Chapter 9 Of Water

WATER is defin’d (by the Antients) an Element most cold, and humid, (or Moist) Air (by them) was Said to be most Humid, and yet (say they) water [humoctates] ([or] moistens) more than Air because of its more crass parts whereby it better adheres to the thing to be moistened. Its natural motion is downwards. Its place between the lower surface of the Air, and the Upper of the Earth, which it would all naturally cover, but that for the Use of Animals which need Air for their lives, the Earth in some places is made permanent; as Sustayned by Rocks, and So Emergent into the Air; and the water in other places is reduced into hollows, and Channels fitted to receive it.

N.B. Hence Seams to be a confusion of Humidity, and fluidity which indeed are distinct Qualityes; or at least a Humid is a fluid with an addition of adhering clammy parts, and then we may say Air is most fluid and water most humid, but that will not admit humid to be a first Quality nor will Aristotles combination of the 4 first Qualities Clinck well in finding out the true number of Elements, we may therefore conceive water to be moist, and cold, and leave Air to be most fluid.

But leaving these conjectures of the antients we shall count the attributes of water primary 3. Quantity, Fluidity, and Gravity; and other Secondaryes that arise from them.1

1. Quantity or Extension of Water is either Superficial or bulcke.

1. Superficial which is Especially taken notice of in the Sea; the Proportion of which to dry land is observed by Geographers, and the measure is taken of it by Mariners with a Logline [and] a Minute Glass, (the Logline is a small Whipe cord of divers fathoms long haveing at each fathoms end a knot, and [small] bitt of Cloath or rag of Several collours; one End is fastened to a peice of board, 18 Inches long, and 6 broad; the other end with all the length is round a rundle that runs round a Spill:) Now the Wood or Log being Cast out at Stern is Supposed to keep its place in the water whille the Shipe passing on draws of[f] the line from the rundle; How much goes off whille the Minute Glass runs is observed; this multiplied gives the Number of fathoms in an hour or watch (which is 4 hours) when they Usually heave the log (as they Express it) that is repeat the trials of what course they run; by this with the observation of Lon-[25]gitudes, and Latitudes they discribe the surface or compass of the Sea upon their sea Carts plats, maps, and Globes, as we have it

2. Bulkie as the 3 dimensions; this is Judged of by the Dimensions of the contayners, which we call fluid measures, as a Pint, Quart, [etc:] or by the Weight [of the bodies] contayned in the measures So a Pint is one [lb], a Quart 2 [lb], etc.; or Dimension and weight Compared; So a cubical foot of fresh Water is = to 72 [lb:] Salt watter = [lb:] 73½. to Know the Quantity of stagnant or Pool-Water is therefore easy Enough; but the Quantity of running water is to be measured by Velocity instead of length in a determinate, and known breadth, and depth: this done by an Instrument cal’d a Regulator (that is a long trough shuch as are at overshot mills,) and a Pendulum of 3 foot 7 Inches (or 43 Inches) which Vibrates a true 2d of time (that is a ¹/₆₀ of a minute) Now if you put water to run through the regulator (which shews the breadth, and depth) and put a Chip or Cork to float on the water, and at the Same time move your pendulum, you thereby get the length in so many 2ds of time: If you then also receive the water [at] the falling Vessels either the Whole Stream, or any [one] part of the Stream Equally divided into what number of parts you please (say 3 [as] in the Diagram whereof one is saved in the Vessel) now by the measure of these receiving Vessels, in such a time (say [10] 2ds) compared with the breadth, and depth of water in the regulator it is easy to compute what [quantity of] water passeth in a minute, hour, Day etc: In such a regulator so far fill’d, and in such a declivity. By this also you may Judge of the Quantity that passes in a large river by comparing the Dimensions of this Small Regulator to those Dimensions of a Greater set up in a River like one or more door frames through which all the Water [of] the river must pass. Now the Velocityes of Each of those frames being taken by the Pendulum and the same Velocityes being examined by the small regulator you may Easily by Computation know what is in the whole river by the proportion it bears to what is in the little regulator. If the bottome of the river be uneven and the Velocities of the sides, and middle be different; yet the computation willnot be much more difficult. This will be of great Use in all manner of Aqueducts; for hereby you will know what Quantity of water every Channel with every degre of Declivity (and velocity by consequence) will carry.

Surface by Logg and minute glass is known

Bulck by a trough, [and] pendulum is shown.

2. Fluidness or aptness to spread, and insinuate itself among the smaller parts of another body apt to receive it. Now many bodyes are not apt to receive it, but do oppose it. And about this disinclination various arts are Exercised, partly to make advantage of it, partly to Subdue it. The Bodyes that refuse a Mixture with water are all fatty Substances, as Tallow, Oyle, Grease, etc:; and all Cerasious, and Recinous bodyes; as bees-wax, Pitch, Tar, etc: the advantage made of their keeping out water is their being applyed to Ships and boates in their hulls, and Tackles; also Oyling, Waxing, [and] Liquoring of leather; as in boots, Shoes, etc: The Subduing of this reluctance (that by water these, and the like things may be servisable to us) is gotten by divers usefull arts which have been found out whereby these things so averse to water in themselves may yet by Somthing of a middle nature become Sociable therewith: This Middle thing is Salt which is a mean between Earth, and water partaking Somthing of the nature of both. The Earthy parts of it will mingle with Earth, as being congeniall with it; and the Watry parts of it will disolve in water, and So associate themselves thereto and yet are not those Earthy, and Watry parts So seperated but Still they have an aptitude, and Inclination to conjoyn and [so] fasten all togather this is the Ground of many domestick opperations; as making Soape, Washing, Brewing, Baking, etc [26]

1. Making Soape wherein Water and Oyle, or Tallow concorporate by the help of Potashes, and the Salt of lime. Potashes is an Alcaly or salt of Vegitables made of the Lee of Wood-ashes and has in it a Good Quantity of Sulphur, or fatty Substance; therefore care is taken in the making thereof that the Infused brushwood when it is to be burnt do not flame least the Sulphur be consumed, and hence it is that it smeals like Gunpowder in which we know Sulphur has a considerable interest; The Salt of lime gives fixation to the potash which otherwise would be too Volatile for this purpose when the vehement heat of fire should come thereto.

2. Washing is a Using this Soape as a mean whereby water can mingle with the Greasy foulness of cloaths; and then by its weight falls of[f] and carryes the greasy filth with it. Yea Some Sharp Salts free from Sulphurious parts do peirce and work upon Gums, and Resinous bodyes; as Sharp Viniger Juice of Limons, and Spirits of Vitriall; and some Earthy parts, (as [in] fullers earth) do mingle with clammy bodyes, and get them off. But all these opperations do need agitation by fire handy labour or both togather. Firey particles do enter and open bodyes and So give passage for water to follow them. Beating [or] rubing also do thrust in parts of water by Violence therefore both are commonly Used in Washing.

3. Brewing proceeds on the same Ground for the fire opens or melts the oyle of Malt, and mingles the body of water with it. Then the bitter and stippicall salt, and Sulphur of Hops binds them both togather till there begins a Quarrel between the Grosser and unapt parts of Sulphur, and the water with which they cannot mix, and then in the fermentation they are cast of[f] in the barm.

In Ale the forementioned fermentation is Sooner, because there only the heat of the water hath attempted their Union which is not So firm as by the Stiptick hops In the mean while the tenuious, and more Volatile parts do remain concorporated with the Water, being fine enough continually to permeate all its pores, and the Vessel being well stoped Suffers them not to Evaporate and fly away: Therfore they continue their motion Every way in the body of the Liquor this is cal’d the life and Spirit of the beer. But if in the perpetuall Agitation they meat with any Groser parts not before cast off; some of them [they] attenuate [and joyn] to their own bodyes; others (that are inseperable) they precipitate to the bottome where they attain the name of Grounds.

N.B. Tis therefore profitable not to take off too much of the barm, nor to Suffer it too long to work that way.

4. Elixation or boylling of meat is of the same nature for the Water helped by the fire gets in among the parts rarifying some, and Seperating others which are of insuperable [crudity].

5. Making of bread where[in] water by stirring and kneading gets in among the flower, and causes them to adhere, (not by Clamyness communicated; for that the Water has not; but) by filling all Cavyties, and So rendring the parts polite one to another whereby they stick togather as polished [marbles do]; hereby the Volatile parts or Spirits of the flower are retayned even when they are put into motion by the heat of the Oven; they therefore rayes and swell the Mass, and the parts of water rarifyed do mingle with these Spirits, and help to fill the caverns which the raysing hath made, and their Embod[y]ing with the bread do render it more apt for our nourishment, and thus for its fluidness.

Water ’mongst other parts itself doth spread,

Hence fit for washing, Making Soape, beer, bread

[3.] Gravity of water is whereby it hath a tendency downward and gives a pressure to what is under it; this is either absolute, or comparitive.

1. Absolute; and so one Pint is [ac]counted [lb:] 1. a Quart [lb:] 2. A Gallon [lb:] 8. a Cubical square foot of fresh Water [lb:] 62; of Salt[water] 63½ a tun of fresh water 20 C: Lees or Lixiviums exceed water according to the solution of Salt in them, because salts are hea[v]yer than water; from this (and Fluidity as a notable secondary affection) arises the motion which is every way one way or reciprocal.

1. Every way call’d flowing, when any parts of water are raised higher than any thing besides it that should contayn it; then because of its [fluor] it contaynes not itself, and because of its weight it fals and runs about any way that it can til its Surface be reduced to Equality. Hence [where] rivers by accession of waters are raised above the banck they overflow the meadows.

2. One way, and this is either natural or forced.

1. Natural by Each parts proper Gravity, as in rivers and fountains whose [27] lower water falling away (having no impediment) do leave space for higher waters to fall after them. This is augmented or decreased by Velocity according to the declivity of the bottome (cal’d the fall) and the rectitude or curvity of the Channel. These in Natural Currents are accidentally varied according to the hardness or softness of the Ground where it runs; hence deep pooles being slow; and Shallow streams swift, [are] So convenient for the breed, and nourishment of fish. But in artificial derivations; whither draynes, and conduits where the design is to draw as much water as posible the Channel shoul[d] be straite (as may be) Shallow, and of Equal current. This preserves full Velocity, and Quantity, charges not the bancks, and Saves needless length, add to this to make water move forwards, at least one foot below the level of an Instrument must be allowed to every mile, in respect of the roundness of the Earth, and this being [d]educted you may account the rest Effectual fall. But of these things more elsewhere.

2. Violent, by pressure of other water, or other body.2

1. Of other Water hereby it ascends contrary to the nature of its Gravity, and therefore its ascent must be reckoned but as a passive power. This is the motion out through an hole in the side, bottome or top of vessel or in the [Smaller] End of a pipe turn’d upwards (as in the Diagram) whereby are made those springers in artificial fountains, here the rule is; the Switness strength, and Quantity is according to the depth, and weight. Thus if a Hogs head be set on its end, and 3 holes of equal bore be mad[e] in the side [as] at (a.b.c.) more liquor runs out at (b.) than at (a.) in the same time, and more at (c.) than at (b.). In a Ciphon inverted (or crooked pipe) water will ascend as much as it descends, to bring its surface equall, where is no other pressure than the water in (d.) to poyse up the water in (e.) both being within the pipe; but if the conical figure of the Discender be inverted (as in the Upper figure) then the pressure is augmented and the I the smaler end of the pipe according to the height of water in the Larger Cone; but then that never rises above the Surface of the pressing water, and parhaps it is allwayes somewhat lower.

