675–76. Hannah Adams, the well-known writer, was descended in the fifth generation from Henry Adams of Medfield. For a sketch of him, see Tilden’s History of Medfield, p. 281.

532 Probably John Biscoe (1622–1690). See Bond’s Genealogies and History of Watertown, i. 43.

533 The words “might be caused to” are substituted for “would.”

534 Richard Norcross, a son of Jeremiah Norcross of Watertown, was born in England about 1621, was admitted a freeman in 1652 or 1653, and died in 1709. He is supposed to have been the first schoolmaster of Watertown, to which office he was chosen on January 6, 1650–51. See Bond’s Genealogies and History of Watertown, i. 376–377; Watertown Records, i. 21.

535 This document is in the hand of Thomas Danforth.

536 Thomas Danforth (1623–1699), Deputy-Governor of Massachusetts.

537 Capt. Hugh Mason of Watertown. He died October 10, 1678. See Bond’s Genealogies and History of Watertown, i. 356.

538 Deacon William Stitson, Stetson, or Stilson, of Charlestown. He died April 11, 1691. See Wyman’s Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, i. 902.

539 Medallic Portraits of Washington, No. 78, pp. 49, 52. See also, under date of April 20, 1778, S. Curwen’s Journal and Letters (1864), p. 204.

540 Publications, x. 258, xi. 195 note.

541 See Columbian Centinel, February 22, 1794, p. 3/2; February 26, p. 4/1; March 1, p. 3/2.

542 See pp. 174–181, above.

543 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation (1908), pp. 68–70.

544 Byington, Puritan in England and New England, p. 170.

545 Old Virginia and her Neighbours, ii. 29, 30.

546 Beginnings of New England, p. 127 note.

547 Ibid. p. 105.

548 Beginnings of New England, pp. 93–94.

549 Fiske, Old Virginia and her Neighbours, i. 177

550 Ibid. i. 186.

551 Drake’s History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 599.

552 History of American Literature, ii. 120, 121, 123.

553 See remarks of Mr. Charles Francis Adams in 3 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, ii. 154–170.

554 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 351.

555 Mirick, History of Haverhill, p. 139.

556 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 353.

557 Ibid. ii. 351 note.

558 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xv. 204.

559 The reason for giving these titles at such length is that no complete list of Mr. Checkley’s printed sermons has been made and that hitherto the writings of Mr. Checkley and those of his son, the Rev. Samuel Checkley, Jr., have been confused. Thus three sermons have been attributed to our Mr. Checkley which were really preached by his son, pastor of the Second (or North) Church, as is proved by the following title-pages:

The Character and Hope of the Righteous Consider’d, in a Sermon Preach’d the Lord’s-Day after the Funeral of Madam Lydia Hutchinson, the Virtuous Consort Of The Honourable Edward Hutchinson, Esq; Who departed this Life, July 10. 1748. Aged 61. By Samuel Checkley, A.M. Pastor of the second Church of Christ in Boston. Boston, 1748.

The Duty of God’s People when engaged in War. A Sermon Preached at the North-Church of Christ in Boston, Sept. 21. To Captain Thomas Stoddard, and his Company; On Occasion of their going against the Enemy. By Samuel Checkley, A.M. Pastor of said Church. Boston, 1755.

The Christian triumphing over Death through Christ. A Sermon Preached November 10. 1765. At the second Church of Christ, in Boston; Upon a mournful Occasion. Published with some Enlargements. By Samuel Checkley, jun’r. Pastor of said Church. Boston, 1765. The “mournful Occasion” was the death of “Mrs. Mary Gallop, Widow, aged 37 Years.”

560 The words in the text are those of the half-title, missing in some copies. There were three sermons, each separately paged, but with a continuous register. The titles are as follows:

Murder a great and crying Sin. A Sermon Preach’d on the Lord’s-Day March 4th. 1732–3. To a poor Prisoner Under Sentence of Death for that Crime.

Mercy with God for the chief of Sinners. A Sermon Preach’d on the Lord’s Day March 4th To a Prisoner Under Sentence of Death for Murder.

Sinners minded of a future Judgment. A Sermon Preached to, and at the Desire of, A Condemned Prisoner, March 18th. 1732–3. Being the Lord’s-Day before his Execution.

561 Pages 49–52.

562 Pages 33–36.

563 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, i. 134, ii. 353; Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 820; Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, vol. xxii. p. iv.

564 Publications of this Society, ix. 9.

565 History of Newton, p. 252.

566 Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 322 note; Hine, Early Lebanon, p. 153.

