FEBRUARY MEETING, 1914

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at the house of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, No. 28 Newbury Street, Boston, on Thursday, 26 February, 1914, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the President, Henry Lefavour, LL.D., in the chair.

The Records of the last Stated Meeting were read and approved.

The Corresponding Secretary reported that letters had been received from Mr. Charles Hall Grandgent and Mr. Franklin Pierce Rice accepting Resident Membership.

The President announced the death of Louis Cabot, a Resident Member, on the 9th of February, and of the Hon. Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, a Corresponding Member, on the 24th of February.

The President spoke of a plan now on foot to erect in Boston a statue of Anne Hutchinson.

Mr. Worthington C. Ford communicated a Diary kept by Washington at Mt. Vernon during the months of May, June, and July, 1786.426

DIARY OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

May–July, 1786

MAY — 1786

Monday —first

Rid to the Fishing landing and to the Plantation, at the Ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy hole, perceived the Siberian Wheat at the two first had come up thinly which I attributed partly to bad seed and partly to two thin sowing as the oats and Barley at all three were also too thin, and where the ground had been wet — and hard baked none appeared.

Set them to drilling the common corn at Muddy hole, and to sewing clover seed in the neck on the oats. — the ground for which was in bad order; being so hard baked that the roller could make no impression on it. — this business has been unreasonably delayed, partly from the late arrival of the seed from Phil^a & partly from neglect & unfavourable weather after it did arrive.

But indifferent luck in fishing to day.

Planted, or rather transplanted from the Box sent me by Col° W^m Washington427 S° Carolina 6 of the Sweet scented, or aromatic shrubs in my shrubberies, on each side the serpentine walks on this (on the east) side of the Garden gate — the rest of these shrubs I suffered to remain in the Box as they were beginning to shoot forth buds & it might be too late to remove them. — Wind at N° West.

Tuesday — 2

Thermometer at 60 in the Morning 69 at noon — and 62 at night.

Wind Easterly but not very fresh clear and pleasant. — rid by Muddy hole plantation into the neck—at the first finished drilling the common corn, and ordered the plow to be sent to Dogue run. At the latter I began to Drill the common corn in the furthermost cut — next the river opposite to Mr. Digges’s — & continued the sowing of clover, there — could perceive no vegitation in the Burnet; Saint foin, or other grass which had been sown at this place.

Planted Pumpions at Morris near the old Houses in which M^rs Wade lived; in a light Sandy soil 10 feet apart.

Began to harrow the ground at Morris’s, that is Dogue run plantation in which the bad clover seed was sown last fall in order to sprinkle Timothy seed on it.

Planted 140 seed sent me by Col° W^m Washington and said by him to be the seed of the large Magnolia or Laurel of Carolina in boxes N° 4–5 & 6 near the green house.

Also 21 of the Illinois nuts;428 compleating at the N° end, the piece of a row in My Botanical Garden in which on the — of — I put Gloucester hiccory nuts.

Wednesday — 3^d

Thermometer at 60 in the morning 67 at noon — and 62 at night.

Calm and clear in the Morning — about noon the wind sprung up from the Southward and tow^ds night veered round to the eastw^d and turned cool — Midday warm.

Rid to Muddy hole, Dogue run and Ferry plantations — Also to the fishing landing.

At the 1^st hoed up the sunken & cold places in which Barley had been sowed and was rotten in order to resow them.

At the next I had the ground which was harrowed yesterday & cross harrowing to day sowed with seeds from my Hay loft. Which I directed to be again harrowed, to cover the seed and more effectually loosen the earth. Also began to drill Peas at this — the large sort, next the Barley. Caught a good Many Fish yesterday, not many today.

Planted two rows of the everlasting Peas in my botanical Garden, in the section which contained the guinea grass that would not stand the winter. — Also 2 rows of the acorn of the live & water oak in the same garden, adjoining the row which has the Hiccory & Illinois nuts. And in box No. 9 in the garden by the Green House was put a pestatia nut given to me by Col° Mead.429

Perceived the seeds of the Honey locust to be coming up, irregularly — whether owing to their being shallowest planted — hardness of ground — or wet I cannot say. Also observed the clover & orchard grass seed which had been sowed under the Pines in the pine grove for an experiment, was coming up pretty thick.

Thursday — 4^th

Thermometer at 58 in the morning 68 at noon — and 63 at night.

Clear and pleasant with but little wind, and that easterly. Towards evening it began to lower a little, and at night a circle appeared round the moon.

Doct^r Craik came here in the forenoon, & crossed the river. After Dinner on his return home, at w^ch time I set out for Abingdon in order (to morrow) to survey My 4 miles run Tract, on which I had cause to apprehend trespasses had been committed.

Sent Maj^r Washington430 to Town on Business when he and Mr. Lund Washington engaged to M^r Watson 100. Barr^ls of My Flour to be delivered next week at 32/9 p Barr^l

Not many fish caught to day at the Ferry.

Made good the missing Barley at Muddy hole.

Friday 5^th

Thermometer at 62 in the morning 67 at noon — and 63 at night.

The Morning mild and agreeable, as indeed it was through the day till towards evening, when it began to lower pretty much — a large & distinct circle round the Sun before noon & lasted a g^d while.

Set out early from Abingdon, and beginning at the upper comer of my Land (or 4 miles run) a little below an old Mill; I ran the Tract agreeably to the courses & distances, of a Plat made thereof by John Hough, in the year 1766 (Nov^r) in presence of Col° Carlyle & M^r James Mercer. — Not hav^g Hough’s field Notes, & no corner trees being noted in His Plot, I did not attempt to look for lines; but allowing one degree for the variation of compass since the survey, above mentioned was made, I run the courses and distances only; & was unable for want of time to do more than run the lines that bro^t me to the ran again, the meanders of w^ch must be run at some other time in order to ascertain with precision the quantity of land which is contained. — Upon the whole I found this tract fully equal to my expectations. — The whole of it is well wooded, some part is pretty well timbered; and generally speaking, it is level. — About the main road, or the South side of the tract, Trespasses (on the wood) had been made but one degree less, than I expected to find. — and as I run the lines as set done by Hough, with the variation; I run into the fields lately Col° Carlyles (now Whitings) so far as to cut off 12 or 15 acres of his inclosures, and made the plat close very well to the run.

Returned at night to Abingdon, being attended in the labours of the day, by Doct^r Stuart.

Saturday — 6^th

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn^g 58 at noon — and 56 at night

A fresh wind all night at N° E^t Morning and forenoon very cloudy, with a mizzling rain, but not enough to wet the ground — wind from the same q^r or a little more northerly, continuing all day, which made it cool and disagreeable.

After an early breakfast I set out on my return home, & taking Muddy hole in my way, returned about 10 O’clock.

Found that all the large (Indian) Peas I had, had been sown with the drill plow yesterday, at Dogue run wh^h only compleated 8 rows after which they proceeded to sow the small black eyed peas & finished with y^m

That the drill plow in the neck had finished planting the common corn in the cut in which it had first begun and was proceeding in the end adjoining, and that the Muddy hole people had just begun to Hoe the new ground (for corn) in front of the Home House.

That the Ferry Plantation had begun to Plant corn, in the common mode, for want of the drill plow, which was otherwise engaged. And that an indifferent h^d had been made of catching Fish since Wednesday last.

Sunday — 7^th

Thermometer at 56 in the Morn^g 67 at noon and 66 at night.

Clear with the wind fresh but not cold, from the n° west, all day — Towards night it died away & inclined to the southward more, — M^r Porter, M^r Murray, (Young) M^r Bowen, and a Captain Aitkins came (by invitation) to dine with us to day, and returned to Alexandria in the evening. — just as we were about to set down to Dinner Doct^r Craik, his wife, son William, and Daughters (Miss Craik & Miss Nancy) came in Dined & stayed all night.

Monday — 8^th

Thermometer at 60 in the Morning 70 at noon and 68 at night.

Clear, Calm & warm.

Rid to Muddy hole & Dogue run began at the first to cross the lists in order to Plant corn — the early corn & Indian Pease at this place were coming up. Sent a carpenter to put a new axle & do some other repairs to the Barrel plow at Dogue run.

Sowed 3 rows of the Border grass seeds in the inclosure behind the stables, adjoining to, and just below the Cape wheat & next the fence –– Next to these was near a row of yellow clover — the first was given to me by Col° Fitzhugh431 of Maryland and the other by Col° Chas Carter of Ludlow. —these rows were two feet a part, and the seeds sown very thin in the rows that the more seeds might be saved from them for y^e next year^s

On Saturday last the dead cedars in My Shrubberies were replaced by live ones just taken up. Doct^r Craik, wife & family went away after breakfast.

In the evening a Captⁿ Whaley from Yohiogany came in on some business respecting the affairs of the deceased Co^l Crawford — and Hugh Stephenson to whom I gave under cover to Tho^s Smith Esq^r (my lawyer in that country) a Bill of Sale and the letter w^ch enclosed it which the said Col° Crawford had sent me in the m° of May 1774 as security for what he owed me, and to indemnify me for my engagements in his behalf, to see if they were valid & would cover the debt he owed me, as they never had been recorded. — I also gave him the statement of my acc^t with Col° John, and the deceased Hugh Stephenson which, in behalf of the latter he promised to pay and to obtain the other moiety from the first. — He also promised to send in my negros which had been hired to Gilbert Simpson, or bring them in himself, in consequence of this assurance I gave him an order on Maj^r Freeman to deliver them.

Tuesday — 9^th

Thermometer at 60 in the Morn^g 66 at noon — and 64 at night.

Clear & warm, with but little wind and that did not spring up till about 11 o’clock, first from the N° E^t shifting afterwards to S° E^t

Rid to all my Plantations between Breakfast and dinner.

Found the Flax in the neck had come up, and full thick, and that the grass (seeds) rather millet) obt^nd from Col° Cary had come up, but were of the saint foin, Burnet or rib grass appeared to be springing — finished planting, with the Barrel plow, the early corn in the furthest cut in the field for experiments, in the neck, and not having enough to compleat another cut in the same field I ordered all the remaining part of it to be drilled with common corn, accordingly, about noon, the intermediate rows in the middle cut which had been left for the early corn were begun to be planted with the other. — At this plantation also the People had begun to break up the intervals in the most grassy places between the listed ground, but I set a plough to crossing in order to plant corn in the common way in the field intended for this purpose.