2. Of Other bodyes, or powers, as compressed Air, or pounsells which may have Weight as those at the Water-house at London-bridge; or strength as by the Staff of a Water Engine, or springer; then will it fly much higher than the common surface, as we may see in the Engines made for Quenching of fire, and other devises by Water Wheeles or Wind Wheeles to force up water for the Use of Cityes. But all those things are Chargeable, and lyable to breach and wearing; therefore conduits of water (where they may be had) are more Eligable; for nature directed to serve our occasion will rather comply than yeald to any force. But of all such Engines the Water Screw3 appears most admirable, in which the water seams to ascend by discending (and So it would be referred to the former motion of proper Gravity) but indeed it is impossible for water to ascend above its primary surface without a force; It is done therefore by a mixture of force, and Inclination but force has the Cheifest hand therein; for the turning of the Engine Screws up the surface of the water and then the body of it follows so that in every round it lifts up the water so much as the one round is above the other, and whereas the water in the Screw is alwayes running downwards that is only to prevent its being lifted up by any part of the fixed pipe, but that which is directly under it. This sort of lifting may be illustrated by a little water standing on a trencher one side of which being a little raysed up puts the water a running to the other side and so to run off the table; yet if before it run of[f] you raise the other lower side a little, and at the same time raise ano-[28]ther by-side of the trencher, you’l find the water will not run over, but turn aside as the declivity is varyed. Now this lifting up in the Screw is continued wherein the Motion of the parts of the Pipe upwards dos anticipate the motion of the Water downwards, and so snatch it with them ere it can remove out of the Way. They moving first and faster than the Water, must needs therefore get Ground thereof. This is a thing of very curious consideration, and requires some skill in Mathematical Mechanicks to apprehend it. And thus much of the motion of water one way, and every way now of reciprocal.

3. Reciprocal motion of water is a proper affection of the sea (wh[i]ther we shall referr it) only note it here as a species of waters motion. And this of absolute gravity.

2. Respective Gravity of Water is the same [compared] with		the Atmosphere.
		other Liquors.
		Solid bodyes.

1. The Counterpoyse of Water to the Atmosphere is 32 foot more or less (i.e.) a pillar of the Atmosphere from top to bottom will press water into pipe 32 foot high; therefore we cannot make water [by Succion] in a Cyphon (or pump) to rise higher than the 32 foot perpendicular for beyond that it will leave a vacuum (or only Ether) rather than rise (as in the Torricellian experiment before noted.) And hence it is if the Upper surface of water in Wells lye deeper than 32 foot men are forced to make double Pumps; as, Suppose the other surface of the Water at (a.) be 60 foot under Ground, you’ll need two pumps, one to draw it 30 foot from the surface (a.) to the Cystern (b.) and in that Cystern to plant another pump to draw it [up] 30 foot more to the bucket (c.) for your Use.

2. The Counterpoyse of Water to other Liquors; as Milk, Beer, Wine, Brine, Mineral waters, etc: this is according to the Mixtures or solutions of other bodyes in the liquors which are more heavy than waters, these must be Earthy or Saline parts; for Spirituous, and Sulphurious are lighter than water; the discovery of this may be of Great Use, and delightfull curiosity, and this is done by the say-Glass (heretofore accounted a Great mystery, but) Now of common Use with soap boylers, and potash-men, to know the strength of their lees; Take the fabrick of it thus: Get a small Scale, and a Glass-bottle of any Quantity (say ½ a Pint or thereabout) to counterpoyse it in the scale by a thin plate of lead (say as thick as a Crown peice) whereon set the Letter (G.) signifying that this is the weight of the Empty Glass. Then fill the Glass with the Clearest fountain water and put [it] in one scale, and the Glass weight in the other; also add to this weight (G.) another weight which with that of (G.) will be Equipoyse to the full Glass and therefore this [other] added weight will be Equall to the Water, and let it be marked on the [one] side (W.) and on the other side (64). This last weight (W.) is to be divided thus. Put it into one scale, and in the other its equal weight of Sand; having Done this remove the (W.) out of the scale and put in its place ½ the sand which you may do by removing a little of it, [on] the poynt of your knife from scale to scale till they be both even then cast away the sand out of on[e] scale, and fitt a lead equall to the remaining half, and mark this lead with (32.) in like manner divide this again and again untill you have leads marked (64, 32, 16, 8, 4, 2, 1, ½,) this one is called a Carrick or ¹/₆₄ of the water weight things being thus [prepared] you may [now] fill your glass with any liquor, and see by the scale how many [Carricks] it is heavyer or lighter than water. [29] [And so you will find spirituous and oyly liquors lighter than water] Whereas Saline, and Earthy will be a Great many heavyer. I have seen a Clear lee of lime to weigh about 30 [Carricks] more than water; for it seams to be the heaviest of all l[i]xiviums.

3. The Counterpoyse of water to other solid bodyes, such as Wood, Metall, etc: hence arises (as a Secondary affection) Navigableness or an aptness to bear up a body on its Surface, and also (by reason of its fluidity) a yeilding to its motion forwards, by any easy Movement (supposing there be sufficient depth) the reason of bearing up [is] the Equipoyse of so much water removed out of its place by the weight of the body lay’d thereon; as, Supose a Cubical square foot of water weigh 62 [lb:] then a Cubical foot of wood weighing 31 [lb:] will half [Immerse] or sink, and half [Emmerge] or swim above water, because its weight can remove but ½ a foot of water out of its place; hence it follows that salt water bears up better than fresh, because heavyer (as is before noted) and metals (though heavyer than any water yet) being shaped hallow (as a dish) may thereby be apt to remove more water than their own weight, and So Swim as well as Wood.

And thus much for the General affections of water Quantity, Fluidity, Gravity.

The principle parts of water are sea and fountaines.

1. Sea (or Ocian) [is] the collection of waters, Genesis. 1. 10. it is an Integrall whole, and therefore has not Species, but integrant parts, which have their accidental denominations from their Quantity or adjoyning lands, as Main, Ocean, Creek, bay, harbour, [etc:] English sea, Irish sea, etc: of which mor fully Geographers its Cheif affections are saltness, and reciprocation.

1. Saltness concerning the Cause of which have been diverse oppinions.4

1. Some have thought it concreated with the sea; but then surely it could not so easily be seperated from the water as we see it may [be] by distillation, and other evaporations; as by the sun whereby bay salt, or by fire whereby other common salt is made

2. Others have thought it caus’d by the sunbeams drawing off the Sweeter parts and adusting the rest, but then the sea would be Salter in the summer than in the Winter which we find not; and besides there would be no sweat water in [hotter] countryes.

3. The most likely cause of it is the solution of Salt Peter, or other salts of the Earth which it continually receives partly by washing submarine peter-rocks, and partly as the common sink after rain receiving all the filth of the Earths Surface wherein there is abundance of salt. Nor nead we fear the sea should hereby [at last] exceed in saltness, because as it dayly receives, so it dayly imparts its saltness when it insinuates itself into the caverns of the Earth to become the Matter of fountains; Where it percolates (or straynes) well, the salt is lodged in the Earth. The more fixed parts to be subservient to Mineralls, the more Volatile to arise and become the salt of Vegitables; but where it has free passage, and straynes not, it makes salt fountains such as we find at Nantwitch5 and the places thereabouts, there can be therefore no stagnancy of salt in the sea, seing it has its circulations through the Veigns of the Earth.

2. Reciprocation or Ebing, and flowing whose End, and Efficient.

1. End that it may better serve Navigation, and (say the Antients) least the sea should putrify [but] how is it then that the Greatest part of the ocean [having] no tides dont stink us out of the world.

2. Efficient Was antiently Guessed to be the moon whose motion the sea was said magnetically to follow, other[s] ascribe it to the pressure of the moons rayes on some part of the sea and thereby forcing it to rise in others. This Regency of the moon and relation to the sea was Supposed, because the spring, and Neap-tides keep time with the full and new moon, and so they fall into the fallacy of cause for not cause. But to say the truth the antients ware as much at a loss in this as in any part of Phylosophy; yea there is a traditionall story of Aristotle to be so much trubled at his Ignorance in this matter, that he threw himself headlong into the river Euripus, and drowned himself; Saying, (since I cannot [take] thee, take thou me) After he had stood poring long on this p[h]aynominon, (of the Ebbing, and flowing) and could obtain no Satisfactory account thereof in his thoughts, but since the Copernican scheme hath [obtained] some credit in the world, there is an easy, and natural way thereby to solve these appearances, which we shall breifly explain The P[h]aynominon of tides are either common, and natural; Extraordinary, and Accidental.6

1. Natural are the reciprocations in the 3 Periods Diurnal, Monthly, and Anuall.

1. Diurnal twice in 24 houres, that is Ebbing 6, and flowing 6, or about ½ an hour more in every tide. In this are 3 varieties, Rise without currunt, currunt without rise mixt of both currunt and rise

2. Monthly a Gradual increase and decrease in height and greatness of the tides every fortnight, [30] [called Spring and Neap Tides.]

3. Annual Augmentation of these springs and neaps about the Solsticial points or soon after the longest and shortest dayes, the Springs are highest, and the neaps lowest and about the Æquinox when the dayes and nights are Equal Spring[s] and neap[s] are of less Quantity.

N.B. These times are taken out of Galleleus But Dr. Wallis observes and assigns other times and reasons after another manner (or Sort) concerning this matter as may be seen in the Appendix after these Physicks.

2. Accidental are variations from the Common periods by the Scituation and figures of Channels, depths of water Stormy winds, Nearness of vast Oceans, which give either movement or impediment, and hence arises Effects, some more constant as the mentioned currunt, Rise of water, some altogather uncertain, as Extraordinary floods, [and] Doubling tides.

Tides natural are in a Day, Month, year;

Tides accidental variously appear

Now to find out the Cause of all these from the copernican Hypothysis Comparison is made [of] the sea to [the] Water that may be contained in a Vessell; for Channels, and lower or hallow parts of the Earth are but Greater Vessels capable of Greater Quantityes of Water The Reciprocations they compare to the Greater Swayes of a Pendulum wherein some outward cause at the first (say a mans hand) brings the bullet to its height, but afterwards its fall is back again, and continued to swing by its own weight; in like manner dos water being forcibly raised up by one side of a Vessel, through its own weight, and fluidity fall back again, and So continues to sway from side to side. Now the Motion of the Vessell may Cause the Water to Ascend by one side, by altering either its Site or Velocity.

1. By Altering the site of the Vessel (as in the figure a.) inclining it to one, or other side, and then the parts of the bottom must be altered in their Distance from the Center of the Earth, (or of Gravity) which presently causes the fluid water to flow toward the lower part: But the bottom of the sea can never have its distance thus altered, and therefore this way will not serve our turn.