567 Allen, American Biographical and Historical Dictionary; Freeman, History of Cape Cod, i. 362, 566.

568 Mirick, History of Haverhill, p. 138.

569 J. S. Cushing, Cushing Genealogy, p. 34; J. Scales, Historical Memoranda of Dover, N. H.

570 Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 280 note.

571 H. Child, Gazetteer of Cheshire County, New Hampshire; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 208.

572 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ix. 340, 341.

573 See p. 214, above.

574 Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i. 385.

575 Paige, History of Cambridge, p. 572; Hudson, History of Lexington, pp. 53, 71, 84.

576 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xliv. 251.

577 F. Hatfield, History of Elizabeth, N. J., pp. 338, 367, 568, 572, 629.

578 History of New England, v. 7.

579 Memorial History of Boston, ii. 231. Dr. McKenzie’s account, it must be confessed, is somewhat confusing. He says:

The new life began to appear in 1734, under the powerful preaching of Jonathan Edwards, at Northampton. It spread to the surrounding towns. It aroused the interest of the Boston churches. Dr. Colman wrote to Dr. Edwards for an account of the work, which was given in a letter long afterward published in London. The Boston ministers kept their people interested, and circulated among them Dr. Edwards’s letter and several sermons which had been influential in the movement. The remarkable interest in the valley of the Connecticut was not of long continuance; partly, it would seem, because so many had quickly felt the new life, and had come under its control, or turned away from it. But Boston was yet to feel its power.

Edwards’s letter to Colman was dated November 6, 1736, and was printed in abstract in the Appendix to the Rev. William Williams’s Duty and Interest of a People, among whom Religion has been planted, to Continue Stedfast and Sincere in the Profession and Practice of it, published at Boston in 1736. The letter was printed in full in London in 1737 under the title of A Faithful Narrative of the Surprizing Work of God in the Conversion of Many Hundred Souls in Northampton, and the Neighbouring Towns and Villages of New-Hampshire in New-England. This was reprinted in Boston in 1738. The London editors speak of “the Neighbouring Towns and Villages of New-Hampshire in New-England.” This natural error was corrected by the Boston editors to “the Neighbouring Towns and Villages of the County of Hampshire, in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-England.”

At the time when Edwards started his movement, Whitefield was an undergraduate at Oxford. He first came to Georgia in 1738 and to Boston in 1740.

580 Suffolk Probate Files, no. 6672.

581 Ibid. no. 6677.

582 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, lv. 305, lxi. 303.

583 Ibid. xl. 59.

584 Publications, vi. 47.

585 This Anthony Stoddard—he married Martha Belcher, a sister of the Madam Oliver whose burial is recorded by Mr. Checkley—who was born in 1678, who graduated at Harvard College in 1697, and who died in 1748, should not be confused with his first cousin, the Rev. Anthony Stoddard, who was also born in 1678, who also graduated at Harvard in 1697, but who died in 1760. The grandfather of Mrs. Fitch was Simeon Stoddard, whose sister Lydia married Samuel Turell and became the mother of the Rev. Ebenezer Turell mentioned in the text. Hence Turell, who graduated at Harvard only six years before Fitch, and Anthony Stoddard, the father of Fitch’s wife, were first cousins.

586 See also p. 220, above.

587 Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, ii. 785–786; Thacher, American Medical Biography, ii. 13–16.

588 New England Weekly Journal of August 4.

589 Capt. Thomas Durrell. See Publications of this Society, viii. 244.

590 In these days such a death seems extraordinary. The following extract is taken from the Boston Evening Post of Monday, January 24, 1737:

Friday last one Richard Williams, a Chimney-Sweeper at the South End of the Town, was found in his Bed froze to Death, where in all probability he had lain since Tuesday Night, having never been seen by the Neighbours since that Time.

591 In the Weekly Journal of November 25, the name given is James Darling. This is correct. He was the son of George and Abigail (Reed) Darling. See Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, i. 276.

592 Diary, i. 102, 235, 368, 462.

593 S. Briggs, Essays, Humor and Poems of Nathaniel Ames, pp. 139, 440.

594 Dedham Historical Register, ii. 27.

595 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxiv. 61.

596 Palfrey, History of New England, v. 339; Snow, History of Boston (1825), p. 263.

597 John Boyle’s Journal, p. 87. For these extracts from this imprinted Journal, owned by a member of the Palfrey family, I am indebted to Professor George L. Kittredge.