At Dogue run, the hands there were also hoeing up the intervals between the corn rows.

The ground, by the heavy rains which fell about 14 days ago, dry weather, and baking winds since, had got immensely hard, so as that seeds which were not already up, could not force through it, and them which had come up previously could not grow.

Captⁿ Whaley went away before breakfast.

M^r George Digges, and Miss Digges came to dinner & returned in the evening — at which time my Brother John432 came in from Berkeley.

Wednesday 10^th

Thermometer at 58 in the morning — at noon — and — at night

But little wind in the morning a red sky at the sunrising, and some clouds and appearances of rain, which soon dispersed.

My Brother and M^r George Washington went up to Town after Breakfast and did not return till the Evening.

I rid to the Plantations at Muddy hole — Dogue run, and Ferry — also to the fishing landing — at the first I found the early corn had come up very well, except where the ground was hard, and baked, but the birds were pulling it up fast. The Peas were also coming up, but not so regular as the corn, and of the Siberian wheat, Barley and Oats which had come up some were cut off by a bug, and the rest looked indifferently, and in many places very thin the Barley which looked strong & of a good colour at first, had got to be yellow, and the end of the blades in a manner dead. No appearance yet of the Potatoes & Carrots coming up.

Ordered Morris (at Dogue run) to discontinue his 5 furrow lists and go on with three, as I might (the season advancing fast) get my corn in the ground before it was too late.

The first appeared to be quite done running, but I ordered my People to continue at landing trying a haul on every tide untill Saturday and between whiles to attempt clearing a landing for sein hauling above the Ferry landing where the Channel approaches nearer the shore and it is thought good for shad.

Began to plant corn in the common way at Muddy hole.

Thursday 11^th

Thermometer at 55 in the Morning — 58 at noon and 58 at night.

Morning Cloudy, with great appearances of rain. about 11 O’clk it began to rain, which fell moderately for about ten minutes & ceased but continued Cloudy the remainder of the day — wind at S° East but not very fresh.

My Brother set off on his return home after breakfast, passing through Maryland.

Mrs. Washington433 and Fanny Washington434 went up to Abingdon & returned in the evening.

I rid to the Plantations at Muddy hole, Dogue run and Ferry between Breakfast & dinner and crossed to that in the Neck after dinner — The ground particularly when they were drilling corn at the last, and indeed, at Dogue ran w^ch was stiff, & had been plowed when it was too wet was astonishly hard and lumpy, and in which it is much to be feared the corn will never rise.

Friday, 12^th

Thermometer at 58, in the morning 67 at noon — and 65 at night.

Cloudy in the Morning, about noon the sun shone but was soon obscured again, & it remained cloudy all the latter part of the day — rain exceedingly wanting — at home all day.

Finished about noon planting with the Barrel Plow the middle cut in my field of experiments at the River Plantation.

Saturday — 13^th

Thermometer at 60 in the morning 64 at noon — and 64 at night.

Lowering all the forepart of the day with drops of rain (but no more) now and then. — Evening clear — wind variable, but mostly at S° E^t

I rid to Muddy hole, Dogue run & Ferry plantations; and to the fishery at the latter.

Ordered my People to quit hauling — and bring home my seins.

Finished (yesterday evening) planting corn with the barrel plow in the Cut intended for experiments at Dogue run. Also finished planting Corn in the Middle cut (this day ab^t 3 O’clock) at Muddy hole in the common way — putting a little dung in each hole, in the poor parts of the ground.

The Cotton seeds, Pumpion seeds, & Timothy seeds (which were sowed on the oats) at Dogue run, were coming up.

Sunday — 14^th

Thermometer at 60 in the morning 70 at noon — and 71 at night.

Clear all day with very little wind and that from S° West.

G. A. Washington and his wife, and M^r Shaw435 went to Pohick Church, dined at M^r L. Washingtons. and returned in the evening — Col° Gilpin, The Rev. M^r M^cQuire, M^r Hunter & M^r Sanderson came here to dinner and returned afterwards.

Began yesterday afternoon to pen my sheep, & milch cattle at the H° House in the hurdles which had been made for the former.

Monday — 15^th

Thermometer at 64 in the morning — 68 at noon — and 68 at night.

Clear Morning with but little wind — about 10 O’clock Clouds arose to the westward, and at 11 it began to thunder; about 12, a small, & very light sprinkling of rain fell, after which it cleared, but about 4 O’clock in the afternoon another cloud arose from whence we had a slow & moderate rain for about 3 quarters of an hour which softened the top of the ground (before much baked) and must be of great service to vegetation — Wind what there was of it came from the S° West.

I rid to the plantation in the neck and to Muddy hole, at the latter perceived the Irish Potatoes to be coming up. — at the former the Plows having over taken the dung carts (which were carrying out dung to spread in the corn rows) I set them to plowing and planting the Peas, ordering the alternate Pea rows to be planted at the same distance (viz 18 Inches) a part, as the corn is, intending the intermediate ones to be drilled, that is, planted at 6 inches a part to see which mode will be most productive.

A with whom an agreement was made to bring a load of good & clean shells having brought very bad and dirty ones they were refused.

Maj^r G. Washington went up to Alexandria on business — Doct^r Craik returned with him (by desire) in the afternoon to visit M^rs Washington, who had been troubled for several days with a pain in her shoulder.

Tuesday — 16^th

Thermometer at 65 in the Morning — at noon –– and 64 at night.

Morning lowering — about 10 O’clock it thickened and thundered and before eleven began to rain & continued showery till near two O’clock after w^ch it ceased but towards [night] it thickened & began to rain again — Wind for the most part Easterly but not strong. — The rain of Yesterday and what fell today appear to have wet the ground sufficiently.

Doct^r Craik went away immediately after breakfast, I rid to the Plantations at Muddy hole and Dogue run perceived the Pease at the former had come up very indifferently and looked badly which some of my Negros ascribed to their being plan^ted too early whilst the earth was too cold for this crop.

The Peas which were planted somewhat later at Morses, (Dogue run) were also coming up, as his corn was, and much pulled up by the Birds.

The Timothy seed sowed (on the Clover) first w^ch had failed from the badness of the seed and which after harrowing had been laid down in it, at Dogue run, appeared to be coming up thick.

Began to plant corn at this Plantation yesterday in the common method.

When I returned home I f^d Moses Ball, his son John Ball, & W^m Carter here, the first having his effects under execution wanted to borrow Money to redeem them, lent him ten pounds for this purpose.

In the afternoon a John Halley (of Maryland) applied to rent a fishing shore of me at Sheridens point. Requested him to make his proposals in writing and I would consider of them, and as he was the first who had applied w^d give him the preference upon equal ground.

Wednesday — 17^th

Thermometer at 62 in the Morning 63 at noon — and 56 at night.

Morning calm, warm and pleasant, between 10 and 12 clouds arose, and showers fell around us, but none here between one & 2 O clock the wind came out hard at N° West and turned cold. After which it moderated, and shifted to the Eastward; but still continued cold.

At home all day, writing the best part of it.

Began where oats had been sowed in the neck, and the gr^d had got hard bound, and the clover seed unable to penetrate the earth and to vegitate, to harrow and roll it, to see if the clover & oats both would not be benefitted thereby.

Thursday 18^th

Thermometer at 58 in the morning 65 at noon — and 60 at night.

Wind at S° West, with Showery Clouds around us all day; about 7 O clock it began to rain, and continued to do so powerfully, for 20 or 30 Minits when it cleared again.

Rid to all the Plantations between breakfast & dinner — at the Ferry I found my people had finished planting corn in the common way yesterday and were preparing the small piece near the Fish House to plant with y^e drill (or Barrel) in which they were also beginning to plant Irish Potatoes, this piece contains a few rod over two acres. At Dogue run, finding they would be late planting & replanting corn (for that which was first planted with the drill plow had either come up very badly or had been destroyed by Birds) I directed after the Cut (round Barry’s houses) in which they were planting, was finished to run a single furrow in the remainder of the other each way, and to plant it in that manner, hoeing the ground well when the corn was dropped, perceived the Irish Potatoes to be coming up at this Plantation — at Muddy hole they finished planting corn about 10 O’clock, at this place I tried a 3 hoed harrow which I had just made with a single horse, upon the whole it answered very well, the draft seemed rather hard for one horse but the late rains had made the ground heavier than usual. Ordered my overseer at this place to take into the Barn & thrash out, the only stack of wheat remaining at the Plantation and to carry the grain to the mill.

In the Neck every other Pea row had been planted with the barrel dropping the Peas at 18 inches a part in the rows, and five other rows (intermediate) on the South were planted at 6 inches asunder in the rows but finding this would take more seed than I c^d spare I discontinued sowing more in this manner and returned to the 18 inch distance agⁿ

A M^r Tho^s Moody came here in the afternoon and paid me some money in discharge of his father’s Bond to Col° Tho^s Colvels Estate to which I am an Ex^r

John Knoules came here to work at £5 p^r month, and a pint of rum p^r day.

Friday — 19^th

Thermometer; at 55 in the Morning 65 at noon — and 60 at night.

Wind at N° West in the Morning and indeed through the day, the forepart of which was cool, the middle and latter part moderate the whole pleasant.

Rid to Muddy hole —Dogue ran, & Neck Plantations; the harrow plow was stopped at the first by the rain which fell yesterday and which had made the gr^d too wet & too heavy to use it in. at the latter they would have finished drilling the corn, and planting the Potatoes (the doing of which began yesterday) but for the rain which had fallen in the afternoon — It was done however early this morning and the other spot, in which the Siberian wh^t had been sowed was set out to get it in order for corn. To Dogue run I sent the remains of the Barley about half a peck to be pricked in where missing in the rows (beginning next the wheat) at the distance of eight inches.

Mr. Porter & Doct^r Craik Jus^t came down the River in a ship b^d to France landed & dined here & returned to Alexandria in the afternoon.