2. By altering the Velocity of the Vessell[s] motion from rest (or slowness) into motion (or swiftness,) and on the Contrary from Swiftness into slowness; either of these will cause the riseing of the Water, at one, or the other end of the motion, as, Suppose a boat carryes a long trough of water [placed] according to the length of the boat, and the trough be fastened thereto, If the boat be thrust off from the shoar where it rested after the prow, the trough will immediately have the same motion, because fastened, and Solid; but the Water being lo[o]se and fluid will not presently take the Motion, but linger a little behind in the state of rest wherein it was before; therefore the trough going on from under it (as boys strick out the neithe[r]most of 2 Groats laid on the top of their thumb,) must leave water to heap and [so] rise in the stern by shuffling the former, and hinder water togather; but here it will not rest; for when it is risen as high as it may towards [the stern by] that motion of the trough it falls away again forwards, towards the prow by its own Gravity and So by degrees comes to a forward motion equal to that of the boat. and then keeps on in the same velocity with it. But in Case the boats course be retarded, or stop’t, the Water dos not presently retard, or stop with it; because of the lo[o]seness and fluidity before noted therefore the water continuing the same velocity for a While, it must shuffle parts togather and rise at the prow as it did before at the stern.

Now in the Copernican Scheme the Earth trolling itself roun[d] its own Axis (as a bowle) in the Diurnall revolution, and withall round the Great orb ascribed to the sun by Ptolomie (as it ware the length of the Green) in the Annuall revolution, the Center of the Earth runing in the line of the Great orb; therefore the superficiall parts of the Earth must needs have an [unequall] Velocity; for any one part (Say the meditarenian) must somtimes move forwards (from west to East) with a double Velocity namly that of the Diurnal revolution Superadded to that of the Annuall, as appears by the Diagram. Suppose the great Circle [be] the Grand orb, or Eccliptick (in whose Center is the sun) the less Circle is the body of the Earth (whose Center (c.) moves in the Eccliptick onwards from the place (c.) [to] K.L.M. etc: mean whille turns (a) round by (b.d.e. etc:) 365 times,) Suppose also the Place between (a. and e.) is the meditarenian sea; [31] Now (a.) the Superficial part of the Earth between (4. and 1.) hath its motion concurrunt, or the same way with the Center (c.) therefore while it passes in that distance the Superficial (or Diurnal) Motion must be added to the Central (or Annual) while (a.) is moving between the points (1. and 2.) it neither adds nor diminishes, because it neither goes forward with, nor backwards against the annual motion, but only downwards from (1. to 2.) as on the other side it goes upwards from (3 to 4) therefore while it is passing these two distances the Motion of the Superficial point (a.) is only the same with the Center (c.) in the Anual Course, but whille (a.) moves between 2 and 3 it goes backward, [and] contrary to the Annuall motion; therefore you must Substract from the Annual so much as the diurnall motion shall in that while be. Now you must note that the Velocity of the Annual motion is 3 times [Greater than] that of the Diurnal; If therefore you call the Diurnal motion[s] Velocity 1 Degree; then the Velocity of (c.) is 3 degrees to this add one and that is 4, or from this Substract one, and it is 2 Degrees; so then the point (a.) Or the meditarenian (a, e,) moves 4 Degrees of Velocity between the Points (4, and 1,) 3 Degrees between, (1, and 2,) 2 Degrees between (2, and 3) 3 Degrees again between (3. and 4) etc: From hence twill follow that the Sea of a long tract (E, and W) and near the Equator where the Superficial parts move in the Greatest Circle must have the Greatest tides because [in] them [is] the Greatest [diversity] of motion whereas Seas nearrer the Poles, and lesser Circles and Such as have but one or two degrees E. and W. Longitude, also seas [but] of Such a breadth though they have a long tract N. and S. (as the red sea) have not sensible tides at all; because the reciprocations are so frequent that the flux, and reflux from shore to shore, do interrupt and break the course of one another, it follows also that far out in the ocean can be no tides because the reflux from the shore runs not so far out, before there is occasion for a new tide at the Shore.—Moreover in long, and narrow seas, especially nearest the poles where the Circles of their motion [are] not so great the flux may be at both ends at once, for one End may be [in] swiftest motion, when the other may be in slowest because of the length of the Channell. Lastly it follows that tho tides in the sea run (East and west) yet in rivers, and bayes it may [flow] N. and S. or any other point because of the course of the rivers; So in the sea between England, and France the tide is E. and W. But in [Southampton] river, and [in the Sea] between England and Holland it flows N. and S. and in the Thames it flows west at the same time [when] it flows East at Dover; because the rising waters of the sea rushes into the rivers and streights which way soever they lye; as for the doubling of tides, and uncertain Great overflowings, it may be from the suddain sea-storms interrupting, and precipitating the tides natural course and from Great land raines increasing the waters of the rivers

P[h]ainominon of tides hath its Solution

from Earths Swift, Slow, unequal revolution.

And thus much for the diurnal tides, and their Accidents.

The monthly variety of Spring and neap is solved in augmenting, and diminishing the fundimental cause in the Diurnall revolutions, for if in [divers] times of the Month its dayly revolution is accelerated, and retarded more than is before shown; then the Causes of the flux, and reflux being increased the Effects must be also increased accordingly. This alteration of the Earths revolution is by the moons motion round about it; not that the Moon has any thing particularly to do with the water but rather with the vessel which contains it retarding and accellerating motion therein according to its various positions in respect to the Earth. for (say the Copernicans) the Moon is by the law of nature oblidged to be still moving round the Earth at a Certain distance (as the New found attendants of Jupiter do dance about its body and accompany it about its revolution) so that the Earth and Moon togather make as it ware but one movable about the Grand orb, or Eccliptick; hence it comes to pass that somtimes the moon is farther from the sun, (the Center of the Eccliptick) than the Earth so far as the dis-[32]tance is between the Earth, and [the] Moon now the Moon keeping the same course about the Earth [yet] ridds less way onward under the Eccliptick when it is farther from the sun because it then moves in a Greater circle whose degrees contain more miles, and therefore in respect to the Eccliptick, (or Annuall revolution) it may be said to be more slow, Now the Earth being nearrer might therefore outrun it but that it cant leave it behind, because of the Certain distance (before Mentioned) which must be kept between them; it therefore follows that the Earth must [then] linger, and slack its course when the moon laggs behind, that it may still have the Moons company, and (on the other hand) when the moon is nearer the Sun it Gets onwards more degrees in less time, because of the comparitive littleness of the Circle, and therefore may be said to move faster than the Earth which yet it cant forsake and by consequence must [pull] it on faster by the unchangeableness of the [Said determinate] distance; as, in the. Diagram, Suppose (e.) the Earth be moving its own course in the middle circle, (i.e. the Grand orb,) and (M.) the Moon be moving in its course round the Earth Suppose also the 2 Pricked lines make an angle of 20 Degrees in the Center of the sun you see this twenty Degrees is but a little way in the Inward circle at (c.d.) When the Moon shall come thither between the Earth and the Sun; but tis a Much Greater way to make up the 20 Degrees in a Greater Circle; as at (a.b.) about the place (m.) when the Earth is between the sun, and the Moon This is also illustrated by the weight of a Pendulum string; for if it be shortned the bullet move[s] Quiker than when let down to a Greater length; as suppose an hook struck in a Ceelling, and over it goes the string of a pendulum if you let it down no farther than from I to K. the Vibration[s] will be Quick, but if you let the bullet slip down so far as L. it will alter its pace and turn slower Now if there ware 2 bullets hung by one string (as in the former Diagram) where the Sun is as the hook (or Center of the motions) the Upper bullet represents the Earth the lower the moon, that nearer to the Center (the Earth) would move from (g. to h) but the remoter (the Moon) would hang back, and not be able to keep pace with the other, and though the nearer [bullet] (representing the Earth) be Greater, and therefore must overrule the motion of the less (representing the Moon) yet the less will some way retard the Greaters motion.

They also Illustrate it by two poises that hang on the fly of a large publique Clock; for if but one of them be removed farther off from the Center; as Suppose the weight (b.) be removed out of the notch (a.) which is farther from the Center (c.) than the Notch (d.) then the motion of the whole fly and by consequence of both the Weights appendents thereon will be retarded, (as on the Contrary) accellerated if either of them be removed nearer; and thus much of the monthly periods, or of the Springs and neaps.

As for the 3d Variety which is annual, or the higher than ordinary springs, which (sais Galleleus) [are] about the solsticial points (or shortest and Longest Dayes) but Dr Wallis Says otherwise, and therefore gives other solution thereof as may be [seen] in the Abstract out of him, and is added as an Appendix to these physicks. But according to Galleleus they referr it to the Inclination of Axes; this is the hardest to be understood unless by them that are well versed in the Globes, and the doctrine of Sphærical triangles, and of planispharies else tis hard to make a diagram intelligible; however I shall hint something of it here, and leave it to your better consideration hereafter. The Copernicans say that tho the Earth roles about with its Center in the Eccliptick; yet it still keeps its axis parrallell [33] to the Axis of the Universe, and not with the Axis of the Eccliptick whose poles stand besides the others 23½ Degrees, therefore the roll of the Earth must be somtimes direct with the run of the Eccliptick; as when its Center is in or near the Solsticiall points; because then the Motion of the Earths Center is for some dayes, (as it ware) in the tropical circle whose Axis and poles are the same with [those] of the Universe, and in this state and place the revolution of the Earths Equator [is full] ½ [above] and ½ below the Eccliptick then the Prostapheresis (or the Addition [or] Substraction,) in respect of the monthly periods do import as much as the whole diamiter of the Earth can effect; but at all other times and most at the Equinoxes the Globe of the Earth is somwhat oblique, and move[s] sidewayes to the run of the Eccliptick [else] the Earth could not keep its axis parrallel to the Axis of the Universe; So that at the Equinoxial points (at or near G.) the Equator of the Earth, and by consequence the Course of the Earths Revolution is oblique to the Eccliptick [23½] Degrees and therefore the Edge of the Equator comes nearer the Eccliptick than when it stood upright by the ¹/₁₂ of the whole diamiter of the Earth. And by Consequence cuts off so much of the P[r]ostaphærisis; as, supose (in the Diagram) (A.D.) be a Segment of the Eccliptick, and (C.) the Earths Center in the Solstitiall point of the Equator (and Revolution) here the whole Diamiter (B.G) Playes above and below the Eccliptick; so that the point (B.) in the revolution of the Earth Dayly comes as low as (G.). But in the next Diagram where the Earths center is supposed to be in the Equinoxial point, the Equator, (and Revolution) of the Earth stands obliquely in (E.[E.]) here the mounting above and falling below is less, So much as the line (E.F.) is shorter than the line (B.C.) or Earths Semidiamiter: So that in the Solstaces is the Greatest P[r]ostapherisis or addition to [and] Substraction from the motion of the Earths Center in the Eccliptick, and in the Equinoxes is the least. Therefore (according to Galleleus) the Springs, and neaps, are Greatest in the solstaces, and least in the Equinoxes. The Intermediate Spaces (or times) are Varied according to the nearness, or distance of one of these cardinal points. Now all this that is said of the 3d Variety referrs to the seas, that [may be] under [or] near the Earths Equator, Where the Earths motion in Superficiall parts is Greatest. As for all other places their Annuall Differences of Springs, and nepes, are less Gradually [as] they approach to either pole; because the Motion[s] and their Differences are still less and less. The Summe of all this is the Dayly tides are from the Superficial parts of the Earth, being moved Swifter, and Slower than its Center [is] in the Eccliptick. The Monthly difference of tides is from the moons promoting, or hindering the motion of the Earths Center.