598 Letters and Diary, p. 67.

599 I am indebted to Mr. Matthews for aid in the preparation of this paper.

600 Publications of this Society, viii. 90, 91, 92, 104.

601 Dialect Notes, i. 18, 217.

602 Journal of American Folk-Lore, v. 335.

603 Portsmouth Republican News, Monday, November 7, 1892.

604 Portsmouth Daily Evening Times, November 7, 1892.

605 Journals of the Rev. Thomas Smith and the Rev. Samuel Deane, pp. 329, 331.

606 Literary Diary, i. 182, 470.

607 Works, ii. 201.

608 History of Newbury, pp. 249–251.

609 Massachusetts Province Laws, iii. 647, 997, iv. 78, 617; v, 87, 459, 1122.

610 On the first page is written in ink:

Rev. Mr. Checkley of Boston appears to have been the author of the notices entered in this Almanac. M.A.S.

May 4, 1837.

The top of the volume has been trimmed, thereby cutting off a few entries. Where these are undecipherable, square brackets are used.

There are no entries on the following days: January 15, February 18, 19, March 6, 19, July 8, October 8, November 8, 24, 26, December 17, 18.

The word “fair,” and that only, is entered on the following days: February 26, March 25, May 7, June 10, 16, 21, July 3, 21, August 6, October 7.

The words “fair pleasant,” and those only, are entered on the following days: February 6, 7, 10, 27, March 22, 26, April 17, 18, May 5, 6, 14, 16, 26, 27, 28, June 25, 26, 27, July 19, 22, 24, 30, August 11, 15, 16, 18, 25, September 6, 12, 13, 15, 20, October 2, 10, 18, 22, November 5, 10, 22, 25.

The following days are labelled “hot,” “cold,” “cool,” “dry,” “moderate,” “seasonable,” “cloudy,” or in some such indefinite way: January 6, 7, 10, 24, 25, March 8, 10, 11, 12, April 9, 11, 21, 30, May 1, 9, 10, 21, 31, June 5, 7, 13, July 17, August 21, 23, 30, September 4, 18, 23, 29, 30, October 17, November 3, 4, 11, 29, December 6, 11, 13, 23.

611 See p. 272, above.

612 See p. 281, above.

613 See p. 281, above.

614 See p. 281, above.

615 See p. 281, above.

616 See p. 275, above.

617 What follows is written on the other side of the leaf.

618 This name is uncertain. It might be “M^cLong” or “M^cLorey.” On May 2, 1734, Mr. Checkley married “Thomas McLory & Isabella Hood” (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxviii. 186).

619 See p. 283, above.

620 See p. 281, above.

621 See p. 283, above.

622 See p. 281, above.

623 See p. 279, above.

624 See p. 282, above.

625 See p. 276, above.

626 See p. 276, above.

627 See p. 282, above.

628 See p. 276, above.

629 See p. 282, above.

630 What follows is written on the other side of the leaf.

631 See p. 276, above.

632 What follows is written on the other side of the leaf.

633 See p. 276, above.

634 See p. 277, above.

635 See p. 284, above.

636 See p. 282, above.

637 See p. 277, above.

638 What follows is written on another leaf in the middle of the book.

639 See p. 285, above.

640 See p. 277, above.

641 What follows is written on the other side of the leaf.

642 Perhaps this name is “Burch’s.”

643 See p. 283, above.

644 See p. 279, above

645 see p. 279, above.

646 See pp. 284, 287, above.

647 This entry is on the other side of the leaf, and of course was not made until about a fortnight later.

648 See pp. 288–295, above.

649 See p. 278, above.

650 See p. 283, above.

651 See p. 277, above.

652 This refers to the entry under date of November 5. See p. 288, above.

653 See p. 278, above.

654 This entry is somewhat uncertain.

655 See p. 283, above.

656 See p. 278, above.

657 See Publications of this Society, vi. 288.

658 History of the Harvard Medical School, i. 111.

659 College Book, viii. 185 ff.

660 Overseers’ Records, iii. 300 ff.

661 College Book, viii. 264.

662 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 177 ff.

663 History of the Harvard Medical School, i. 112 ff.

664 College Book, viii. 387.

665 Overseers’ Records, iv. 192.

666 College Book, viii. 480.

667 July 15, 1801, College Book, viii. 484; Overseers’ Records, iv. 335.

668 August 25, 1802, College Book, viii. 500; Overseers’ Records, iv. 361.

669 August 30, 1809, College Book, ix. 152

670 August 29, 1810, College Book, ix. 179.

671 So spelled here and in all Triennials until that of 1830, when the spelling “Clapp” appears thirteen years after the man’s death.