Saturday — 20^th

Thermometer at 56 in the Morning 60 at noon and 59 at night.

Morning clear with the wind at South West — about 8 o clock it began to thicken to the westward which encreased with distant thunder, by ten O’Clock it was quite overcast and began to rain moderately & continued to do so without wind for more than two hours when it ceased the sun came out but was more less cloudy all the Afternoon and cool, the wind having shifted to the South-East and got fresher.

Rid to Muddy hole and the Neck — the ground at the first having got drier, the harrow plow was again set to work in the drilled ground. Finished planting (yesterday evening) Corn in the Neck with the Barrel plow and set about sowing pease there again.

Finished planting with corn the cut at Dogue run which includes the Houses that were Barrys — and began in that nearest the overseers House.

Having received from Holt of Williamsburg through the hands of M^r Dandridge about 6 gills of the eastern shore Peas (or as he calls them beans) so celebrated for fertilizing land I began, & before the rain fell, planted 3 rows in the inclosure below the stables adjoining the row of yellow clover, & in a line with the Cape Wheat, being a continuation of those rows (2 feet a part,) the seeds were placed a foot asunder in the rows.

Sunday 21^st

Thermometer at 60 in the morn’^g 70 at noon, and 66 at Night.

A good deal, and heavy rain fell in the night, with thunder & lightning; day warm, with sun shine & clouds alternately. Calm in the forenoon, & wind at East in the Afternoon with thunder and great appearances of rain a little only of which fell.

Monday — 22^d

Thermometer at 64 in the Morning 60 at noon — and 60 at night

Wind Easterly, and very cloudy with drops of Rain now and then

Rid to Muddy hole, Dogue run & Ferry Plantations, replanting corn at the first, begun today, and not on Saturday as I have noted, to plant corn in the cut next the overseers house at Dogue run, where by a mistake of the Overseer they had begun, and had planted Barley in the rows of Siberian Wheat, and had done — of them before I got there — stopped and set them to replanting the missing parts of the Barley rows. — Finished drilling the corn at the Ferry Plantation.

Planted 10 more rows of the eastern shore Peas, alongside of those which were put in on Saturday last. –– And all that section with them in My Botanical garden which had the guinea grass last year, except the two rows which had been before planted on the 3^d ins^tt with everlasting Peas.

I seperated my rams from the ewes at the home house. –– and ordered the same to be done at the plantations.

Began to take up the pavement of the Piaza.

Tuesday — 23^d

Thermometer at 60 in the Morn’^g 60 at noon and 58 at night.

Misting in the morning and very cloudy & cold all day with the wind at N° E^t

Rid to Muddy hole and Neck Plantations. — ordered the gr^d allotted for Cabbages, to be prepared at both places; and plants to be taken from my garden to set it with. This preparation consisted of another listing (or plowing with three furrows) of the ground which had been before listed, leaving an intermediate row at each place for Turnips, to try which would yield most & be most profitable.

Replanting the common corn which had been drilled at Muddy hole. –– finished planting Peas with the Barrel in the neck on Saturday last. — and listing the corn ground at the same place this day for planting in the common way.

Began yesterday with the Ferry people, to list the new ground in front of the House for corn with Hoes. And this day began to lay the Flags in my Piaza — Cornelius and Tom Davis assisting.

Wednesday — 24

Thermometer at 56 in the morn’^g 56 at noon and 58 at night.

Still drizling and cloudy all day, with the wind at N° East.

At home all day — about 11 O’Clock Doct^r Stuart436 and M^r Lund Washington came in dined & returned afterwards, and in the afternoon Col° Rob^t Stith arrived (from Alexandria) and stayed all night.

Planted yesterday evening at Muddy hole about 1300 Cabbage plants and this morning finished the ground allotted for them at that place. to do which took in all ab^t –– Plants. Also planted this day in the neck two compleat rows of the Cabbages and the other two rows from the river-fence up to the bushy pond by the other fence running westerly — and sent plants over this evening to compleat them in the morning.

Thursday — 25^th

Thermometer at 59 in the Morning 58 at Noon — and 58 at Night.

Drizling in the Morning, after which, about 9 o’clock, it began to rain, and continued to do so moderately all day. — At night and in the night, it rained a good deal. Wind at N° E^t

At home all day, Col° Stith set off after breakfast, but turned back when it began to rain and stayed all day & night.

Finished planting cabbages in the neck; — and transplanted carrots from my garden, to two of the rows at Muddy hole, which had been sowed, or rather planted, with seed which was either put in too deep, or never vegitated one of these was had dung in the furrow, and the other not. –– Put a Collar on a large Bull in order to break him to the draft. At first he was sulky & restive but came to by Degrees.

Friday — 26^th

Thermometer at 58 in the Morning 60 at Noon — and 60 at night.

Raining with little or no intermission through the day — a great deal having fallen in the night — wind still at N° East.

Sent 50 Barrels of super fine flour by the sloop Tryal Peter Kirwin to Tho^s Newton Jun^r Esq^r to be disposed of on my account.

Saturday — 27^th

Thermometer at 62 in the Morn’^g 66 at noon — and 68 at night.

Wind Easterly all day — raining in the Morning, clear about noon with Clouds, mists, and sunshine afterwards alternately.

Rid about 11 O’clock to visit the Plantations at Muddy hole and Dogue run. At the latter & in the Neck, the rain which had fallen in such quantities since Wednesday last had stopped their planting of corn and left a little ground at each of those places unfinished.

Col° Stith crossed the river after dinner on his return home.

Finished laying 28 courses of the pavement in the Piaza, weather very unfavourable for it.

Sunday — 28^th

Thermometer at 66 in the Morning 66 at noon — and 68 at night.

The forenoon very rainy with high wind from the No. E^t — about noon it ceased raining — the wind moderated and veered round to the Southward and then died away.

The continual, and excessive rains, had so surcharged the Earth with water, that ab^t 40 feet of my sunk wall near the Ice House fell down and the greater part of my cape wheat lodged.

Monday — 29^th

Thermometer at 68 in the Morn’^g 72 at noon and 70 at night.

Thunder, lightning, and a good deal of rain last night with mist & rain till nine O’clock this morning and wind fresh from the eastward most part of the day.

About 9 O’clock M^r Tobias Lear437 who had been previously engaged on a salary of 200 Dollars, to live with me as a private Secretary & precepter for Washington Custis438 a year came here from New Hampshire, at which place his friends reside.

Rid to the Plantations at Dogue run & Muddy hole passing by the new ground where my Ferry and Muddy people were Hoeing for corn.

Found my mill race broken in 3 or four places, and nearly half my Tumbling dam at the head of it, carried away by the fresh occasioned by the immoderate rains which had fallen and my corn field both here and at Muddy hole in all the low places, and in the furrows covered with water. — at both they were plowing, at the first to plant corn, and at the latter breaking up, but the water in many places followed the plow & it is to be feared that more hurt than good would result from the measure but the backwardness of corn planting in one instance, and the rapid growth of grass in both scarcely left a chance.

On my return found Col° Mead here.

Found, when I was at Dogue run that Richard Burnet and wife had been living in the House formerly Barrys, since Wednesday last.

Agreed this day with James Bloxham,439 who arrived here the — of April from England to live with and superintend my farming business upon the terms mentioned in a specific agreement in writing.

Tuesday — 30^th

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and — at night.

Wind tho’ not much of it was still at East — Morning misty and threatening till dinner time after which it cleared.

Accompanied by Col° Mead I rid to Muddy hole and Neck Plantations to shew him my experiments in the Drill husbandry with which he seemed to be pleased.

G. A. Washington went up to Alexandria on my business & did not return till the evening.

Wednesday — 31^st

Thermometer at 68 in the morning — at noon — and 69 at night.

Wind still at N° East, and the day heavy & lowering, with out rain.

Col° Mead left this after a very early Breakfast.

I rid to the Plantation at Muddy hole & Dogue run, by the New ground; — and also went to the Mill.

At both places the plows were at work in ground much too wet. At the first that is muddy hole, they were breaking up ground and at the other (Dogue run) they were crossing for the purpose of planting corn, which would be all in today and in miserable order as the ground was little other than mortar, & hills obliged to be raised to keep the grain out of the water.

My Mill People, and Cowpers were employed in repairing the breaches made by the rain and in preventing the water of Piney run going up the race in to Dogue run, at the Tumbling dam as it has done since the mishap to the latter.

JUNE — 1786.

Thursday — 1^st

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning 72 at noon — and 70 at night.

Misting in the morning, and at intervals all day with the wind at N° E^t and at times fresh.

Rid to my plantations at Muddy hole and in the Neck; at the latter the people were setting corn in the field of experiments, furtherest out, the Peas at this place have come up very indifferently, and looked badly — the Barley also did not assume the best appearance but the Oats looked well. — Breaking up at both these places altho’ the gr^d was vastly too wet for it.

Removed my cow pen & sheep fold at home.

Doct^r Craik was sent for to a negro man named Adam in the Neck & to a negro woman amy at Muddy hole — after visiting these People & dining here he returned home.

M^r Shaw was sent to Alexandria on my business to day, and returned in the night.

Friday — 2^d

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning 70 at noon and 70 at night.

A good deal of rain fell in the night & this Morning with the wind at N° E^t afterwards it continued misling and the sun to shine alternately through the day. More clouds and wet weather, and less sun shine never happened, it is thought in the same time, in this country before. — Water runs from the Hills, and stand in hollows as in the depth of winter; & except where there is a great mixture of sand the ground when plowed is little other than Mortar. Yet, such is the progress of the grass, that plowing must go forward or the corn get smothered and lost by means of it.

In the afternoon a Cap^t Aitkinson of the Cæsar & another Gentleman came on shore and drank tea. The first was furnished with a horse to go to go to his employer M^r Sanderson at Alexandria, the other Gentleman returned to the ship. Sent to Doct^r Craik informing him how Adam in the Neck did and receiving fresh directions & medicines for him, soon after which an acc^t came of his death.

Saturday — 3^d

Thermometer at 69 in the morning 72 at noon and 71 at night.

Morning very heavy, sometimes misting, and then raining till 9 O’clock, lowering afterwards till the afternoon, when it became calm & clear with a good horizon at the suns setting. — the wind was at No E^t all the forepart of the day, & pretty fresh.