The Annuall difference is by the Inclination of Axes, or the Earths rolling [sidewise] in some part of the Eccliptick: Thus the Copernicans Solve it; but whether the Earths Center of Gravity some way Distant from the Center of its Magnitude do not somthing Contribute to this Unequall, and Wabling motion of the Earth may be worth our farthar Consideration, and thus much of tides and their Varieties.

[2.] The Other part of Water is fountains, or Springs, and rivers made up of many of them. Of these Consider the Causes, and the Kinds.

1. The Causes concurrunt to their production are the Sea, Rocky caverns of the Earth, Subterraneal fermentations or heats and Superficial moisture by [raynes].

1. The Only Material Cause Seams to be sea-water soaking into the Earth, which meeting with some Nitro-sulphurious minerals causeth

2. fermentations, Ebullitions, or heat[s], (Call’d Subterraneous fires) Such as are producted by cold water cast upon unslaked lime whence [Steams] do arise into

3. The Caverns of the Earth, and Clefts of the Rocks which are the Internall constituents of Mountains, Hills and all riseing Grounds; those Steam[s] condensed again by the Coldness of the Stone (in the Rock) these natural allimbecks drop down in water, and many drops make little currunts which break out where they can. Hence it is that hilly and rocky Countryes have most springs, and plain flates, have them some feet underground soaking every way into the Gravel: [34] If the Caverns, or Clefts be ample in one place, or the flacks of s[t]one lye to one way, then the Quantity of water collected is Sufficient to break out at one place in a living, Boylling, Bubling Spring. But if otherwise, and there be a Multitude of Small Crevises Seperated one from the other then will many small springs creep through a little Gravell at the bottom of the Hill under the surface of the flates beneath, and Swell them into Boggs. Therfore note the Cure of those Boggs is to cut off those Springs by opening a trench at the foot of the hill Just between the Wett, and the Dry.

4. That Raine hath some Influence on springs is manifest [by] scripture, and Experience; for they fail by Greater Droughts (1 Kings, 17. 7.) and after a Wett winter fountaynes break up plentifully in the Spring; but this not from a Supply of water, for Columella7 affirms that no rain sinks [below] 10 foot under Ground, whereas fountains come from the Deep, as is manifest in mines; Tis therefore by making a convenient lute, or perhaps a refrigitory, for those natural Alimbecks whereby [the Steams] are kept from Evaporating and the Suns heat kept [off] from hindring their Condensation; Else the pores of the Earth being opened the [Steams] would Get away and become matter of rain; hence after long droughts springs are low, and (Rain filling the Superficial Crevises) they are recruited again.

2. The Kinds of fountains are simple, or compound.

1. Simple fountains, or fresh are those whose waters are Clean seperated from the sea-salt, and all other tinctures, [or] inquinations, this is done partly by percolation, and partly by Distillation.

1. Percolation, or Streigning through the Earth Cheifly through those Earths [that] are most proper for the purpose, as Chalk, Ashes, etc:

N.B. Tis of great concern to our health if the waters which Supply our houses be Good and wholsome, the best be Smooth, light, without Smell, tast, or Collour; Such will laver well with Soap, and cause your spittle dropt upon it presently to spread abroad, and not continue togather, ’twill brew manyfestly better than other water, ’twill boyle pease Soft, and beaff without blackness or redness, and feels smooth, and not harsh when you wash your hands with it.

2. Distillation, as in [that] Elevation of [steams] (before mentioned,) for thereby the salt (being heavyer, than water) abides below; and that the rather for that it needs longer fermentation, to make it volatile and apt for Elevation. Hence it is that distilling in an Alymbeck will drop fresh water from Urine, and from sea water if it hath som time in putrefaction, whereby the parts are more apt to seperate. And this is also manyfest [in] the making or gathering of salt by the Evaporating of water.

N.B. Possibly by these things well considered may be found an Expedient (hereafter) for fresh water to be had at sea, either by some precipitating matter put into the water; (as was said to be done [in] Holland) or by a convenient way of distillation (as of late is proposed here in England)8 or perhaps [rather] by an upward percolation through matter apt to seperate, and retain the salt, the Water being before prepared by a due fermentation. An Offer unto such an Experiment may be this: Suppose a Cask filled with pipes which are stuffed with such percolating matter, and the Vessel Capable of a Good Quantity of such putrifyed Salt water as to float above the top of the first pipe tis then supposed the water will enter [by] the open End of the first pipe (a.) and then discend to (b.) then ascend to (c.) discend to (d.) ascend to (e.) discend to (f.) etc: Until it come to fall out at the cock (K.) into the bucket for Use. Now you must observe that ½ the Water in the pipe discends, and these effect little, or Nothing, because Salt in fluor will discend wherever the water can; but the other ½ that ascends must do the business. Note there may be many of these pipes contrived to stand in [one, or more] hogsheads, whereby you may have what height of Ascent will be needfull: The percolating material may be Ashes depauperated of its salt, and the pump of the ship may supply the first vessel with putrified salt water that lyes under the hold at the Keell.

2. Compound, or Mixt fountains are such as running through some veins that [are] mineral take a tincture or Impregnation from them such as the hot baths purging [and] salt springs etc: The Quantity of the Impregnation may be discerned by the sea Glass carricks (of which before)

N.B. In Case your ordinary pump water be a little harsh, and have somthing of mineral taint tis Good to Save it in some wooden vessels, and let it stand 2 or 3 dayes before you Use it for thereby the saline and mineral mixtures will in good measure precipitate to the bottom, and So much for water. [35]

1. There are notices of Morton in the Dictionary of National Biography, the Dictionary of American Biography, and Arnold G. Matthews, Calamy Revised. The earliest biography is in Edmund Calamy’s “Account of Ministers Ejected” in his Abridgment of Mr. Baxter’s History of his Life and Times (London, 1702; 2d ed., 1713). This is supplemented by Calamy’s Continuation of the Account of the Ministers Ejected (London, 1727), and by Matthews’ Calamy Revised (Oxford, 1934). No corpus of Morton letters has survived; but his MS. notebook, with records of ministers’ meetings in Cornwall and New England, and a few letters are in the Massachusetts Historical Society. I have profited greatly by a MS. dissertation on Morton by Mr. Wilbur J. Bender, who wrote the notice in the Dictionary of American Biography.

2. John and John A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, iii. 218. Walter Wilson, the biographer of Defoe, has the best account of the Morton family (Memoirs of the Life and Times of Daniel Defoe, 1830 ed., i. 24 n). He says that the family originated in Nottinghamshire, and was the same as that of Cardinal Morton and Thomas Morton, Bishop of Durham. It appears to have had no connection with the Morton family of Yorkshire, who came early to Plymouth Colony.

3. The aged Lawrence Chaderton was master of Emmanuel in his time, and Thomas Hooker a fellow. Among Morton’s contemporaries as undergraduates were William Blackstone and Isaac Johnson, the founders of Boston, and Nathaniel Rogers and Samuel Whiting, the future ministers of Rowley and Lynn respectively; as well as Bastwick, the Puritan pamphleteer, and Samuel Clarke the martyrologist.

4. George C. Boase, Collectanea Cornubiensia, p. 1402.

5. The date of the marriage given by Venn, following Sir John MacLean, Parochial and Family History of the Deanery of Trigg Minor (i. 461), is May 11, 1616. It seems probable that the right date is 1626, and that the Mortons’ first child was born nine months, not ten years and nine months, after their marriage. Nor is it likely that Morton would have resigned his fellowship at Emmanuel, immediately after taking his first degree, in order to marry.

6. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, iii. 217; Dictionary of National Biography, xxxix. 149.

7. For a succinct Harvard pedigree, see my Founding of Harvard College, p. 104.

8. “I appoint my loveing frend Mr Moreton our minister of St Saviours aforesaid for one [of the overseers], and to him in token of my love I give three pounds and my paire of silver hafted knyves” (will of John Harvard’s mother, 1635, in Henry F. Waters, Genealogical Gleanings in England, I. 125). “I give and bequeath unto Mr Nichollas Morton Minister and Preacher in the parishe of Saint Saviors in Southwarke the some of Forty shillinges in recompence of a Sermon which I desire he should preach at my funerall, for the better Comforte edifyinge and instruccion of such my freinds and neighboures and other people as there shalbe assembled” (will of John’s brother Thomas, 1636, id., p. 128).

9. John became rector of Auton-Gifford, Devon, and Nicholas followed his oldest brother to Wadham College, Oxford, and into the ministry.

10. His will, dated 1640, is in Waters, Genealogical Gleanings, ii. 782–783.

11. Nicholas Morton in his will appoints his “living father in law Mr. Thomas Kestle of Plenderie” his executor; but MacLean (Deanery of Trigg Minor, i. 461) has Thomas Kestell buried in 1626, and succeeded as lord of the manor of Pendavy by his son John Kestell, Charles Morton’s uncle.

12. So Morton wrote to Increase Mather in 1685. Richard Frothingham, History of Charles-town, p. 195.

13. Sir Charles E. Mallet, History of the University of Oxford, ii. 382–390; Montagu Burrows, Register of the Visitors of the University of Oxford (Camden Society), Introduction, passim.

14. Frothingham, Charlestown, p. 195. Samuel Mather, elder brother of Increase, did not obtain an Oxford degree, as Cotton Mather relates; but the records of Magdalen College show that he was a chaplain there, c 1650–1653.

15. Quoted by Mallet, History of Oxford, II. 383.

16. Burrows, Register, p. 569.

17. Robert B. Gardiner, Registers of Wadham College, Part I, p. 180.

18. Id. His age is wrongly given in the records as nineteen.

19. MS. in British Museum by John Wallis. It is quoted in F. A. Dixey, The Early Connexion of the Royal Society with Wadham College and the University of Oxford, a pamphlet from which I have obtained most of the following data about this scientific group. Cf. Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal Society (1667); Irvine Masson, “The Genesis of the Royal Society,” Nature, cxiii. 197–198; Dorothy Stimson, “Dr. Wilkins and the Royal Society,” Journal of Modern History, iii. 539–563. Dean Stimson, in a paper on “Puritanism and the New Science” read before the History of Science Society in 1934, showed that almost all members of this group were of Puritan training or antecedents. That made it easy for them to obtain professorial chairs and other appointments in the reformed Oxford.

20. Joseph Wells, Wadham College, p. 75.

21. Andrew Clark, Life and Times of Anthony Wood, i. 265.

22. 4 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, viii. 541–542.

23. Printed, with notes by George Lyman Kittredge, in our Publications, xiv. 142–186.

24. Volume x (1676), pp. 293–296.

25. Nonconformist’s Memorial, i. 347; see also Matthews, Calamy Revised, pp. 356–357.

26. Calamy also states that Morton was converted to Puritanism at Oxford. It is unlikely that he would have come to Oxford in 1648, or taken up residence in a Hall already noted for Puritanism, if he had not already come around to that point of view. His father, describing himself in his will as “minister of God’s Word” rather than “rector,” showed himself at least a moderate Puritan; but his Cornish grandparents may well have been Church-and-King men.