672 Harvard College Papers, vi. 61.

673 That is, Benjamin Shurtleff.

674 College Records, x. 48. The Overseers’ Records (v. 360) give no lists.

675 Prophesying is dangerous. While these pages were going through the press, Charles W. Eliot received from Harvard the honorary degree of M. D.!

676 College Book, viii. ISO; Overseers’ Records, iii. 300.

677 This is the spelling of the name in the records of the First Church, but the more usual form is Hibbins or Hibbens.

678 February, 1907, Publications, xi. 196–207.

679 So called in the Proprietors’ Records, Boston Athenæum, March 18, 1826.

680 So called in the Proprietors’ Records, Boston Athenæum, January 1, 1827.

681 Memoirs of Rev. Joseph Buckminster (1849), pp. 188, 207.

682 William Emerson, Nathan Frazier, James Jackson, John S. Popkin, Josiah Quincy, Timothy Williams, John Quincy Adams, John Lowell, and later John C. Warren, John C. Howard. (Life of J. C. Warren, i. 72; MS Records of the Society, p. 11.) The records of this society were presented to the Boston Athenæum in 1909 by the present Dr. John Collins Warren.

683 Catalogue / of / Books / in the / Boston Medical / Library, / and the / Rules and Regulations / concerning the same. / Also, / a Statement of the Trustees / to the Proprietors. / Boston. / Printed by Thomas Fleet, No. 5, Cornhill, 1808. Title, 1 leaf; Catalogue, pp. 3–10; Rules and Statement of the Trustees, pp. 11–16.

684 See E. J. Forster’s article in Professional and Industrial History of Suffolk County, iii. 220. The present Boston Medical Library was incorporated in 1877, after several meetings dating from 1875.

A copy of the catalogue of a so-called Second Social Library has been preserved, and it shows that this library was in 1808 wholly general in character. This copy, owned by Dr. Ayer, has many titles added in manuscript, suggesting that the library had a considerable call for books. The title-page reads:

A / Catalogue of Books, / in the / Second Social Library / in the / Town of Boston. / Instituted January, 1805. / Incorporated 1806. / Boston: / Printed at the Emerald Printing office, / No. 5, Court Street. / 1808. / E. G. House, Printer, /pp. 12.

This copy belonged to the Rev. William Emerson and bears his autograph signature on the title-page.

The Boston Public Library has a second edition, which was John H. Gould’s copy with a supplement covering twelve additional pages, entitled:

Supplementary Catalogue of Books, added to the Second Social Library, from January, 1809, to May, 1811. pp. 12.

685 The names read: Theoph: Parsons, Chas Jackson, Charles Paine, Rd Sullivan, Warren Button, Wm Stackpole, Jr., James Allen, Jr., Israel Munroe, Wm. H. Sumner, Thomas Williams of Roxbury, Peter Thacher, Cha Davis, John Heard, Jur., Samuel D. Parker, Ira: D. Channing, Edward Gray, Joseph Hall, Jno Lowell, Geo: Blake, Danl Davis, Eben Gay, John Phillips, R. G. Amory, Josiah Quincy, Robert T. Paine, Jr., Jos. Rowe, Thos. O. Selfridge, C. Gore, Geo. Sullivan.

686 Preface to Catalogue of 1849.

687 Preface to Catalogue of 1865.

688 Quincy, History of the Boston Athenseum, p. 94.

689 View in Ellis’s History of the First Church in Boston, facing p. 172.

690 Ibid. View facing p. 237.

691 W. Emerson, History of the First Church, p. 168.

692 The catalogue bears the title:

Catalogue of Books, / in the / Theological Library, / in the / Town of Boston. / March 1, 1808. / Snelling and Simons, Printers, / Devonshire-Street. . . . Boston. /1808. Title, 1 leaf; Rules and Regulations, Subscribers, and Government for 1807–8, pp. 3–6; Catalogue of Books in the Theological Library, including those Deposited by the Corporation of “King’s Chapel,” in Boston, pp. 7–33.

693 Greenwood, History of King’s Chapel, p. 162.

694 The General Theological Library was organized April 20, 1860, with the Rev. Charles Burroughs as president and J. Sullivan Warren as secretary. In 1862, with the Rev. Luther Farnham as secretary, the Library began its work, having quarters at different times on Tremont, West, Somerset, and now on Mount Vernon Streets. It is open to members, clergymen, and visiting strangers.

695 The Boston Public Library has a catalogue of books in “the Columbian Social Library, instituted January, 1813,” and of “Social Library No. 1, March, 1823.” The title-page of the latter reads:

Catalogue of Books / in / Social Library, / N^o 1. / March, 1823. / Boston: / Printed for the Proprietors. / pp. 36. 4 books at once. $10 a share.