Rid to the Plantation at the Ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy hole, at the first and last they were plowing but the gr^d was very heavy. — at the other it was too wet to plow at all.

The corn at all these places I found very much pulled up and destroyed by the Birds. The rains had so softened the ground that to do this was very easy for them.

Of the Siberian Wheat scarce any (of the little that came up) remains in the ground, — and the appearance of the Barley is very indifferent, not being either of a good colour or vigorous growth; — whether owing to the quantity of rain or other causes I do not undertake to decide — It did not in the first instance, come up well, the drouth at first hurt it and the water in many places covered it afterwards, this also happened to the Pease which cut but a poor figure.

The Potatoes in low places never came up, or is destroyed. The cabbage plants in general stand well tho’ in some low places these also are covered with water, and appear to be dead. — The oats seem to be in a more thriving way than any other species of the crops and when they came up well at first have a promising look.

Sunday 4^th

Thermometer at 70 in the morning 72 at noon — and 75 at night. An exceedingly heavy fog in the morning and quite calm all day and clear.

Received from on board the Brig Ann from Ireland, two servant men for whom I had agreed yesterday, — viz — Thomas Ryan a shoemaker, and Caven Bowe a Tayler redemptioners for 3 years service by Indenture if they could not pay each, the sum of £12 Ster’g which sums I agreed to pay.

Geo. A. Washington set off early this morning for Fredericksburgh, his wife and Washington Custis went to Church at Alexandria intending from thence to Abingdon. Mr Shaw also went to Alexandria, & returned in the night.

Monday — 5^th

Thermometer at 72 in the Morning 78 at noon — and 74 at night.

Morning, and generally thro’ the day clear and very pleasant, but warm. — Very little wind and that Southerly.

Before Breakfast M^rs Jenifer the widow of Doct^r Jenifer440 came & returned in the after noon. — Soon after breakfast Miss^rs Sanderson, Wilson, Murray & M^cPherson came in, all of whom except the latter, went away before dinner M^r Sanderson dined & crossed the river afterwards on his way to embark at Leonardtown, Saint Mary’s for England.

Tuesday — 6

Thermometer at 72 in the morning 76 at noon — and 74 at night.

Thick Morning, and more or less clouds all day, but no rain, but little wind, that which was, came from the N° E^t rather more easterly.

Rid to the Plantations at the Ferry Muddy hole, & Neck. At the first and last the people were setting and planting of Corn. The Ferry people finished listing with the holes their part of the new ground in front of the House on Saturday last and the hands belonging to Muddy hole will do the same to day.

Sheared my sheep in the neck this day, and rid through the wheat and rye at that Plantation found the first to stand generally sufficiently thick on the ground but the heads appeared very short, they were full in blossom, the lower blades almost generally had turned quite red, and were dead, but I did not perceive any signs of rust on them or that the head, or straw was injured thereby.

The rye was much better than I ever expected it would be, except being rather too thin (especially in places, tho’ much thicker than I had any idea it ever would be) it might upon the whole be called a good field.

The ground at all the Plantations plowed very heavily and wet. Began to cut the clover at the Home House (sowed apr^l was year) which lay in the upper part of the field & unmixed with orchard grass.

Had the ground which had been lately listed at Dogue run for Cabbages chopped fine with the Hoes and intended to put the plants in the ground this evening but it was so late before the overseer sent to my Gardener for them that there was only time left to draw and carry them to the Plantation this evening.

M^r Shaw (with my newly purchased shoemaker to provide himself with Tools) went up to Town on my business & returned in the afternoon.

Wednesday — 7^th

Mercury at 72 in the morning 78 at noon — and 74 at night.

Morning a little cloudy — in the afternoon light showers around us, with thunder and lightning at a distance, light breezes from the Southward.

Rid to the Ferry, Dogue run and Muddy hole Plantations, and through the Wheat and Rye at the first — neither of which answered My expectations. The first besides having a small head generally, was mixed exceedingly with Cheat, and the latter was much broken down with the winds and rain which had happened, and abounded in white heads deficient of grain occasioned I presume by the heavy rains which happened while the ear was in bloom. — The wheat it is to be hoped will escape this disaster as there has been little or no wind or rain since it began to bloom which is now pretty well over.

The people at the Plantations above mentioned, were all replanting & setting corn according to circumstances in their Drilled ground, at Muddy hole, setting took place altogether, and here also they began to replant peas, but had not enough of the large kind to make good the deficiency, but plenty of the small, black eyed Peas.

Sheared the few sheep I had at the Ferry to day

Fanny Washington and the two children, Nelly & Geo. Washington,441 together with Miss Nancy Craik came home yesterday whilst we were at Dinner.

Thursday 8^th

Mercury at 72 in the morning 76 at noon, and 73 at night.

Clear in the forenoon and calm, about one O’clock a cloud arose in the No West quarter w^ch spread extensively, and before 3 began to rain fast and continued to do so near half an hour — during this flurry the wind blew fresh from the westward, but after the rain ceased it came back to the Southwest and continued moderate until some time in the night when it got to the No W^t & blew pretty fresh.

Rid to the Plantations at Dogue run and Muddy hole, and to the tumbling dam of Dogue run, where I had begun with two hands from each Quarter, and two carpenters, to repair the breaches which had been made by the late rains. After having got the water stopped, in order to lay the wooden frame, the run swelled so much (occasioned by the rain which fell this afternoon as to carry away the greatest part of the earth and rendered the labour of the day of little effect.

Still setting, & replanting corn at Dogue run and Muddy hole in the Drilled fields, the last of which with replanting pease in the same would be compleated this day.

Rid through My rye at Muddy hole which would have been fully equal to what might have been expected from the gr^d had it not been for the rains which had broken down & tangled the straw and occasioned a number of white, & unfilled heads.

The Eastern shore Peas (according to the information of my overseers in the neck) were sowed yesterday (by the barrel plow) in the ground which had been put in rib work (that never came up) — there were 10 rows of the Peas and a little being left I ordered him to dibble in what remained in additional rows.

Cut all the Clover at the H° House to day, & the small spots of grass round the sweet brier Circles, also some under the Trees at the N° end of the House by the Smiths shop to day, and put the clover in wind rows accept the part last cut.

M^r Wallace came here to dinner & stayed all night.

Friday — 9^th

Mercury at 70 in the Morning, 77 at noon — and 74 at night.

Morning clear and pleas^t with the wind at N° West but not fresh, nor had it changed the air cooler.

Mr. Wallace went away after breakfast. and I rid to Muddy hole & River Plantations, the heaviness of the Plowing and wetness of the land had encreased by the late rains nothing indeed but the backwardness of the season and rapid growth of the grass & weeds could justify working ground in the condition the plowed land is.

Passed through the wheat at Muddy hole this day, found it upon the whole as good as was to be expected from the impoverished state of the land. Though there is a good deal of cheat in the freshest part of the ground, and the spick, (blasted grains) more or less in all — Finished replanting the corn & Peas in the drilled ground at Muddy hole this Morning about nine O’clock, and not yesterday as was expected, & began to replant corn in the cut adjoining.

The drilled corn in the Neck had also been gone over, and the people were replanting in the other field. Tho’ by much too wet for such business.

Agreed this day with M^r Thorpe to do my Plaistering in any of the rooms in, or ab^t the house & to repair the lathing at 7^d p^r Square yard.

Got all the clover hay into small cocks this afternoon.

M^r Shaw went up to Town to day on my business & returned in the evening.

Saturday 10^th

Mercury at 66 in the morning 72 at noon — and — at night.

A heavy lowering Morning with the wind at East. — at times the Sun appeared for a few mom^ts but generally the clouds were heavy with distant thunder in the S° W^t quarter in the afternoon tho’ no rain fell here.

Rid to the Plantations at Muddy hole, Dogue run, and Ferry, took the Mill in the way, Finished replanting corn this morning at the Ferry wholly, and yesterday at Dogue run in the ground which was drilled. — Began to hoe corn at the Ferry (on the hill) which is the first plantation in order for it and here it ought to have followed the plows, the work of which is backward on acc^t of their having been stopped.

Turned the Cocks of clover hay today — and put all the rest of the grass except that which was cut this afternoon late into Cocks.

Major Washington returned in the afternoon from Fredericksburgh.

In my ride to day I visited the labourers at the Tumbling dam — find it will employ them the greatest part of next week. — Wed with the hoes the Millet or Corn grass in the Neck today.

Sunday — 11^th

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning 80 at noon and 75 at night.

A heavy fog in the Morning and cloudy most part of the day, with great appearances of rain but none fell, winds At East in the Morning so’ not much of it fresh afterwards from the S° West till 6 O’clock when it came out at N° W^t

Sometime after candles were lighted Col° Senf came in.

Monday — 12^th

Mercury at 68 in the morning 72 at noon and 69 at night

Morning early was calm, but about 7 o’clock the wind sprung up at N° West and blew pretty fresh till late in the afternoon when it became calm.

I rid to the Ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy hole plantations and to the people who were working at the Tumbling dam.

Finished replanting Corn at Muddy hole on Saturday last & began late in the afternoon of Thursday to hoe the drilled Corn at that place. — Also finished breaking up the cut of drilled Corn nearest the Barn, which compleated the last breaking up of the whole corn ground at that Plantation.

Began to cut the meadow near the wood, at Dogue run about 10 O’clock today. — and got all the clover & other Hay into large cocks this afternoon.

Tuesday — 13^th

Mercury at 68 in the morning 75 at noon — and 73 at Night.

Rid to the River, Muddy hole & Dogue run Plantations — At the first found the plows in the Eastermost cut of drilled corn; where they had begun yesterday Morning and were going over it the 2^d time — the hoes, which had got into it yesterday about 2 O’clock (after having finished replanting Corn) were following in the same cut — the plows would get through it about noon, and the hoes nearly, if not quite done by night.

Found the Flax Just beginning to blossum at this place where it was rankest.

At Muddy hole the plows had this Morning, finished breaking up and were beginning to cross plow in the cut next the drilled Corn.