27. Wells, Wadham College, pp. 78–79.

28. John Evelyn, Diary (Bohn ed., 1889), i. 305–308.

29. Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 356, quoting Lambeth Palace Library MSS.

30. Complete Parochial History of Cornwall, i. 67; MacLean, Deanery of Trigg Minor, i. 53.

31. Calamy, Nonconformist’s Memorial, i. 348.

32. Matthews, Calamy Revised, p. 356.

33. Herbert McLachlan, English Education under the Test Acts, p. 76. This is the best work on the dissenting academies. See also Irene Parker, Dissenting Academies in England, pp. 45–63. There were two academies at Newington Green. The first was kept by Theophilus Gale, ejected fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, later a benefactor of the Harvard College Library.

34. Luke Tyerman, Life and Times of the Rev. Samuel Wesley, p. 74.

35. A Letter from a Country Divine to His Friend in London, Concerning the Education of the Dissenters, in their Private Academies (London, 1703), pp. 7–8.

36. A Defence of a Letter concerning the Education of Dissenters in their Private Academies (1704), pp. 44, 51. Other references to Morton and his academy will be found in the same tract, pp. 4, 14, 27, 43, 44, 48 (pupils going to hear Bunyan preach, and Morton commending him), 53.

37. Continuation, i. 211 where a list of Morton’s published pamphlets and manuscript treatises is given. Calamy reprints Morton’s MS. “Advice to Candidates for the Ministry” on pp. 198–210. It is full of wit and common sense: “Let your Discourses be mostly Practical, both as to the Subjects, and Manner of Handling. ’Tis but a Crack, for young Divines to be much medling with Controversies. Wrangling Divinity will but put your Spirits out of the comely Christian Frame….”

38. Defoe, “More Short Ways with the Dissenters” (1704), as reprinted in his Collection of Writings (1703–1705), ii. 276. Samuel Palmer, Vindication of the Learning of the Dissenters (1705), pp. 53–54, and Joshua Toulmin, Historical View of the State of the Protestant Dissenters (1814), p. 233, say that the system of Politics called Eutaxia, modelled on More’s Utopia, was “equal, if not superior, to any printed composition of that kind.” No copy of it is now known to exist.

39. Tyerman, Life of Samuel Wesley, pp. 71–72.

40. Toulmin, Historical View of the Dissenters, p. 234.

41. McLachlan, English Education under the Test Acts, pp. 2, 76; text in Calamy, Continuation, i. 177. This was not one of the Test Oaths. It had been instituted in the fourteenth century to force the seceding scholars at Stamford to return to England. Dean Peacock, in his Observations on the Statutes of the University of Cambridge (1841), remarked that it had been consistently violated from the time of its imposition to his own day.

42. Samuel Wesley, Defence of a Letter, p. 53; Tyerman, Life of Samuel Wesley, p. 67.

43. Printed in Calamy, Continuation, i. 177–197.

44. McLachlan, English Education under the Test Acts, p. 65. Other academies were founded by Presbyterian, Congregational, and Baptist societies in the following century. The most famous of these was Warrington Academy, “The Athens of the North,” where Priestley taught. See John F. Fulton, “The Warrington Academy and its Influence upon Medicine and Science,” Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine (Johns Hopkins University), I. 50–80.

45. Prince MSS., Mass. Hist. Soc.; printed in Frothingham, Charlestown, p. 195.

46. Edward Randolph, in a letter dated July 28, to the Lords of Trade (Hutchinson Papers, Prince Society, ii. 287), and in another, dated August 2, to Archbishop Sancroft (N. E. Hist. Gen. Register, xxxvii. 271), says that Morton arrived “about 2 months agoe.” Samuel Sewall first mentions Morton when Morton was giving the weekly lecture in Cambridge meeting on July 21 (Diary, 1. 144–145).

47. John Dunton, Letters from New England (Prince Society), p. 296. Both here and in his Life and Errors (1818 ed., i. 123), Dunton makes an elaborate and complimentary characterization of Morton. Dunton certainly knew Morton, who asked Increase Mather to be kind to the young bookseller, and who had taught Dunton’s uncle, the Reverend Obadiah Marriott. But Dunton’s characterizations are so frequently lifted from other books, as Chester N. Greenough has shown (our Publications, xiv. 212–257; xxi. 232–251), that I have not seen fit to quote him further.

48. Henry Horsey to his brother in New England, Prince MSS., Mass. Hist. Soc.; printed in William I. Budington, History of the First Church, Charlestown, p. 221; extract from Penhallow’s autobiography in 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., i. 161.

49. Hutchinson Papers, ii. 287, 293.

50. Sewall, Diary, i. 155. The issue was that Morton had already been ordained in England and so refused to be ordained again, insisting on being merely “installed.” He set a precedent since followed in New England Congregational churches.

51. Budington, First Church, Charlestown, pp. 103, 106–113.

52. Sewall, Diary, i. 446–447.

53. Sewall, Diary, i. 349.

54. John G. Palfrey, History of New England (1890 ed.), iii. 549; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, Am. and W. I., 1689–1692, p. 165.

55. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, Am. and W. I., 1685–1688, pp. 470–471.

56. Frothingham, Charlestown, pp. 221–223.

57. Horsey’s letter in Budington, First Church, Charlestown, p. 221.

58. So says John Dunton, 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., I. 115–116.

59. 2 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., i. 162; 4 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., viii. 111–112.

60. Our Publications, xv. cxlix, xliii n, cl.

61. Id.; p 345.

62. The record book, which after Morton’s death belonged to the Rogers family of Ipswich, is now in the Massachusetts Historical Society. It is printed in I Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xvii. 254–280. Cotton Mather printed some of the conclusions arrived at by the Association as Thirty Important Cases (Boston, 1699), and reprinted it as Book V of the Magnolia Christi Americana (1702).

63. George L. Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England, p. 336.

64. Id., p. 335

65. See Edward Wyllys Taylor, “Some Medical Aspects of Witchcraft,” in Problems of Personality (the nearest to a rational explanation of the frenzy that we have), and Charles W. Upham, Salem Witchcraft, 11. 112.

66. Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc., VIII. 368; Magnolia (1853 ed.), 11. 457, 463, 465.

67. George L. Burr, Editor, Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, p. 97.

68. I Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., XVII. 268.

69. Id.

70. See Thomas J. Holmes’s able and detailed discussion of Increase Mather’s Cases of Conscience and its influence in his Increase Mather, A Bibliography of His Works, I. 117–138.

71. 1 Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc, xvii. 271; Magnolia, Book v.

72. Preface to Increase Mather, An Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences (Boston, 1684).

73. Our Publications, xv. xlvii, cl.

74. Diary, I. 468.

75. Id., I. 471.

76. I Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, viii. 76.

77. Thomas B. Wyman, Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, pp. 687–688. Mrs. Morton, of whom nothing seems to have been known except her first name, Joan, had died in 1693, and his nephew Nicholas died soon after graduating from Harvard. No children are mentioned in the will.

78. Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 236–251.

79. Josiah Quincy, History of Harvard University, II. 482–483.

80. Annals of the American Pulpit, I. 218.

81. “1 Harvard Text-Books and Reference Books of the Seventeenth Century,” our Publications, xxviii. 361–438.

82. In collecting this information I have been aided by the courtesy of the officials of all the libraries mentioned, together with those of the Henry E. Huntington Library. I particularly wish to acknowledge the kindnesses of Mr. Stewart Mitchell of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Mr. Robert W. G. Vail of the American Antiquarian Society, and Mr. Gerald G. Wilder, Librarian of Bowdoin College. Photostats of the Bodleian MS. have been made available through the co-operation of Bodley’s Librarian and the Harvard College Library; photostats of the Greenleaf, Eells, and Webb MSS. have been purchased for the General Library of the University of Michigan through a grant from the faculty research fund.

83. The MS. carries the inscription “Ex Libris Β Beale” and the date 1683 in handwriting somewhat like that of the transcription. For the Beales, see Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting in England (1849 ed.), ii. 537–545. There is little certainty, however, about this identification.

84. William D. Ross, Aristotle; William D. Ross, Editor, The Works of Aristotle, translated into English. The Scholastic use of Aristotle’s scientific works is to be observed in numerous commentaries. St. Thomas Aquinas, for example, wrote commentaries on every book here mentioned except the Historia Animalium.

85. Sterling P. Lamprecht, “The Role of Descartes in Seventeenth-Century England,” Studies in the History of Ideas (edited by the Department of Philosophy of Columbia University), III. 180–240.

86. Cf. (except for the De Homine) Elizabeth S. Haldane and George R. T. Ross, Editors, The Philosophical Works of Descartes (translated into English). Part IV of the Principia Philosophiae, most important for comparison with Morton, is barely outlined; for it and for the De Homine it is necessary to consult the originals.

87. Morison, Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 233–234. Other such text-books, to which Morton’s is vastly superior, include Daniel Widdowes, Natural Philosophy (2d ed., 1631), John Johnstone, An History of the Wonderful Things of Nature; Set Forth in Ten Severall Classes (1657), and Thirteen Books of Natural Philosophy by D. Sennert, translated by Nicholas Culpeper and others (1661).

88. Richard Blome, Entire Body of Philosophy, p. 106.

89. Cf., below, Chapters 2, 6–8, 12, 15, 17–20, 23.

90. See Morison, Founding of Harvard College, pp. 250–251. There are two eighteenth-century editions of Boyle’s works, one in five volumes in 1744, the other in six volumes in 1772. An indispensable guide is John F. Fulton, “A Bibliography of The Honourable Robert Boyle,” Oxford Bibliographical Society Proceedings and Papers, iii. 1–172, 339–365.

91. Certain Physiological Essays (London, 1661); in Works (1772 ed.), i. 300.

92. The Massachusetts Historical Society owns two transcriptions of Morton’s “Treatise of Logick,” another of his manuscript text-books which was used for a time at Harvard. One was made by Timothy Lindall (H. C. 1695); the other, by Daniel Greenleaf, as extracted by Jabez Fitch, is in the same notebook as his copy of the Compendium. The nature of Morton’s logic appears from later references; see especially below, p. 10, note 2.

93. This and the following chapter are based ultimately upon Aristotle’s Physica. The divisions, however, are typically Scholastic, and one can see the same method and terminology in other text-books. Compare, for example, Antoine Legrand’s Institutio Philosophic (London, 1672), Pt. iv, ch. i. In Richard Blome’s translation is the information that: “Natural Philosophy … or Physiology, is the Science of Natural Bodies, and their Various Affections…. And those are called Natural Things, or Bodies, which are endued with Nature, or that are compounded of Matter and Form…. Natural Things are considered two manner of ways in Physiology, either Generally or Specially.” Entire Body of Philosophy, p. 93.

94. The specific references to Aristotle in this chapter are to distinctions made in the Categoriae, the Physica, and De Generatione et Corruptione. Morton, following Scholastic precedent, is more systematic than Aristotle will be found to be.