696 Shaw’s Description of Boston, p. 278.

697 See Life of John C. Warren, i. 79. Members were Col. George Gibbs, President Holley, Dr. James Jackson, the Rev. Joseph S. Buckminster, Benjamin Vaughan, and Francis C. Gray.

698 Including some on International Law.

699 The writer.

700 See Howe v. Morse, 174 Massachusetts Reports, 491 (1899).

701 These included our associate, Major Henry L. Higginson, nephew of Colonel Lee, who narrated the incident to me.

702 A.B. Harvard, 1864; A.M. Harvard, 1870; LL.B. 1886.

703 The firm of Balch & Rackemann was formed in October, 1886, and consisted of Mr. Balch, the writer, and Felix Rackemann.

704 In his Memorial to Mr. Tillinghast, Mr. George H. Martin says:

In 1849, in order to give the Board and its Secretary an office, an act of the legislature made the Secretary of the Board of Education State Librarian with the power to appoint an assistant librarian and clerk, and the business of the Board was installed in one of the rooms of the Library.

This relation between the Board and the Library continued under sanction of law until 1893, when provision was made by statute for the appointment of the Librarian by the Governor.

705 Harvard College Papers, viii. 89.

706 Life and Letters of George Bancroft, i. 33.

707 Life and Letters of George Bancroft, i. 42.

708 Life and Letters (1909), i. 79.

709 The name Virginia, as is of course well known, was, when given by Queen Elizabeth at the time she knighted Ralegh (January 6, 1584–85), applied to an indefinite tract of territory north of Florida. The name Massachusetts occurs in Capt. John Smith’s Description of New England, published in 1616. The name Connecticut (under the form Quonehtacut) is found in Winthrop’s Journal under date of April 4, 1631. The Connecticut River was named the Fresh River by the Dutch, and continued to be so called by them long after the adoption by the English of the name Connecticut.

710 Documentary History of the State of Maine, vii. 223, 224. In the Century Cyclopedia of Names is this: “Maine. [In the charter granted by Charles I. in 1639 named ‘The Province or Countie of Mayne,’ because regarded as a part of ‘the Mayne Lande of New England.’]” This reason, it is perhaps unnecessary to point out, is not found in the charter itself.

711 History of Maine, p. 122.

712 Ibid. p. 307.

713 American Annals, i. 311 note.

714 History of Saco and Biddeford, p. 53.

715 History of the State of Maine, i. 277. Early in 1635 the Council of the Plymouth Company decided to return its charter into the hands of the King; but before doing so, an agreement was made on February 3, 1634–35, for the several divisions of the seacoasts of New England. In this division no name is given to that portion which became Gorges’s, but he soon (in 1636) called it New Somerset or New Somersetshire. For the history of the name of Somerset as employed in Maine, see Publications of this Society, vi. 61–70.

716 Folsom is not the only one who has fallen into error in calling Gorges “Lord Palatine.” Gov. Chamberlain did the same (Maine: her Place in History, p. 54), and also a writer in London Notes and Queries, Ninth Series, xii. 23. Such a title, however, was not used by Gorges himself. See Publications of this Society, viii. 206–207.

717 Collections of the Maine Historical Society, ii. 58. Folsom adds: “The biography of this queen recently published by Miss Strickland, is a work of intense interest and apparently drawn from original and authentic sources.” This allusion would seem to indicate that Folsom, who in 1830 (as quoted in the text) had held that Henrietta Maria was “connected by title or estate with the province of Meyne in France,” changed his opinion as a result of something said by Miss Strickland; but in her sketch of Henrietta Maria (Lives of the Queens of England, 1845, viii. 1–266) she apparently does not mention the French province of Maine.

718 Collections of the Maine Historical Society, iii. 31 note.

719 History of New England, i. 525 note.

720 History of the United States, i. 337 note.

721 Maine: her Place in History (1877), p. 54 note.

722 Collections of the Maine Historical Society, vol. v. p. xxi.

723 American Historical Record, i. 211.

724 History of Maine, p. 107.

725 Brief History of Maine (second edition), p. 42.

726 Rural Hours, pp. 479, 483.

727 See p. 367, above.

728 See p. 368, above.

729 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 124.

730 Gov. Chamberlain makes a curious slip. In one place he speaks of the grant of August 10, 1622, “which the indenture itself states ‘they intend to call the Province of Maine,’” yet a little later declares that in the charter of April 3, 1639, the territory “was now for the first time, and by charter, named the Province of Maine” (Maine: her Place in History, pp. 44, 54).