At Dogue ran the people would but just finish replanting Corn by night and would begin to weed with the hoes the drill Corn on the East side of the field where the potatoes were planted.

Finished cutting the meadow (into which 5 mowers went yesterday) 3 or 4 O’clock.

Stopped the water of Dogue run at the Tumbling dam today and turned it into the run.

On my return home found Judge Harrison442 of Maryland and Mr. Rawlins both here, the last of whom went away after dinner.

Wednesday — 14^th

Mercury at 68 in the morning 74 at noon — and 76 at night.

After an early breakfast Judge Harrison left this for his own house — and In Company with Col° Senf, I set out for our Works at the great falls; where we arrived about 11 O’clock and after viewing them set out on our return & reached Col° Gilpins where we lodged.

M^r Rumsey443 was not there (at the Falls) having gone that morning to Seneca — but M^r Stuart the assistant was present.

This day was clear and warm with but little wind from the Southward.

Thursday — 15^th

Mercury at 70 in the morning 82 at noon and 82 at night.

Clear with little wind and very warm.

Took Alexandria — My Mill dam meadow at Dogue ran and the Plantation there — as also the Ferry Plantation in my way home. Found the tumbling dam all but new laying the sheeting, and filling below it compleated — directed all the Breaches in the run & the leak at Piney Branch dam, to be thoroughly repaired before the hands should quit.

Found the Hay which had been cut in the upper meadow nearly cured, and four mowers in the meadow next the Overseers House. About 2 O’clock in the Afternoon Doct^r La Moyeur came in with a servant, Chaise & 3 Horses.

Friday — 16^th

Mercury at 74 in the Morning 82 at noon and 80 at night.

Clear with but little wind in the Morning about 10 or 11 o’clock a breeze sprang up from the Eastward but died soon afterwards — rising again in the Afternoon at S° West.

Finished My Mill race and Dam this afternoon.

Began about 10 O’clock to put up the Book press in My study.

Saturday — 17^th

Mercury at 76 in the Morning 85 at noon — and 83 at Night.

Calm and very warm all day with but little wind and that Southerly — at times it was a little Cloudy and at night there were thunder and lightning but no rain.

Rid to all the plantations today. In the neck the Hoes and Plows were in the last (Westerward Cut, the first got to work in it about noon yesterday, and the latter about 3 or 4 O’clock in the afternoon both having passed through the Middle Cut, compleating as they went. — The Three hoed harrow would about get through the East-most cut (Alternate rows) by noon. — The oats were beginning to shoot forth the heads. — At Muddy hole plantation, the Hoes having overtaken the Plows, that were crossing went to weeding the drilled Peas and I directed them to replant both Potatoes and Cabbages where missing in the same field. At Dogue run the Hoes appeared to have made little progress in weeding the drilled field — first because it was tedeous among the cabbages, Potatoes & Pease but principally because the ground had got so rough & matted with grass as to require much labour. — At the Ferry the Hoes had weeded the corn in the cut on the Hill and about 10 O’clock had begun in the flat below next the meadow fence & adjoining the drilled Corn examined the Wheat again to day, & concluded that at best half of it is destroyed.

Doct^r La Moyeu^r & Maj. Washington went up to Alexandria to day. The latter on my business, they dined there & returned in the evening — just as we had dined Captⁿ Smith of M^r Ridout’s Brig. M^r Wallace a passenger in it for Bordeaux, and Doct^r Mortimer (going as far as Norfolk in her) came in and had dinner set for them.

Mr. Hough, Butcher in Alexandria, came here this afternoon & purchased from me three fatted beeves (2 in the neck & 1 at Dogue run) for which he is to pay next week £42 — also the picking of 12 Weathers from my flock at 34/– p^r head — if upon consulting my Farmer & they could be spared he was to have 20.

Sunday — 18th

Mercury at 78 in the Morning 84 at Noon — and 78 at night.

Calm, clear, and very warm in the forepart of the day. — At 2 O’clock a cloud arose to the Westward; and a pretty heavy shower of rain fell with some thunder & lightning, after which it cleared; but another shower came on about sun down tho’ it was very moderate & of short continuance.

Monday 19^th

Mercury at 73 in the Morning 79 at noon — and 78 at night.

Morning Cloudy but clear afterwards with the wind at S° West.

Rid to Muddy hole, Dogue run, and Ferry Plantations; and to the Meadows (where people were at work) at the two latter.

Finding My corn was in danger of being lost by Grass & weeds, I stopped Brick making, and sent Gurrer, Boatswain, Anthony, and Myrtilla to assist at Dogue run in weeding it.

The grass at the Ferry being forwarder and better than that at Dogue run, where the Scythmen began last to cut, I removed them, (tho’ the grass was not half down) to the former place, 4 cutters at work.

Mr. Herbert & wife, M^r Throcmortan & his wife, Miss Hannah & Miss Kitty Washington, & M^r Will^m Craik came her to dinner & all stayed the evening except M^r Herbert who returned to Alexandria, a Marq^s Andri Mechaux444 a Botanest sent by the Court of France to America (after having been only 6 weeks returned from India) came in a little before dinner with letters of introduction & recommendation from the Duke de Lauzen & Marq^s de la Fayette to me, he dined & returned afterwards to Alexandria on his way to New York, from whence he had come, and where he was about to establish a Botanical garden.

Tuesday — 20^th

Mercury at 71 in the Morning 77 at Noon — and 78 at night.

Morning clear and pleasant with but little wind, in the afternoon the wind blew from the Eastward, & a cloud a rising in the contrary directions it began about 9 O’clock to rain very powerfully and continued to do so more or less through the night.

M^r Craik went away before Breakfast and the rest of the Company about 11 O’clock, at which time, I rid to the Plantations at Dogue run & ferry and to the meadows where people were cutting & making Hay — stopped the Cutters at the ferry, and set them to making hay having too much grass down & exposed for the numbers employed in this business to execute in time without.

M^r Shaw went up to Alexandria on My business — and returned in the afternoon.

Wednesday — 21^st

Mercury at 66 in the morning 66 at noon, and 66 at night.

Wind at No E^t and raining more or less till near noon — after w^ch it continued Cloudy until Sundown, with the wind in the same quarter.

A stop put to out door work till near noon. About Sundown M^r Fendall came here.

Thursday — 22^d

Mercury at 63 in the Morning 68 at noon and 68 at night. Calm, clear, cool, & pleasant all day.

M^r Fendale went away after Breakfast.

I rid to all the plantations and to the Hay Makers at the Ferry.

The plows finished the drilled corn in the neck on Monday afternoon, and the hoes got over it on Tuesday Morning and both went into the Cut of common corn by the Barn.

Friday — 23^d

Mercury at 66 in the Morning 76 at noon — and 74 at night.

Very little wind all day, but clear and pleasant notwithstanding. Finished Hoeing the drilled corn at Dogue run about 9 o’clock this forenoon, and began to weed the corn in the dunged ground at that place w^ch had got very foul.

Doct^r La Moyeur came here this afternoon.

Saturday — 24^th

Mercury at 69 in the morning. 76 at noon and 80 at night.

Clear in the forenoon with but little wind, in the afternoon clouds arose and a smart shower of rain fell.

Rid to all the plantations and to the Hay Makers at the Ferry. In the Neck both Plows & Hoes would have finished the cut of corn by the Barn had not the Rain prevented — The Ferry hands would also have finished the cut of common corn on the Flat but for the same cause.

Major Washington and his wife went up to Alexandria and were detained there all night by the rain and appearances of the clouds afterwards.

Sunday — 25^th

Mercury at 75 in the Morn’^g 80 at noon and 80 at night.

Clear all day with little or no wind and very warm.

Maj^r Washington and Fanny came home before Breakfast.

Monday — 26^th

Mercury at 74 in the morning 76 at noon and 78 at night. The forenoon was clear and calm, as was the afternoon except a cloud which rose to the westward and produced rain and very high wind in the night.

Rid to Muddy hole, Dogue run and Ferry Plantations. Found the Muddy hole people in the Eastermost cut of Corn having finished (with the hoes) the Middle cut on Saturday — the plows however were yet in the Middle Cut. — At Dogue ran the plows had finished breaking up, and had begun crossing the cut in which Barry’s houses stand, into which they went about dinner time on Saturday. About 11 O’clock to day the hoes finished weeding the Cowpened ground, and had got into the swamp corn which was more weedy than the rest. At the Ferry the plows finished about 9 O’Clock, the drilled Corn by the Fish house and went into the other drilled corn by the meadow. — About the same time the hoes having finished weeding the Corn in the flat, planted in the Common way, had begun to weed the drilled corn by the Fish House and to replant the Irish Potatoes therein.

Finished cutting the Meadow at the Ferry this afternoon

Tuesday — 27^th

Mercury at 69 in the morning 70 at noon and 70 at night. Lowering (rather Cloudy) in the Morning with the wind brisk but not cold from the N° West. Afternoon Clear & pleasant.

Rid to all my Plantations, found the plows and Hoes in the neck had gone over the Cut by the Bank. — the first finished it yesterday about breakfast & the other about dinner time and were in the cut adjoining. Finding the Hoe-Harrow did not do good work in the drilled corn, I ordered it to desist and the Bar shaw plow to be used, till the common corn was all crossed, after which to use it when the ground was worked the other way, cut down the Clover at Muddy hole this forenoon (whilst it was moist from the Rain of last night) and put it into windrows — 3 swarths in a row — The Dogue run hands had not got over the Corn in the swamps. At the Ferry the People had just finished weeding the drilled corn by the Fish House, & replanting the Potatoes thereon, — not having quite enough of the latter to replant the whole, the deficiency was supplied with Corn. — Making the hay that was cut yesterday at the Ferry, with the small gang.

Doct^r Craik dined here, and returned home afterwards.

M^r Shaw went up to Alex^a on My business and returned late in the evening.

Wednesday — 28^th

Mercury at 68 in the Morning 72 at noon — and 70 at night

Clear & pleasant all day, in the forenoon the wind was at n° W, in the afternoon it was at S° West.