95. See John, xi, and Mark, x: 46–52.

96. Morton assumes that his readers, with the background of his text-book on logic, are familiar with the basis of all Scholastic dialectic—Aristotle’s ten predicaments: substance, quantity, quality, relation, place, time, position, state, action, and affection. These are named in the Categoriae, ch. iv, and again in the Topica, Bk. 1, ch. ix.

97. Robert Boyle, in The Origine of Formes and Qualities (Oxford, 1666), summarizes much of the anti-Aristotelian thinking on the concepts of form, matter, motion, etc. This book Morton knew well. Compare, however, Descartes, Principia Philosophiae, Pt. 11.

98. Morton’s discussion of matter appears to depend in part upon Boyle’s Some Physico-Theological Considerations about the Possibility of the Resurrection (London, 1675). The simile of the soft wax which may be molded into any desired form is developed there in terms very like those used by Morton.

99. This, as Mr. Morison has shown, was a principle of ancient natural philosophy which Morton was especially loath to give up. See Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, p. 241.

100. Morton’s distinctions here should be compared with those in the Physica. His six species of motion are exactly correspondent to those in the Categoriae, ch. xiv.

101. William Petty, in his Discourse Concerning the Use of Duplicate Proportion (London, 1674), attempted to re-define such concepts as place, time, and motion. See a convenient review of the work in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 108 (November 23, 1674). Morton seems to be indebted to Petty not only for materials in this chapter, but also for portions of Chapters 2 and 6.

102. The chief of the “Corpuscularian Phylosophers” was Pierre Gassendi, but Descartes and Boyle were sometimes, and with reason, counted among the corpuscularians or atomists. See under corpuscle and related words in the New English Dictionary, and, for a brief discussion of the importance of the atomist hypothesis, Morison, Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, p. 250.

103. Morton’s references to Descartes suggest either direct knowledge of the Principia Philosophiae or acquaintance with such a text-book as Legrand’s. Legrand covers the same ground in Pt. iv, chs. xi–xxv, with ch. xii, which discusses place, chs. xiv and xv, dealing with local motion, and ch. xxiv, which treats of time, being especially in point.

104. Boyle’s definition of time as “duration measured” is thought by Mr. Morison to have come from either The Excellency of Theology (London, 1674) or The Great Effects of Even Languid and Unheeded Motion (London, 1685). The words also occur in Some Considerations about the Reconcileableness of Reason and Religion (London, 1675), by “T. E., a Layman,” a tract to which Boyle’s Possibilities of the Resurrection was appended. See Boyle, Works (1744 ed.), 111. 525.

105. The organization here suggests Aristotle’s De Caelo and De Mundo, but the information is almost wholly from more modern sources. It is doubtful if Morton knew at first hand all the scientific writers whom he cites: Ptolemy, Pythagoras, Copernicus, Kepler, Gassendi, Tycho Brahe, and John Wilkins. Most of them are mentioned in Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. v, chs. viii–xi, where there may also be seen three diagrams very similar to those in Morton. Such information and diagrams were common in other text-books and popular treatises of the period, although they were originally taken from such books as the De Revolutionibus. See, for a study of the provenience of these materials, Francis R. Johnson and Sanford V. Larkey, “Thomas Digges, the Copernican System, and the Idea of the Infinity of the Universe in 1576,” Huntington Library Bulletin, No. 5, pp. 69–117. Morton diverges sharply from Legrand by omitting all mention of the Cartesian vortices.

106. The “Platonic Year,” really not Platonic at all, was a favorite notion of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The references in the New English Dictionary give an interesting brief history.

107. This is an admirable illustration of the bookishness of Morton’s science. He points out that there is an arithmetical progression in the velocity of falling bodies, but he ignores the familiar and useful fact that that velocity is in definite proportion to the distance and the time of the fall (s = ½gt²).

108. Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy was first printed at Oxford in 1621. It is comparable at many points with Morton’s notions on physiology and related subjects, and even on astronomy, as is suggested in some of the notes below.

109. John Beale (1603–1683?) was elected to the Royal Society in 1662–63, at a time when that body was much interested in making a history of the weather. On September 2, 1663, for instance, John Wilkins suggested that from constant observations it might be possible to prognosticate changes, and Sir Kenelm Digby remarked that Dr. John Dee, by such observations for a seven-year period, “acquired such a prognosticating skill of weather, that he was, on that account, accounted a witch.” Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London (London, 1760), 1. 300. A week later Mr. Oldenburg “mentioned, that Mr. Beal was willing to engage in the observation of the weather, and in registering the changes thereof; and that he hoped to set the same at work in other parts of the country.” Id., 1. 302. The foremost investigator in this matter was, however, Robert Hooke, whose “Method for Making a History of the Weather” was printed in Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society of London (pp. 173–179) and, in part, in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 24 (April 8, 1667).

110. Morton may have had in mind Anthony Griffin’s An Astrological Judgment touching Theft (London, 1665).

111. John Gadbury (1627–1704) was a notorious and immensely popular astrologer, one of the most colorful charlatans of Morton’s time.

112. See Esther, iii: 7.

113. Thomas Gataker (1577?–1654), a Puritan divine, became involved in a controversy about astrology when he published for the Westminster Assembly his annotations on Jeremiah x: 2: “Learn not the way of the heathen and be not dismayed at the signs of heaven, for the heathen are dismayed at them.” In his Vindication of the Annotations (London, 1653), Gataker defended himself against the famous William Lillie; in A Discours Apologetical (London, 1654), he leveled a postscript at Gadbury.

114. Sir Christopher Heydon (d 1623) was the author of a learned Defence of Judicial Astrologie (London, 1603). Why Morton cites him in the same breath with Thomas Gataker is not clear.

115. Morton’s information on stars and planets probably comes from some text-book. Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. v, ch. xxiii, agrees with Morton that there are 48 constellations, 6 degrees of magnitude, and 1022 most visible stars. But Morton’s table of periodical motions differs radically from the figures given by Legrand, as does his estimate of the circumference of the earth.

116. This allusion appears to be to the Mercator projection, but it may be to some other of the many new projections which were used by experimentally minded map-makers in the seventeenth century. See Arthur R. Hinks, Map Projections (2d ed., Cambridge, 1921), p. 148.

117. Legrand (“History of Nature,” p. 81) gives Willebrod Snell’s figure of 24,600 miles. Boyle, in The Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy (London, 1663), says that the common account makes the circuit of the globe to be 22,600 Italian miles, which the “more accurate” Gassendus has amended to 26,255 of the same measure. See Boyle, Works (1772 ed.), 11. 20. Burton, in his long “Digression of Air” in the Anatomy of Melancholy, gives 21,500 miles as the circumference; 7,000 miles as the diameter.

118. The discussion of the light of the moon is paralleled in Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. v, ch. xx, where it is attributed to Galileo. There is some possibility that Morton knew Galileo’s writings, either directly or through the English translations in Thomas Salusbury’s Mathematical Collections (London, 1661).

119. The description of the elements goes back to Aristotle’s De Generatione et Corruptione and Meteorologica, while gravity and levity are treated in the De Caelo. The same matters are considered by Descartes in Principia Philosophiae, Pt. iv. This chapter is most closely related, however, to Boyle’s famous book, The Sceptical Chymist (London, 1661), where Morton may well have found his information on the chemical theories of Descartes, the “Chymists,” and “Gassendus and other Atomists.” A number of points seem to suggest some knowledge of Boyle’s “History of Fluidity,” in Certain Physiological Essays (London, 1661). There, for instance, are to be found a discussion of the nature of fluids and the experiment, which Morton mentions on another occasion, of the two flat polished marbles.

120. The word electrical is here used in an obsolete sense; as Mr. Morison has noted, Morton in Chapter 10 uses elatery instead of electricity. See under these words in the New English Dictionary.

121. In this chapter again the chief influences are Aristotle and Boyle, with the De Generatione et Corruptione and Meteorologica on the one hand, The Sceptical Chymist on the other.

122. This allusion suggests some knowledge of Boyle’s experiments with combustion, described in The Relation betwixt Flame and the Air (London, 1672).

123. Compare pp. 155–157, below.

124. As Mr. Morison has noted, Morton here reveals his familiarity with the work of Harvey, Malpighi, and Leeuwenhoek.

125. Although there are hints of the De Generatione et Corruptione in Morton’s treatment of the air, he is more largely indebted to Boyle’s The Spring and Weight of the Air (Oxford, 1660). There one may find some discussion of the height of the atmosphere, the use of the word restitutive to describe elasticity, and the analogy of wool; consideration of air-pump experiments and of what happens in rarefaction (not accepted by Morton, who will not give up “nature abhors a vacuum”); some treatment of the weight of the air; and a description of Pascal’s investigation of the effects of altitude on barometric pressure. Indeed, this whole chapter is saturated with Boyle’s ideas, even though Morton retains the ancient division of the air into three regions, of which the upper and lower were thought to be hotter than the middle. Boyle had refuted this Aristotelian concept in “An Examen of Antiperistasis,” a portion of The Experimental History of Cold (London, 1665).

126. Here Morton’s memory seems to have been in error; at least the editor has not discovered the relation referred to in the Philosophical Transactions. From the first, however, the Royal Society was much interested in the famous peak of Teneriffe, proposing experiments to be tried there, collecting accounts of it, and inquiring what time of year was best for climbing it. See Birch, History of the Royal Society, 1. 8–10, 18, 397. One account was printed in Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society, and another in Robert Hooke’s Lectiones Cutlerianae (London, 1679), the latter being a book used by Morton for certain points in Chapters 13 and 21. In both cases, however, the details are in some respects different from those given by Morton.

127. Morton’s reference is to Henry Power’s Experimental Philosophy (London, 1664), a book which he refers to again in Chapter 31. To Power (1623–1668), Morton probably owed more than appears from these references; see, for a description of the book, Thomas Cowles, “Dr. Henry Power, Disciple of Sir Thomas Browne,” Isis, xx. 344–366.

128. Morton’s remarks on water form the most interesting and most “modern” section of his book. His superiority to Legrand, for instance, is marked, and his very considerable power of combining his theory with practicalities, especially evident.

129. Morton’s hydrodynamics reflect vaguely the investigations of Torricelli. See A. Wolf, A History of Science, Technology, and Philosophy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 222–223.

130. The diagram of the Archimedean screw for raising water probably comes from a famous description of the water-works at Augsburg in Germany, printed originally in Girolamo Cardan, De Subtilitate (Nuremberg, 1550). See Wolf, History of Science, pp. 524–534, where is also described and illustrated the water engine at London Bridge, mentioned by Morton just above.

131. Speculation on why the sea is salt is of course an ancient pastime, and may be observed as far back as the Meteorologica. But Morton’s comments appear to be related to contemporary discussion. He could have obtained his information from a review of some of Boyle’s tracts which appeared in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 97 (October 6, 1673). Some phrases, however, suggest that he knew a letter by Martin Lister which appeared in the same periodical, No. 156 (Feb. 20, 1683/4), in which case the Compendium must have been added to later than 1680. Or Morton may have known Boyle’s Tracts Consisting of Observations about the Saltness of the Sea (London, 1674).

132. A description of the salt springs and of salt-making at Nantwich in Cheshire appeared in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 53 (November 15, 1669).