731 Documentary History of the State of Maine, vii. 66, 67, 68.

732 The word “charter” as here used includes charters, grants, and patents, as it is impossible to distinguish between the terms.

733 In J. A. Poor’s Vindication of the Claims of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, pp. 121–123.

734 Documentary History of the State of Maine, vii. 102.

735 History of New Hampshire, i. 8.

736 S. F. Haven, History of Grants under the Great Council for New England, in Early History of Massachusetts (1867), p. 150. Charles Deane called attention to Belknap’s mistake in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for April 24, 1867, p. 56 note, and ibid, for October 21, 1868, p. 34.

737 History of Maine, pp. 267–269. Yet Sullivan himself seems to have been hopelessly confused. Cf. pp. 111, 119, 304.

738 History of the State of Maine, i. 225.

739 Collections of the Maine Historical Society, ii. 52.

740 Ibid. in. 30.

741 History of New England, i. 205.

742 History of the United States (1876), i. 257; ibid. (1883), i. 217.

743 Brief History of Maine, p. 34.

744 Boston Transcript, June 8, 1872, p. 6/4. When this letter was reprinted in. the New England Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1875, xxix. 243–244, it was preceded by an editorial note stating: “We learn that Mr. Tuttle is preparing a full account of the origin of the name of Maine.” So far as I am aware, that account was never written.

745 H. Ellis’s Original Letters, Second Series (1827), iii. 226–228.

746 Mr. Baxter says that “Charles, accompanied by the dissolute Buckingham, had seen and wooed the princess Maria, but, returning through France incognito, had stopped in Paris, and at a ball there had seen the French princess Henrietta” (Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Prince Society, i. 133). It was, however, on their journey to Madrid that the two travelled incognito. Charles left the Escorial September 2, 1623, sailed from Santander September 18, and landed at Portsmouth October 5. (Gardiner, Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage, ii. 409, 413, 421.) In a letter dated Paris, February 22, 1622–23, Charles himself gave this description:

Since the closing of our last we have beene at Court againe, (and that we might not houd you in paine, we assure you that we have not been knowen,) where we saw the young Queene, littell Monsieur, and Madame, at the practising of a Maske that is intended by the Queene to be presented to the Kinge, and in it ther danced the Queene and Madame with as manie as made up nineteen faire dancing Ladies, amongst which the Queene is the handsomest, which hath wrought in me a greater desier to see her sister. (In H. Ellis’s Original Letters, 1824, iii. 121–122.)

The wife of Louis XIII was Anne, sister of the Infanta Maria; “littell Monsieur” was Gaston, Duke of Orleans; “Madame” was the Princess Henrietta Maria. Henrietta Maria’s sister Elizabeth married Philip IV of Spain. After the breaking off of the English marriage, the Infanta Maria married the Emperor Ferdinand III.

747 In an account of an interview with Lady Carew, dated September 19, 1618, Sir Thomas Wilson said, referring to Queen Anne of England, that “Her Majesty said she would rather have the match with Mdme. Chretienne than the Spanish lady with all her gold” (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1611–1618, p. 573).

748 See the notices (by S. R. Gardiner) of Charles, Digby, Hay, and Henrietta Maria, and that of Rich (by C. H. Firth) in the Dictionary of National Biography; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1611–1618, 1619–1623, 1623–1625.

749 In his text (see p. 368, above) Williamson spoke of “the provincial name of Maine, though one by which this section of the country was at that time frequently called,” etc. This statement is somewhat misleading. The word “main” was applied to the mainland along the coast, but it was not applied to the territory as such. Previous to the charter of April 1, 1639, the country was once and once only called “Maine”—namely, in the grant of August 10, 1622. Thus before 1639 a man at Boston or Plymouth would never have said that he was going “to Maine,” meaning the present State of Maine. He might have said that he was “going to the main;” but that would have left the exact locality in doubt. See also note 3, below.

750 History of New England, i. 525 note.

751 In speaking of Maine’s “own unique geographical features,” Tuttle was using exaggerated language. Maine is not the only State in the Union that has islands along its coast, though it has more than any other. The word “main” was applied in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to the mainland along the entire Atlantic coast, from the Carolinas to Greenland. See also note 1, above.