Rid at the plantations at Muddy hole, Dogue run and the Ferry and to the Hay fields, at the first I sowed turnips in Drills in the ground which had been sowed with oats that never came up (by the negro quarters). — There were 7 rows running from 180 to 200 steps of these (averaging 190 yards) w^ch were sowed with about a gill or little more seed — The first row, southerly, was harrowed with the little harrow at the tail of the barrel; but gathering earth and burying the seed too deep I took out every other tooth and with it in this order harrowed the next row — this also appeared to cover too deep, I therefore took the harrow off altogether and tied brush in its place which did much better, the seed used here was of the first rec^d from M^r Chichester and was of the last year. The hands at Dogue run having just needed their swamp corn as I got there about noon — I directed, finding there was no prospect of getting over the corn there with hoes before harvest that the whole sh^d be immediately succoured, and then between this and Sunday the forwardest which was also the most weedy should be gone over with the Hoes.

The Mowers after cutting down the clover yesterday (w^ch was done by noon) went into the meadow at Morris’s w^ch had been left, & were cutting there to-day. — the grass at the Ferry was all got into cocks this afternoon. Doct^r La Moyeur came in before Dinner.

M^r Shaw went after breakfast to day, to see if he could engage any mowers for me, he returned in the afternoon, having partly engaged 2 or 3.

Thursday — 29^th

Mercury at 68 in the Morning, 71 at noon and 70 at night, Cool & pleasant, the wind being at N° West & Westerly all day.

At home all day — in the evening Major Gibbs came in.

Planted in one row, between the Cherokee Plumb & the honey locust back of the N° Garden adjoining the Green House (where the Spanish Chest-nuts had been placed and were rotten) 25 of the Paliurus, very good to make hedges and inclosures for fields. Also in the section between the Work House & Salt house adjourning the Pride of China Plants, & between the rows in which the Carolina laurel seeds had been sowed, 46, of the Pistatia nut in 3 rows and in the places where the Hemlock pine had been planted and were dead, E^t & W of the Garden gates, the seeds of the Pyramidical Cyprus 75 in number all of which with others were presented to me by M^r. Michaux Botanist to his Most Christⁿ Majesty.

M^r Shaw went out again today to procure if to be had scythe men for corn and grass of which he engaged two for the latter to be at work at Dogue run tomorrow, and four of the latter to be at this place on Monday.

Friday — 30^th

Mercury at 65 in the Morning, 68 at noon, and 70 at night, clear and pleasant all day, the wind being at N° West and West all day, though not fresh.

Rid to the Plantations at Muddy hole, Dogue run & Ferry; & to the Hay Makers at the second. At Dogue found the corn had all been succoured, and the hoes had got into the fresh & weedy ground along the wood side — about 3 O’clock yesterday. The Meadow near the Overseers House at this place would all be cut down about dinner time. The two white men viz; Tayler & Hill, engaged by Mr. Shaw yesterday, having got to work there this Morning. The plows at the ferry finished the drill corn yesterday about 2 O’clock and the hoes got over it about breakfast.

Began to cut My Rye at the Ferry about 12 O’clock today. employed three Negro cradlers — viz — Cæsar, Sambo & Boatswain — the greater part of which appeared to me to be blighted and the rest very ripe & much beat down, both Rye & Wheat at this place had the appearance of greater ripeness than at any other and might have been safely cut six or eight days ago, if I could have left my corn to do it.

Mr. Bushrod Washington445 came in while we were at dinner.

JULY — 1786.

Saturday — 1^st

Mercury at 66 in the Morning, 72 at noon — and 72 at night. Calm all day, cool & pleasant in the morning, but warm afterwards.

Rid to the Ferry, Dogue run and Muddy hole Plantations. Finished (about noon) crossing the cut in which Barrys Houses stand, and went to crossing in the one adjoining next the woods –– the hoes by this evening will have got over all the forward corn. At Muddy hole the corn was got over with the Hoes this afternoon, but the Plows were not able to accomplish it. Compleated Hoeing corn in the Neck this afternoon, and also planting it the second time.

Preparing to begin my harvest generally, on Monday, & made the arrangem^ts accordingly. Planted 4 of the Ramnus Tree (an evergreen) one on each side of the garden gates, a peg with two notches drove down by them (Pegs N° 1 being by the Pyramidical Cypruus) — also planted 24 of the Phi^l lirea latifolia (an evergreen shrub) in the shrubberies by Pegs No. 3 — and 48 of the Cytin, a tree produced in a colder climate of quick growth, by pegs N° 4. All these plants were given to me by Mr. Michaux.

Walking into my orchard grass this evening I found the seed very ripe, and shedding at a small touch, tho’ the stalk and under part appeared quite green (head brown) immediately set to cutting the heads with reap hooks, with such hands as I could pick up, least by delaying it till Monday the greater part might be lost.

Doct^r La Moyeur who went from this on Wednesday last last to Alexandria returned this afternoon — and Major Gibbes went away after breakfast.

Sunday — 2^d

Mercury at 68 in the Morning, 78 at noon, and 76 night. Clear with but little, and that at South; very warm.

About noon I set out for the intended meeting (to be held tomorrow) at the Seneca Falls — Dined at Col^o Gilpins; where meeting with Col° Fitzgerald we proceeded all three of us to M^r Bryan Fairfax s and lodged.

Monday — 3^d

After a very early breakfast (about sunrise,) we left Mr. Fairfax’s, and arriving at the head of the Seneca Falls (where a vessel was to have met us) was detained till near ten O’clock before one arrived to pass us over to our place of rendezvous at Mr. Goldsborough’s. — Met Governor Johnson here; Gov^r Lee was prevented by the situation of M^rs Lee from attending. A col^o Francis Deakin446 appointed on the part of Maryland to lay out the road which was to be opened between the Eastern and Western waters at the expense of that State & Virginia also attended, and made a verbal report of his & Col° Nevilles survey, to effect this purpose the result of which was that they had agreed that the best route for the said road was from the mouth of savage river, through the glades to cheat river, a little below the Dunker bottom; and from thence to the Monongahila (as they conceived the navigation of Cheat river thro’ the Laurel hill very difficult) below the Tyger’s valley; — distance about 50 miles —. He was of opinion that besides the difficulties in the N° branch between the mouths of savage & stony river, that little or nothing would be shortened in the road from the bearing, or trenching off, of the north branch between these two places. — To these matters however he did not speak with precission, or certainty, as his assistant who had his field notes & Survey, had not returned.

A heavy shower of rain a good deal of wind, and much thunder and lightning just ab^t and after dark. — A house to appearance about 3 miles off was consumed by fire, occasioned as was supposed by lightening, but whether it was a dwelling house or Barn we did not hear, nor could we discover to whom it belonged.

The day was very warm, and without wind, till the gust arose.

Tuesday — 4^th

The Directors determined to prosecute their first plan for opening the navigation of the river in the bed of it, and as straight as it was practicable and ordered the Manager to proceed accordingly & to remove the hands from the works at the Great falls to the Seneca & other parts of the river as it was their wish having but 3 years from the commencem^t of the act to perfect the navigation above the falls. M^r Rumsey having signified his disinclination to serve the company any longer for the pay and emoluments which had been allowed him, and the Directors not inclining to increase them, they parted, and M^r Stuart447 (the first assistant) was appointed in his place. M^r Smith448 the other assistant had his wages raised to £200 Maryl^d Curr^y p^r Ann.

These matters being settled, Gov^r Johnson returned home — Col° Fitzgerald proceeded on to Berkeley & Frederick, and Col^o Gilpin and myself resolved to send our horses to the Great falls and go by water to that place ourselves; and were happy to find that the passage on the Virginia side of all the Islands was vastly the best; and might be made easy and good at little expence. — There being in short only 3 places where there was any difficulty, & these not great. Shallow water in a low state of the river, is all that is to be feared.449

After dining with M^r Rumsey at the Great falls Col^o Gilpin and myself set out in order to reach our respective homes but a gust of wind & rain, with much lightning compelled me to take shelter, about dark at his house where, I was detained all night. This day was also exceedingly warm, there being but little wind.

Wednesday — 5^th

I set out about sun rising, & taking my harvest fields at Muddy hole & the ferry in my way, got home to breakfast.

Found that my harvest had commenced as I directed, at Muddy hole & in the Neck on Monday last — with 6 Cradlers at the first, to wit, Isaac, Cowper Tom, Ben overseer Will, Adam, & Dogue run Jack who tho’ newly entered, made a very good hand; and gave hopes of being an excellent Cradler. — That Joe (Postilian) had taken the place of Sambo at the Ferry since Monday last, & the harvest there proceeded under the cutting of Cæsar, Boatswain, & him. That in the Neck 6 Cradles were constantly employed, & sometimes 7. viz: — James, (who having cut himself in the Meadow could not work constantly), Davy, overseer who having other matters to attend to could not stick to it, Sambo, Essex, George (blacksmith) Will, Ned; and Tom Davis who had never cut before, and made rather an awkward hand of it. Tom Nokes was also there, but he cut only now and then, at other times shocking, repairing rake &c^a. That the gangs at Dogue Run & Muddy hole were invited, & were assisted by Anthony, Myrtilla & Dolshy from the home house. That besides Tom Davis, Ben from the Mill had gone into the Neck and that Sail brass (when not washing) & Maj^r Washington’s Tom were assisting the ferry people. That Cowpers Jack & Day with some small boys and girls (w^ch had never been taken out before) were assisting the farmer in making Hay after two white men who had been hired to cut grass, — and found that the state of the Mercury in the thermometer had during my absence, been as follows. —Viz:

		Morn’^g	Noon	Night
Sunday	2^d	68	78	76
Monday	3^d	72	77	79
Tuesday	4	78	81	81
Wednesday	5	78	75	72

This day (Wednesday) clouded about noon and before dinner began to rain, tho’ not much, & rained again at and in the night but not a great deal.

Thursday — 6^th

Mercury at 71 in the Morning, 77 at noon — and — at 76 at N. Morning hazy, with thunder & rain in the afternoon.

Rid to Muddy hole & into the neck; found that the Rye at the first had been cut down yesterday and that the wheat was entered upon, and that the grain being wet this morning it could not either be shocked, or bound. The rakers were therefore employed in succouring the drilled corn at Muddy hole.