133. The discussion of tides makes perhaps the most extended use of a single source which Morton allowed himself. Although he says that “these times are taken out of Galleleus,” it is clear, as Mr. Morison has said, that Morton has carefully studied John Wallis’s essay “exhibiting his Hypothesis about the Flux and Reflux of the Sea,” which appeared in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 16 (August 6, 1666). There Wallis summarized Galileo’s theories, agreed with them in general, and then suggested a theory to account for phenomena left unexplained by his predecessor. Nearly one third of this chapter will be found to derive from Wallis’s essay, whence come also the figure on p. 65 and the first figure on p. 67. Furthermore, as the text indicates, Morton made a synopsis of Wallis’s article, with further diagrams, which was inserted as an appendix to the Compendium. It is to be found at the end of the Rogers MS., but it was evidently an integral part of the original, since it is mentioned twice in all the American transcriptions. Morton’s skill as a teacher is well exemplified in his use of Wallis; he condenses, simplifies, and everywhere makes the material more concrete by the use of homely illustration.

134. Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella was the most celebrated writer on agriculture of the ancient world. A Roman, he composed, some time in the first century A.D., his De Re Rustica in twelve books. Morton’s reference is probably to this work, but to what part of it the editor has not discovered. The De Re Rustica, first published at Venice in 1472, is known in many later editions.

135. One such proposal, which attracted wide attention, and in which Robert Boyle was interested, was that of Captain Robert Fitzgerald. He described his process with extreme caution—lest he reveal its secrets—in Salt Water Sweetned (London, 1683), a book which was in its tenth edition by 1685. However, a method of distillation of sea water was described in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 67 (January 16, 1670/1), fifteen years earlier.

136. The ancients’ definition of earth comes from the De Generatione et Corruptione. The remainder of Morton’s discussion is largely Cartesian, and should be compared with the Principia Philosophiae, Pt. iv. There are hints of the same ideas, too, in Boyle’s writings, especially the Essays of Effluviums (London, 1673) and An Essay of the Great Effects of Even Languid and Unheeded Motion (London, 1685). Legrand (Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. vi, ch. x) covers the problems of magnetic and electrical attraction in very similar terms.

137. There is little evidence that Morton knew at first hand the work of William Gilbert of Colchester (1540–1603), whose De Magnete was published at London in 1600. This reference shows, however, that Morton was familiar with some of Gilbert’s ideas, acquired, perhaps, through some secondary source.

138. Most of the definitions and divisions in this section are based ultimately upon Aristotle, both the De Generatione et Corruptione and the Meteorologica contributing something. The discussion of temperament, essentially medieval in outlook, leads to the ancient medical works in the Hippocratic Collection as well as to Galen, and touches one of the most tangled problems in medical history.

139. Livinus Lemnius (1505–1568) was author of De Habitu et Constitutione Corporis (Antwerp, 1561). As Mr. Morison notes, a later edition of this book was in the library of John Harvard.

140. Both the Meteorologica and the De Mundo underlie Morton’s comment on fiery meteors. Aristotle’s notions have been modified markedly, however, by the seventeenth-century enthusiasm for nitre as an explanation for all kinds of atmospheric phenomena. This may be observed in Descartes, Principia Philosophiae, Pt. iv, in Boyle’s Essays of Effluviums, and in a long-forgotten book by William Clark, The Natural History of Nitre (London, 1670), where Morton’s explanation of thunder and lightning is paralleled rather closely. See also under nitre and kindred words in the New English Dictionary.

141. Mr. Morison has indicated the background of Morton’s error here; see also under nostoc in the New English Dictionary. Star-shoot was one of the early subjects of investigation by the Royal Society. See a letter from Henry Oldenburg to Boyle, November 10, 1664, in Boyle’s Works (1772 ed.), vi. 174.

142. Morton’s explanations of comets show a rather curious use of sources. A great deal of his information comes from two books, neither of which can really be regarded as an impressive authority. Robert Hooke’s Cometa, a part of Lectures and Collections (London, 1678), consists of rather disorganized remarks, from which Morton apparently culled much, including, perhaps, the figure on page 90. Hooke’s book was included in his Lectiones Cutlerianae (London, 1679), which has recently been reprinted by R. T. Gunther in Early Science in Oxford, viii These are the Gresham College lectures to which Morton refers. The second source, John Spencer’s A Discourse Concerning Prodigies (Cambridge, 1663), has about three pages out of one hundred on Morton’s point, but more comes from those three pages than is suggested by the citations. See, for example, the note on page 92, below.

143. See the first number of that journal, March 6, 1664/5.

144. Cf. Spencer, A Discourse Concerning Prodigies (p. 15): “… Tycho measur’d in the tayle or train of the Comet, An. 1577 ninety six semidiamiters of the earth; and some astronomers found in the beard of that which shone An. 1618. the extent of 382,700 German miles.”

145. The information on winds follows Aristotle’s Meteorologica and De Mundo, and Morton does not accept Descartes’ variant explanation of earthquakes. Boxing the compass was a familiar text-book exercise; see, for example, the popular manual by Joseph Moxon, A Tutor to Astronomie and Geographic, first published in London in 1659. The explanation of trade winds and monsoons, a matter which interested Francis Bacon among others, is strikingly paralleled in a letter by Dr. George Garden which appeared in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 175 (September, 1685).

146. Here again the Meteorologica and the De Mundo are basic, even though Morton makes much of nitre and nitrosulphurious particles, as in Chapter 12. Mr. Morison has noted that the discussion of ice owes much to Boyle’s Experimental History of Cold.

147. The “circumforaneous water drinker” is mentioned by Boyle in his Experimental History of Colours (London, 1663; Works, 1772 ed., 1. 772). Boyle says that the tricks of “those mountebanks that are commonly called water-drinkers” had been exposed “in a little pamphlet printed divers years ago in English.” The editor has been unable to identify this pamphlet, but Morton obviously got his rather full information from some other source than Boyle. The trick is described, with somewhat differing details, in Sports and Pastimes: or, Sport for the City, and Pastime for the Country; with a Touch of Hocus Pocus, or Legerdemain. Fitted for the Delight and Recreation of Youth by J. M. Amat. Ant. (London, 1676).

148. Mr. Morison has shown that this is the latest event mentioned in the Compendium, and the best evidence for the conclusion that Morton composed his book about 1680. As has been suggested, however, certain allusions hint at additions or revisions as late, perhaps, as 1685.

149. Although haloes, parhelia, and paraselenae, as well as rainbows, are treated in the Meteorologica, they were particularly interesting to the seventeenth century. Boyle touches upon them in the Experimental History of Colours, which Morton cites; Descartes’ considerable investigation of this branch of optics is echoed in Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. vi, ch. xx, where may be found diagrams quite similar to the figures on the next page. Discussions of the same phenomena, somewhat unlike Morton’s, may be found in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 13 (June 4, 1666), and No. 60 (June 20, 1670).

150. Legrand’s treatment of stone (Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. vi, ch. ix) suggests that he and Morton drew upon similar Scholastic sources, but there are traces in this chapter of both Descartes and Boyle.

151. See Historia Naturalis, Bk. xxxvii, ch. lx. It is rather surprising that this is Morton’s only mention of Pliny the Elder, whose famous book is comparable at many points with the Compendium.

152. Boyle’s The Origin and Virtue of Gems (London, 1672), is again referred to in Chapter 20.

153. Morton may allude to Petty’s A Dialogue of Diamonds rather than to the Discourse of Duplicate Proportion. See The Petty Papers, edited by the Marquis of Lansdowne (London, 1927), 11. 263.

154. This information is of special interest because Morton’s only contribution to the Philosophical Transactions (No. 113, April 26, 1675) was “The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea-sand, communicated by an Intelligent Gentleman well acquainted in those parts to Dr. Dan. Cox.”

155. Perhaps because of his Cornish connections, Morton shared to an unusual degree in the widespread interest of his time in mines and mining. Boyle wrote some articles of inquiry touching mines, printed in the Philosophical Transactions (No. 19, November 19, 1666), which seem to be condensed in Morton’s judgment on how to find “where the mine is.” Other interesting parallels in the same journal are to be found in No. 5 (July 3, 1665), where adits and their use are described; No. 69 (March 25, 1671), in which there is a long account, with diagrams, of Cornish tin mines; and No. 137 (February 10, 1677/8), where Dr. Christopher Merret discusses the Godolphin Ball or mine in Cornwall, Cornish diamonds, “mundick,” and other aspects of tin-working.

156. The proverb quoted by Morton may be found in almost any book on Cornwall. See, for instance, Gilbert Davies, The Parochial History of Cornwall, i. 152; S. P. B. Mais, The Cornish Riviera (3d ed., London, 1934), p. 19. Thomas Bushell’s proposal was but one of many projects for Hingston Down, and but one of many schemes by that energetic mining man. Mr. Morison has indicated the recent study by J. W. Gough, The Superlative Prodigall, A Life of Thomas Bushell (London, 1932). But Bushell’s bellows were not new in principle; they and other of the methods noticed by Morton may be studied in Georgius Agricola, De Re Metallica (Basel, 1556), a famous book translated, with notes, by Herbert Clark Hoover and Lou Henry Hoover (London, 1912). The Hoovers have many suggestions for a reader of Morton; they describe, for instance, the vast literature on Hannibal’s supposed use of vinegar to split the rocks of the Alps. It is worth noting, too, that bellows were actually used at St. Agnes in Cornwall in 1696, before Morton’s death. See The Victoria History of the County of Cornwall, i. 546.

157. For the value of gold and its place in English coinage, see A. E. Feaveryear, The Found Sterling, pp.71–90.

158. Morton here repeats a popular, and probably erroneous, story about the death of Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, in 1612. See the articles in the Dictionary of National Biography on Henry, William Butler (1535–1618), the royal physician, and Sir Theodore Turquet de Mayerne (1573–1655). There is also a pamphlet by Sir Norman Moore, On the Illness and Death of Henry Prince of Wales, which demonstrates that the prince died of typhoid fever.

159. This story probably refers to Sir Francis Godolphin, who some time in the sixteenth century imported a Dutch mining expert to show him how to improve mining methods in the famous Godolphin Ball. See The Victoria History of the County of Cornwall, 1. 548.

160. Morton means here the American Indians. The first instance of “American” meaning a “native or citizen of the United States, or the earlier British colonies included in these” is, according to the Dictionary of American English, in the introduction to Cotton Mather’s Magnolia (1702).

161. From this point on through Chapter 30, Aristotle’s De Anima shapes the general outline of the discussion. Evidently, however, Morton was familiar with the anatomical and physiological notions of his own time, as they were summarized in medical books designed for the general public. Comparison with Legrand and with the “Digression of Anatomy” in Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy shows how much Morton’s knowledge of the nutritive process, procreation, and the processes of sensation was common property.

162. Walter Charleton (1619–1707) was author of Natural History of Nutrition (London, 1659).

163. William Cole (1635–1716) published his De Secretione Animali at Oxford in 1674.

164. Jean Fernel (1497–1558) was a prolific medical writer, whose works were long popular throughout Europe. Where he relates this story the editor has not discovered.

165. Morton’s acquaintance with Harvey may have been directly through the De Motu Cordis et Sanguinis, or through some intermediate source. See the note on p. 193, below.