752 Boston Transcript, June 8, 1872, p. 6/4; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxix. 244.

753 History of the United States, i. 337 note.

754 Maine: her Place in History, p. 54 note.

755 Narrative and Critical History of America, iii. 363 note.

756 The lack of certainty on the part of historians is doubtless due to the fact that this point has never received adequate treatment. Writers have asserted that the word “main” was frequently used for mainland, but have failed to furnish proof. “The name of ‘Province of Maine,’” says Miss Mary F. Farnham, “is first used in the grant to Gorges and Mason, 1622; its origin is not difficult to trace in the frequent use of maine as applied to ‘maine land,’ and ‘along the main’” (Documentary History of the State of Maine, vol. vii. p. xxi). And again, referring to the charter of April 3, 1639, she says: “The name ‘Province of Maine’ is repeated from the grant of 1622. By reference to the early charters it is easy to arrive at a correct idea of the origin of the name, which has survived all the changes of colonial rule, and is perpetuated in the phrase ‘state of Maine’” (ibid. vii. 222). It is obvious that nothing later than August 10, 1622, is of value. Now the word “main,” in the sense of mainland, occurs only three times previous to that date in the documents printed by Miss Farnham,—namely, on March 3, 1619–20, November 3, 1620, and July 24, 1622. These extracts are quoted in the text, p. 379, below. Hence it is necessary to go to other documents than those given by Miss Farnham. Williamson (History of the State of Maine, i. 277 note), quotes three extracts, one from Smith’s Generall Historie of Virginia, published in 1624, one from a document dated 1635, and one from a work written about 1680. These are of course too late. Palfrey (History of New England, i. 525 note) repeats two of Williamson’s citations. In the present paper, for the first time so far as I am aware, full evidence on this point is given.

757 “The poet found out, one day,” writes W. J. Rolfe in the Nation of October 22, 1908, “that the Spanish Main was the mainland bordering on what he—like nine people out of ten—had supposed to be the sea called by that name” (lxxxvii. 383). Dr. Rolfe, however, does not indicate when the discovery was made. The reading is “Had sailed the Spanish Main” in Longfellow’s Poems, 1842, ii. 43, and in his Poems, 1866, i. 95. In the Poetical Works, 1872, p. 40, the reading is “Had sailed to the Spanish Main.” Hence the change was made in 1872 or between 1866 and 1872.

758 Purchas his Pilgrimes (1906), xviii. 306, 307, 309.

759 Purchas his Pilgrimes (1906), xviii. 315.

760 Ibid, xviii. 323, 324.

761 Ibid, xviii. 338.

762 Description of New England, Works (1884), p. 190.

763 Purchas his Pilgrimes, xix. 132, 133.

764 Documentary History of the State of Maine, vii. 17.

765 Ibid. vii. 33.

766 Sir George Calvert, later first Baron Baltimore.

767 Documentary History of the State of Maine, vii. 61–62. In a letter written to Mason on March 18, 1631, Gorges said:

As for the ꝑtie yon write of that hath lived w^th the Dutch soe longe time I wishe yo^u would not omitt to keepe him on reasonable condic̄ns untill my comeing vpp [to London], in the meane while that you will informe your selfe of the strength they haue where they Hue, how fortified, & ꝑuided for, how farr vpp, into the Maine they bee, What other Commodity they finde besides their Trade of furrs, what Cattle, what Horses, and what carriages they make vse of w^th what people they hold Coraspondancy w^thall, and what Enemyes they haue, and in what parts of the Country ther Enemyes, or freinds are (Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Prince Society, iii. 254).

In the index to that volume “the Maine,” which of course means mainland, is entered under “Maine,” as if it referred to the Province of Maine.

768 Capt. John Mason (Prince Society), p. 174.

769 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine (Prince Society), i. 124 ote.

770 Boston Transcript, June 8, 1872, p. 6/4; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxix. 244.

771 This is an allusion to the grant to Sir Robert Heath on October 30, 1629, of Carolana (or Carolina). No settlements were made under it.

772 Juan de Mariana (1536–1623).

773 Scharf gives as his authorities manuscripts in the British Museum.

774 History of Maryland, i. 51–52.

775 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1623–1625, p. 387; ibid. 1625–1626, p. 16.

776 Lives of the Queens of England, viii. 33.

777 Capt. John Mason (Prince Society), p. 14.

778 A facsimile of the title-page of this almanac is given in the Church Catalogue, iii. 1113.

779 See pp. 270–306, above.

780 Between 1725 and 1776 inclusive there are in addition to the specimens in the text almanacs for the several years named giving longitudes as follows: 1725, 4 h. 44 min.; 1726, 4 h. 44 min.; 1728, 70° or 4 h. 44 min.; 1729, 72°, in another 289°; 1730, also 1731, 4 h. 44 min.; 1732, 289°; 1733, 4 h. 25 min.; 1737, about 71°; 1738, 71°; 1740, 69°; 1743, 69° 27′; 1744, 69° 15′; 1750, about 4 h. 40 min.; 1751, 4 h. 45 min.; 1753, 69°.