The Rye at the Ferry was also cut down yesterday about dinner time. The plows at this place 3 in number having finished crossing the corn, on the hill had begun to cross that cut below, adjoining the drilled corn. — In the Neck after the Plows had finished crossing the river cut, in the great field, 6 plows went into the drilled corn (on Tuesday) and were running a single furrow on each side of it, the Peas, Potatoes, & cabbages by way of giving them a hill.

Friday — 7^th

Mercury at 72 in the morning 80 at noon — and 75 at night. Clear in the forenoon but very sultry, with wind thunder, lightning & rain in the afternoon.

Rid to all the Plantations; The Plows at Muddy hole (where 3 were at work) had finished the east cut of Corn, and had begun to plow that cut by the bars adjoining the drilled corn the 3^d time. Those at Morris’s four in number, had got about half-over the Eastermost cut next the Overseers House, and the Farmer was stacking the grass which had been in cocks some time in the meadow adjoining it.

Brought in the remainder of the clover Hay, & Seed at Muddy to the stack at the barn there.

Washington Custis being sick I sent for Doc^tr Craik to visit him and a sick child in the neck, he arrived before dinner & after going into the neck & returning stayed all night.

M^r Shaw went up to Alexandria to day on my business in the waggon also to bring sundries down.

Saturday — 8^th

Mercury at 74 in the Morning, 78 at noon — and 77 at night, clear & warm, with very little wind till about 2 O’clock, when a black & extensive cloud arose to the Westward out of which much wind issued with considerable thunder and lightning and a smart shower of Rain.

Rid to the Ferry, Muddy hole & Neck Plantations. Finished cutting the Rye about noon at the latter, and set into the Wheat adjoining immediately after. I should have finished cutting & securing in shocks the Wheat at Muddy hole this afternoon, had it not been for the interruption given by the rain.

The Rye at all the Plantations had been much beat down & tangled previous to the cutting any of it, and much loss will be sustained from this cause in addition to the defection in the head; but neither this grain nor the wheat have been so much layed by the late winds & rains, as might have been expected. — of the latter indeed, tho’ much was threatened, not a great deal fell.

Sunday — 9^th

Mercury at 76 in the Morning, 79 at noon and 78 at night.

Clear, calm & warm all day, Doct^r Stuart, Mr^s Stuart,450 and Betsy & Patsy Custis451 came here to breakfast, and Doct^r Craik to Dinner — the last of whom went away in the evening.

Monday —10^th

Mercury at — in the Morning, 82 at noon and 82 at night. Very warm all day, and calm till the evening, when a breeze from the Southward sprung up. — More appearances of rain in the morning than in the evening but none fell.

Rid to the Neck, Muddy hole & Dogue Plantations — Began harvest at the latter this Morning with the people belonging to the place; the Muddy hole hands finished their’s by breakfast, after w^ch (about half after eleven) the two gangs invited again. In the Neck the plows on Saturday finished running the furrow on each side the drilled corn, by way of hilling it; — and to day began to break or plow the intermediate spaces.

John Knowles, who was absent all last week came here to work again this Morning in good season.

Doct^r Stuart, M^rs Stuart & the two girls Betsey & Patsey Custis returned after breakfast.

Tuesday — 11^th

Mercury at 77 in the Morning 83 at noon and 82 at night. Clear with the wind at S° W^t and pretty fresh.

Rid to the Ferry, Dogue run, & Muddy hole Plantations, and to the mill — At the first the plows had just finished plowing the drilled corn & Potatoes by the Fish House, at the second got into stacks all the Wheat in the meadow by the Overseers House.

Finished cutting the remainder of the Wheat in the great Field in the neck on the Creek.

Doct^r Craik came here to breakfast and returned after it to Alexandria.

Wednesday — 12^th

Mercury at 79 in the Morning — at noon — and — at night. Wind pretty fresh from the S° West all day, about noon a cloud arose in the West, from whence proceeded a shower of rain and severe lightning and loud thunder.

Visited all my Plantations and the Mill today. — Finished the Wheat harvest at the Ferry about noon, gave the people employed in it the remainder of the day for themselves, but ordered Boatswain & Joe (Cradlers) and the hands from the Home House to go into the neck tomorrow, and the other Cradler (Ceasar) with two or three rakers to go to Dogue run (being most convenient) having before ordered Isaac, & Cowper Tom (cradlers) the house people and 3 rakers from Muddy hole gang, to go into the neck to morrow Morning, supposing the people belonging to the plantation, with the aid above mentioned would be able to compleat the Harvest at Dogue run in the course of tomorrow.

On my return home found M^r Man Page of Mansfield, M^r Fran^s Corbin, and Doct^r Stuart here, and after Dinner M^r Lau^e Washington & his son Lau^e came in, Doct^r Stuart returned in the evening

Perceived as I rode thro’ my drilled corn at Muddy hole today that the alternate rows of early corn was Tassling and shooting.

Thursday — 13th

Mercury at 72 in the Morning — at noon and — at night. Cloudy all day, with the wind pretty fresh from the Eastward.

Finished the Wheat harvest at Dogue run about sundown. Doct^r Craik came here to Dinner & returned afterwards, In the night there fell rain.

Friday 14^th

Mercury at — in the morning — at noon and — at night, cloudy more or less all day, with the wind pretty fresh from the S° West.

After Breakfast I rid to all my Plantations, found the Plows in the Neck after compleatly, that is after having broke the ground between the furrows that had been run on each side the corn for the purpose of hilling it had got into the Middle cut to do the like there in the Drilled corn. Perceived the Irish Potatoes were coming into blossom at this place, and that after the rain on Wednesday, whilst the Wheat was too wet to bind, the harvest People had pulled a little of the flax at this place also.

The Plows at Dogue run finished plowing the Cut they were in next the overseers House, & had begun to plow the drilled corn, on the East side of the field, leaving every other row untouched & turning the mould from the corn in these rows; by w^ch the middle between the rows where the cabbages, Potatoes, Peas &c^a grow would be ridged, intending these ridges to be reduced at the last Plowing, & the rows of Corn to form them. At the same place the hands had begun to hoe Corn in the Cut including Barry’s houses, beginning next Wades old dwelling, some of the people belonging to this Plantation had come to Muddy hole for Rye, which they were thrashing there for their horses. — Muddy hole were hoing a small comer of Corn which was not finished before Harvest — at the Ferry the Plows finished about two O’clock Crossing the cut on the flat, and would begin to plow ye drilled wh^t by ye Mea^w the rest of the People were preparing a yard to head out wheat.

After breakfast M^r Page & M^r Corbin, accompanied by Maj^r Washington, went up to Abingdon (taking Alexandria in their way) and before breakfast M^r Lau^s Washington & his son went up by water to the latter place, they all returned again in the Evening, when a M^r Hatfield of England came in.

Saturday — 15^th

Mercury at 77 in the Morning 85 at noon, and 83 at Night. Clear, calm, and very warm all day.

After breakfast the company all going away, I rid to all the Plantations except that at the Ferry. — Compleated my wheat harvest in the neck about noon, which made a finish of the whole after w^ch I directed my people, engaged therein, to pull flax till dinner, & take the remainder of the day to themselves. Much wheat has been left in all the fields this year occasioned l^st by the frequent rains and winds which proceeded and happened during harvest (which had laid down and tangled it in some degree) 2^d by beginning my harvest too late. — and 3^rd by the manner of cutting and gathering it into shocks. — It is unlucky that from several causes, I was prevented trying by experiment, this year, how early wheat, or Rye might be cut without injury to the grain; but satisfied I am that, this may be done with safety as soon as it is out of its Milky State, — at any rate, that the loss by shrinkage in the beginning of a harvest from this cause, is not equal to the loss by shattering at the latter end of it, or to the hazard of its being entangled, or laid down by winds and rain, which every year is the case in a greater, or lesser degree when harvest is long, & the grain ripe. — For these reasons the following method may, I think, be attempted with success in the future; and it will be found that many advantages will flow from it.

1^st. To make every Plantation, or farm, take care of its own grain with^t uniting their hands.

2^d. To encrease the number of cradlers at each, to such a number only, as will give two rakers to each, and leave a sufficiency besides to gather and put the wheat into shocks. — and, generally speaking, with negro labourers, the following distribution may be found to come as near the mark in Wheat made in Corn ground, as any Viz: — for every two cradlers to allow 4 rakers, 1 shocker, and two carriers, for the last of which boys and girls are competent.

3^d. To give the Cradlers a start of two days of the rakers & Shockers. — letting them begin to cut as soon as the milk leaves the grain, and before it becomes hard & flinty leaving the grain this time in the swarth, for the straw to cure, before it is raked, bound & put into shocks.

4^th. To order & see that the Cradlers cut slow, & lay their grain regular & well; after it is cut low & clean; which will be found more advantages than to hurry over the gr^d in order to put an end to harvest, as is usual. By beginning early time will be allowed for these, especially as wheat cut in this state yields much easier, and pleasanter to the stroke, & can be laid much better than when the straw gets dry & harsh.

5^th. By giving this start to the cradlers, the straw (as hath been observed before) will be sufficiently cured to bind and shock and it must be seen that the Rakers also do their work clean and well, which is more likely to be the case without particular attention, than when one half their time they are scampering after the cutters to keep up; and the other half are standing whilst the Cradlers are whetting their Scythes, drinking, or talking.

6^th. Each raker must take a swarth & not two go in one that the authors of bad work may be more easily detected. — By this mode of proceeding the raking & binding will will be done with more ease, regularity and dispatch, because it becomes a sober settled work, there being no pretext for hurrying at one time, but standing at another. — but

7^th. By this means, I am persuaded that the number of rakers which usually follow Cradlers, would, by the middle of harvest or by the time the grain is in condition to shock as it comes from the Cradle be fully up with them and then might go on together if it should be conceived best.