166. Morton’s knowledge of Sanctorius’ De Statica Medicina (Venice, 1614) may easily have been through Boyle’s almost identical mention of insensible perspiration in The Spring and Weight of the Air. See Boyle, Works (1772 ed.), 1. 105; for Sanctorius (1561–1636), see Wolf, History of Science in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 433–435.

167. The backgrounds of this chapter include Theophrastus’ De Natura et Causis Plantarum and Aristotle’s De Plantis. It is obvious, however, that the science of plant morphology was in its infancy in the seventeenth century, and Morton was none too well informed of the ideas of the Neoterics (i.e., Moderns). Burton, by the way, uses Neoterics in this same sense in the Anatomy of Melancholy.

168. Morton’s comments on procreation owe something to Robert Hooke’s Lampas (London, 1677), and something to William Harvey’s pioneer work in embryology, Exercitationes de Generatione Animalium (London, 1651). From Hooke’s book, a part of the same Gresham College lectures used for the chapter on comets, comes some of the knowledge of microscopical investigations of maiden-hair, male-fern, and other plants, as well as the speculation about the grass that grew after the Great Fire of London. See Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, viii. 198–206. The account of the hen’s egg is, as Mr. Morison has shown, a condensation of Harvey’s book. Note that Morton knows there is discussion regarding the sexuality of plants, a fact not fully established until the eighteenth century, and that he does not believe in spontaneous generation, though he makes no mention of the experiments of Francesco Redi.

169. This chapter, together with portions of Chapters 26, 28, and 30, hinges upon one of the central points in Cartesian discussion: the distinction between man and the animals. See, for a convenient summary, Albert G. A. Balz, “Cartesian Doctrine and the Animal Soul: An Incident in the Formation of the Modern Philosophical Tradition,” Studies in the History of Ideas, 111. 115–177. Although Aristotle’s De Anima has some relation to the ideas here, it would seem likely that Morton had read such contemporary books as Thomas Willis’ De Anima Brutorum (London, 1672) and Antoine Legrand’s Dissertatio de Carentia Sensus et Cognitionis in Brutis (London, 1675). Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy, Pt. 1, is again a convenient place to observe the background of the ideas presented from this point on through Chapter 30.

170. Despite the influence of the De Anima and the De Sensu et Sensibili, this chapter is dominated by contemporary discussion. Most important, as Mr. Morison has indicated, is Isaac Newton’s letter in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 80 (February 19, 1671/2), a famous theory of vision which was followed by a long series of attacks and defenses in the same journal. Morton’s definition of light follows Newton’s, as does his description of white light (see the Philosophical Transactions, No. 88, November 18, 1672). Many things, moreover, suggest Boyle’s Experimental History of Colours, twice cited by Morton. The description of the anatomy of the eye is paralleled in Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. viii, ch. xvi, where there is a somewhat similar diagram.

171. This brief rejection of the belief in the evil eye has considerable interest because of Morton’s quiescent part in the Salem witchcraft proceedings of 1692. Thomas Brattle wrote that some of the Salem justices undertook to explain the cure of afflicted persons by the touch of their supposed tormentors on the basis of Cartesian philosophy and the doctrine of effluvia: “… and the account they give of it is this; that by this touch, the venemous and malignant particles, that were ejected from the eye, do, by this means, return to the body whence they came, and so leave the afflicted persons pure and whole.” Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, George L. Burr, Editor, p. 171. Neither Brattle nor Morton held this opinion, nor did Increase Mather, who wrote that “the notion of Fascination by the Eye is unphilosophical.” Increase Mather, Cases of Conscience Concerning Evil Spirits Personating Men (Boston, 1693 [1692]), p. 42.

172. Aristotle’s brief treatise De Audibilibus supplements the De Anima and the De Sensu as the background for Morton’s acoustics. This chapter, too, is closely related, although not perhaps indebted, to Francis Bacon’s extensive experiments and discussions of sound in the Sylva Sylvarum, Centuries ii and iii.

173. The reference is to Boyle’s Spring and Weight of the Air, to which, as Mr. Morison has said, Morton owes much in this chapter.

174. As Mr. Morison has noted, Morton’s whole chapter owes much to Sir Samuel Morland (1625–1695), An Account of the Speaking Trumpet (London, 1672). This study, which was also printed in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 79, includes a discussion of the nature of sound. As Mr. Morison recalls in his foreword, Samuel Wesley was particularly shocked because some of his schoolmates at Morton’s academy shouted insults through a speaking trumpet at the local Anglican clergyman. In 1678, by the way, Increase Mather appears to have been interested in Morland’s speaking trumpet. See Kenneth B. Murdock, Increase Mather, p. 147.

175. This music room was presumably at Mamhead, the Ball mansion near Exeter, but the editor has been unable to discover any other description of it.

176. A long description of the whispering place at Gloucester was read before the Royal Society on November 5, 1662. See Birch, History of the Royal Society, 1. 120–123.

177. Morton’s introduction to music is not very helpful, for he appears to be in error both in his description of concord and in his scale of musical notes. See, for a convenient view of the musical knowledge upon which Morton could draw, Thomas Morley, A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke (London, 1597), pp. 2, 70–71, etc. Although Morton mentions the monochord, he appears to be ignorant of the discovery that strings vibrate in segments, communicated by John Wallis in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 134 (April 23, 1677).

178. In this chapter, once more the background is Aristotelian, the De Anima and the De Sensu being in point. But with the older ideas Morton combines some seventeenth-century physiology. For comparison, see Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. viii, chs. xii–xiv, and Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy.

179. With the addition of Aristotle’s De Memoria et Reminiscentia, the comments on the “interior senses” follow much the same sources as were suggested for the preceding chapter. There is a trace, however, of the Cartesian discussion mentioned in connection with Chapter 22.

180. As Morton indicates, the “Popish Schoolmen” were his chief predecessors in discussing the object, seat, acts, and passions of the sensitive appetite. Here are echoes, for instance, of Thomas Aquinas’s “Treatise on Man,” Q. lxxvi–lxxxi, and his “Treatise on Human Acts,” Pt. 11. See The “Summa Theologica” of St. Thomas Aquinas, translated by Fathers of the English Dominican Province (22 vols., London, 1911–1925). Descartes covered the same material, under a classification somewhat varying from Morton’s, in Les Passions de l’Âme.

181. Two of Aristotle’s biological treatises, De Incessu Animalium and De Motu Animalium will be found to have some bearing on this section. Morton’s physiology of the nervous system is derived, however, from Descartes’ De Homine, perhaps through some such intermediary as Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. viii, ch. vi. See Charles Singer, A Short History of Medicine, pp. 127–129. The mechanistic implications, here quite evident, were more fully developed by Giovanni Alfonso Borelli, whose De Motu Animalium (Rome, 1680–1681) may possibly have been known by Morton. The discussion of the souls of brutes continues the question raised before in Chapters 22 and 26.

182. Morton, perhaps influenced by his teacher, John Wilkins, had more than ordinary interest in the conquest of the air. See Morton’s “Enquiry into the Physical and Literal Sense of that Scripture Jeremiah viii, 7,” in the Harleian Miscellany (2nd ed., London, 1744), 11. 558–567; and cf. Marjorie Nicolson, “A World in the Moon,” Smith College Studies in Modern Languages, xvii. No. 2. Morton was proposing the hypothesis that swallows and storks and their kind wintered in the moon.

183. In the Ward MS., used by Mr. Morison, this statement is attributed to “Hevel.” In the other American transcriptions it is clearly “Slegelius,” and may perhaps refer to Paulus Marquart Slegel, author of Disputatio de Haemorrhagia (Jena, 1640), listed in the British Museum catalogue. In the Bodleian MS., however, “Spigelius” is inserted as a correction. The reference is probably to De Humani Corporis Fabrica (Venice, 1627) by Adrian van den Spieghel (1578–1625), a Flemish anatomist.

184. In his remarks on the pulse Morton deals with what has been called “the crucial point in Harvey’s argument,” and “a most important question ever since.” See William Harvey, Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in Animalibus (Tercentennial Edition, with an English translation and annotations by Chauncy D. Leake, Springfield, Ill., and Baltimore, Md., 1928), pp. 75–76 n. Apparently Morton does not draw directly either from Harvey or from Harvey’s most important follower, Richard Lower (Tractatus de Corde, London, 1669). See Harvey’s treatise in Leake’s edition, pp. 73–76, and Lower’s treatise, prefaced by an introduction and translation by K. J. Franklin, in R. T. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, ix. sigs. G¹–G². Harvey supposes, for the sake of his argument, that the left ventricle holds one half ounce (four drams), three drams, or, as he says, even one dram. Lower says, perhaps through information from other sources, that Harvey estimated two ounces. On this vital point in the computation Harvey is indefinite, since it does not matter to his argument. Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. viii, ch. vii, estimates that there are 64 pulses per minute, 3,840 per hour; that there is one dram of blood in the left ventricle; and that the weight of the whole mass of blood is “scarcely above 10 Pounds.” Hence he arrives at the estimate that all the blood circulates through the heart three times each hour. Lower estimates six times, Morton thirteen.

185. Many of the notions here go back to some of the brief treatises in Aristotle’s Parva Naturalia: namely, De Somno et Vigilia, De Somnis, and De Divinatione per Somnum. Legrand, Institutio Philosophiae, Pt. viii, ch. xx, reveals close verbal correspondences; for example: “Waking is the free Exercise of the Senses, depending on the uninterrupted influence of Spirits into the Organs.”

186. This chapter, somewhat remotely related to the Historia Animalium, echoes the Cartesian discussion of the animal soul touched upon previously in Chapters 22, 26, and 28.

187. Morton’s “reactionary” logic is discussed at some length in Perry Miller, The New England Mind (pp. 121–123). A glance at Mr. Miller’s index will reveal, moreover, his considerable use of the Compendium Physicae in the synthesis of seventeenth-century New England thought which he has made.

188. The creation, duration, and end of the world, old problems all, were peculiarly the concern of seventeenth-century thinkers. Scientists, literary men, and theologians were alike anxious to defend theistic first causes against the “modern Epicureans,” by whom were meant Gassendi and Thomas Hobbes; while even Sir Isaac Newton gave of his enthusiasm to the interpretation of the apocalyptic writings. The full story of the innumerable attacks upon the elusive Epicureans, i.e., materialists, is still to be written. Some hints may be gained from J. M. Robertson, A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern (2nd ed., London, 1906), 11. 60–125; G. D. Hadzits, Lucretius and His Influence, pp. 284–317; and L. I. Bredvold, “Dryden, Hobbes, and the Royal Society,” Modern Philology, xxv. 417–438. For an introduction to the enormous literature on the duration and end of the world, see the articles on Chiliasm, Eschatology, and the Millennium in any good encyclopaedia.

189. In addition to comment on the matter in his Experimental Philosophy, Power wrote a manuscript “Essay on the World’s Duration,” now in the British Museum. See the article on Power in the Dictionary of National Biography, and compare with the note on p. 51, above.

190. From the Rogers MS.

191. Giovanni Battista Baliano (d 1666) was an Italian physician and mathematician.

192. The reference is to Giovanni Battista Riccioli, Almagestum Novum (Bologna, 1651).

193. Johann Hevel, Selenographia sive Lunae Descriptio (Danzig, 1647). The information here, however, is in Wallis’s article.