In the New England Almanack, or Lady’s and Gentlemen’s Diary for 1769, by Benjamin West, the meridian is 4 h. 40 min. west from the Royal Observatory at Greenwich. This language tends to indicate that the maker had knowledge of the British Nautical Almanac first published in 1766, as stated in the text. From 1725 to 1776 the almanacs stating the longitude to be that of Boston without addition appear to be in a large majority.

781 Account of Two Voyages to New England made during the Years 1638, 1663, Boston (1865), p. 124.

782 Ibid. p. 157.

783 The Massachusetts Town Boundary Survey makes the State House to be in longitude 71° 03′ 51.040″ (Atlas, Boston and Brookline, 1902).

784 I take the longitude of St. Michael’s from the map of that island in Walter Frederick Walker’s The Azores, London, 1886, opposite p. 46.

785 Voyages and Works of John Davis, the Navigator, Hakluyt Society, London, p. 284.

786 Personal Narrative of the First Voyage of Columbus to America, translated by Samuel Kettell, Boston (1827), pp. 18–19.

787 Schott, Secular Variation in the Position of the Agonic Line of the North Atlantic and of America between the Epochs 1500 and 1900 A. D., in Bulletin No. 6, United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, June 7, 1888, p. 29 (being the first page of Bulletin) and footnotes.

788 Frontispiece to The Azores.

789 Schott, Bulletin No. 6, ubi supra, p. 29. See also Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, iii. 41. On p. 40 of the last named volume a facsimile is given of Michael Locke’s or Lok’s map of 1582, whereon the meridian of 350° passes through the Azores, and the meridian of 360° passes between the Azores and the Madeiras.

790 A Discourse of the Variation of the Compass by William Borough was published as an addition to Robert Norman’s The New Attractive in 1581.

791 St. Mary’s, a smaller island than St. Michael’s, lies about forty miles south from it, in the eastern group of the Azores.

792 Facsimile, New York, 1907.

793 By Andrew Wakely, Corrected and Enlarged by James Atkinson, London, 1716.

794 The first edition was published in 1652.

795 In this connection I quote from Bauer’s United States Magnetic Tables, etc., pp. 27, 28. The author, after stating that the purpose of Table I on p. 28 represents an attempt to collect the values of the magnetic declination up to the year 1600, inclusive, etc., goes on to say:

The values obtained with sea compasses require careful scrutiny, as these compasses were frequently shifted to allow for the supposed variation or “error” of the needle. Thus, Robert Norman, instrument maker, in 1581, says: “Of the common Sayling Compasses, I find heere (in Europa) five sundry sortes or sets”—according to the amount of correction allowed for by different makers. Thus, “by the Isle of Saint Michaell in the Acorres,” he found “that the North poynt of the common compass, showeth the Pole very neere in that Meridian, but the bare Needle sheweth about 4 Degrees 50 Minutes to the Eastwards of the Pole.”

It was not until the close of the sixteenth century that the “variation from the true north” came to be generally accepted as an and not one to be accredited to the imperfection of the construction of the compass.

796 Schott, United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, Bulletin No. 5, The Value of the Arcano del Mare with reference to our knowledge of the Magnetic Declination in the earlier part of the seventeenth century, June 7, 1888, p. 26. Schott, United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, Appendix No. 7, Report for 1888, Secular Variation of the Magnetic Declination in the United States and at some foreign stations, seventh edition, June, 1889, p. 182.

797 Vol. i. chaps, viii, x.

798 See my paper on Winthrop’s Course across the Atlantic, p. 192, above.

799 See p. 198 and note 1, above.

800 See pp. 194–195, above.

801 The great salt and the loving-cups are described and portrayed in the Curio for 1887 (New York, 1888), i. 20–22, and the loving-cups in the Catalogue of American Silver exhibited at the Museum of Fine Arts in 1906 (Boston, 1906), nos. 37, 64, pp. 45, 51, plates I, II, IV, V, VII. See also Publications of the Cambridge Historical Society, iii. 15.

802 This address was written by President Lefavour and was engrossed on parchment, measuring 17 by 22 inches, by Mr. Frank Williamson Martin. It is illuminated in red and gold. The seal of the Society is pendant on a scarlet grosgrain ribbon.