Admitting that the grain can be cut with safety as soon as it comes out of the Milky State the advantages here described added to the superior quality of the straw for fodder, and indeed for every other purpose, greatly over ballances any inconveniencies which may result from the practice, & which must lay chiefly if not wholly, in these 1^st. The hazard of a heavy beating rain which may settle the swarth among the stubble so as to make it bad to rake, and difficult perhaps to get up clean, and 2^d lighter rains and Dews which may interrupt the binding, the straw not drying so soon in swarth as it does standing nor can it be meddled with so early in the morning generally. But as neither rain, nor Dews will hurt the grain (on the contrary will make it thrash easier and do very little injury to the straw,) and as there is always work enough on the Plantations to employ the hands in (such as succouring & hoeing of corn, pulling flax, weeding of vines, Pease, &c^t &c^c) supposing the interruptions above mentioned to happen no labour need be lost because as each harvest will be managed by the hands belonging to the farm or Plantation they can without inconvenience (having their tools always at hand) shift from one kind of work to another without preparation or fitting themselves for it.

Sunday — 16^th

Mercury at 78 in the Morning 86 at noon and 84 at Night. Very little wind at any time in the day but very hot.

Doct^r Craik came here in the forenoon dined, and returned afterwards.

Monday — 17^th

Mercury at 78 in the morning 85 at noon and 79 at at night. Exceedingly warm all day with but little wind. After noon a cloud arose out of which we had only a sprinkling of rain the body of the cloud passing above, i.e. to the Northward of this place.

Rid to the Plantations in the neck, Muddy hole, Dogue run & Ferry, at the first began to cut the ripest of the oats, but thinking them in general too green quitted after breakfast and sat all hands to pulling flax the doing of which was compleated about sundown. At Muddy hole the people were employed in clearing a yard to tread wheat in, and in getting in wheat & Rye — of the latter 6 shocks (got in by the Dogue run hands) yielded 11½ bushels of clear Rye, and 4 other shocks brought in by the hands of the Plantation & threshed by them 5 B¹ of clear rye was produced. Dogue run people cut their oats in the upper Meadow, and the Ferry were employed as yesterday about their wheat.

Tuesday — 18^th

Mercury at 77 in the morning — 87 at noon — and 84 at night, A heavy forenoon with much appearances of rain but none fell, very hot afternoon when the sun at intervals came out. a breeze from the S° West all day.

Rid to all the Plantations except that at the Ferry. — began to cut the meadow at the Neck plantation to day, and to clean & prepare at the yard for treading wheat there. Finished hilling with the plows all the corn at Muddy hole which was planted in the usual way, & ordered the plows to turn the ground in the drilled corn designed for turnips, & to plow it deep and well. Dogue run people (in part) cleaning and preparing their wheat yard and getting the oats to it. Finished a Hay rack at the House which contained all the Hay that was made at the upper meadow at Dogue run and all that came off the Ferry meadow.

Wednesday — 19^th

Mercury at 82 in the Morning 89 at noon and 81 at Night. — Clear until about 2 O’clock when a cloud arose to the westward out of which proceeded a powerful rain.

Rid to all the Plantations today, at that in the neck, the Scythmen having cut (yesterday) the upper part of the Meadow, & to the cross fence: returned to the Oat-field to day at the old orchard fence which they cut down; but did not shock, the straw being too great for it. — At the same place the plows finished the middle cut of the drilled corn, & plowed in the same cut, the intervals between the Corn rows which were designed for Turnips. The Plows at Muddy hole began yesterday afternoon to give the middle cut (next and adjoining the drilled corn) another plowing from the road to the woods back. — 4 other shocks of Rye at this place from another part of the field, yielded about the same quantity of clean grain that the first did, viz. — five bushels from which their being 177 shocks in the field, it may be computed that not more than 220 or 225 will be obtained.

On my return home I found M^r Calvert of Maryland and his son, Col° Bland, M^r Geo. Digges, M^r Foster & Lund Washington here all of whom dined — The 3 first stayed the evening the other three returned.

Thursday — 20^th

Mercury at 78 in the Morning 86 at noon and 80 at Night. Very warm all day, About 4 O’clock a cloud arose out of which proceeded a shower of rain after which it cleared, but towards Sundown it overcast and rained moderately for several hours.

Before the rain the Flax in the Neck was thrown into shocks as was part of the oats, another part was set on end (as much as could be of it) and the third part was caught on the ground in the Sheaf by the rain.

Finished cutting the meadows in the neck, this afternoon; & had begun to plow the ground designed for Turnips there, but the rain put a stop to it, the plows then went into the Corn adjoining thereto in the cut next the Barn.

Mr. Calvert & Son was prevented recrossing the river this Afternoon by the rain.

Friday — 21^st

Mercury at 76 in the Morning 80 at noon — and 80 at night. A little Cloudy in the Morning but clear afterwards and not so warm as it had been.

Mr. Calvert and Son went away very early in the Morning. After breakfast Col° Bland and Myself road to My plantations at Muddy hole and in the neck, at the first found the gr^d was too wet for Plowing, and that 4 other shocks of Rye from another part of the field had been threshed which yielded rather better than 7½ bushels of clean grain.

At the other I examined the shocks of Flax w^ch seemed to be tolerably dry, and in good order, but I directed the Overseer to keep an attentive watch upon them, and the oats, & open & dry them if they appeared to need it, and to get both as soon as he could to the Barn.

Having finished Cutting the meadows in the neck, the farmer & two or three hands remained there to make the Hay, whilst six cutters came over & cut down the Orchard grass at the House which had been stripped of the head (for the seed) on or about the first instant. It may be remarked of this Grass and it adds to the value of it that it does not turn brown at the bottom after it heads, nor does the stubble appear dry, when it is cut, as that of Timothy. — Consequently the after math is more valuable, and the second growth quicker. Whether this effect is natural to the grass, or has been produced by having had the seed taken from it is not altogether certain, but, the first is much more probable, because Timothy would, before it should have approached the same state of maturity, have been quite brown and rusty at bottom, which was not the case with the Orch^d grass when the seed was taken from it, nor at any time since and is an evidence that it will wait longer after it is fit for the Scythe than Timothy without injury. It also appeared by some that had been mixed, and grown near to the clover w^ch was cut about the 7^th or 8^th of June that it vegetates much quicker after cutting, than Timothy does.

Saturday — 22^d

Mercury at 74 in the Morning 82 at noon and 80 at night. Clear all day with the wind at South but not very fresh.

An overseer of mine (at the ferry) informed me that the chintz bug was discovered in his corn and that he apprehended if the weather should turn dry, they would encrease and destroy it, he also informed me that the fly was discovered about the shocks of wheat in his field. At home all day with Col° Bland.

Sunday — 23^d

Mercury at 74 in the Morning 80 at noon and 80 at night. Clear and pleasant until about 4 O’clock when the wind which had been pretty fresh from the S° West died away and it turned warm.

M^r Powell, M^r Porter, and Miss Ramsay & Miss Craik came here to breakfast (from Alex^a) and returned again after dinner.

Monday — 24^th

Mercury at 70 in the Morning 80 at noon and 77 at Night. Wind at N° West and day very pleasant.

After breakfast I accompanied Col° Bland to Mr. Lund Washingtons where he entered the stage on his return home. — Rid from hence to the Plantations, at Dogue run & Muddy hole, at the first I found that the plows had finished the alternate rows of drilled corn on Saturday afternoon, & were then plowing the intermediate rows which had been passed over. Examined the low and sickly looking corn in several parts of this field, and discovered more or less of the Chinch bug on every stalk between the lower blades & it. It is highly probable that the unpromising appearance of most of my corn & which I had been puzled to acc^t for and ascribing it to other causes may have proceeded from this, and that the calamity, especially, if a drought should follow, will be distressing to a great degree. The Hoes at this plantation will tomorrow have finished the cut they had begun on the West side the field, & would go into the one adjoining.

Muddy hole People were engaged in getting their wheat into shocks, at the barn, and threshing out what Rye they had put into the Barn which amounted to 12 shocks, & yielded 18 Bushels of Clean grain.

On my return home found Col° Humphreys452 here — and soon after a Captⁿ Cannon came in with a letter from Col° Marshall,453 from Kentucke.

Tuesday — 25^th

Mercury at 66 in the morning 81 at noon and 80 at night. Clear and pleasant all day, wind being northerly & Easterly.

After breakfast I rid round all my plantations, found my corn in the neck as much infested by the Chinch bug as I had perceived that to be at Dogue run yesterday. The rows of corn which were intermixed with Irish Potatoes, along the fence w^ch divides the wheatfield (or stubble) from it were perceived to be much better, and more uniform than than any other part of the field, but whether it has been occasioned by dunging it or otherwise I could get no distinct acc^t some of the negros ascribed it to this cause & it is more probable than that the Potatoes should have been the cause of it. Sowed about five acres of Turnips in br^d cast, in the neck in that ground which originally was prepared for the Saint foin & other seeds, these seeds were sowed after a plowing which the ground had just received, and were harrowed in with a heavy harrow, which raked the grass very much into heaps (the ground) tho’ frequently plowed before, having got very grassy). Two hands at this place began yesterday to cut the drilled oats which they would ab^t accomplish tomorrow. This oats (24 rows) I ordered to be secured and threshed by itself. 5 plows only, were at work here, the waggon & two 64 carts being employed in getting in the grain, all hands except those at plow were engaged in this business, in stacking the Wheat, and threshing of Rye. At Muddy hole, except the three people at the plows, and those employed in drawing in & stacking the Wheat at the Barn all hands had begun to weed the drilled corn and the Plants between the rows — The oats at this place had been cut two or 3 days, & the wheat would be all drawn in & stacked today.

The Dogue run people did not finish the cut they were in yesterday till noon this day, when they entered the one adjoining.

The Ferry People w^d nearly get the wheat at that Plantation into stack today.

Doct^r Craik was sent for to visit Carpenter, James & Cowper Jack — he also prescribed for a child Nat, over the Creek who was brought here.

Wednesday — 26^th

Mercury at 70 in the Morning at noon 80. — And 80 at night. Calm, clear & pleasant all day.

M^r Herbert, Col° Ramsay, Col° Allison and M^r Hunter dined here and returned in the afternoon.

One Edw^d Moystan who, formerly lived with M^r Rob^t Morris as a Steward, & now keeps the city Tavern in Philadelphia came here to consult me on the propriety of his taking the coffee H° in Alexandria, i.e. on the prospect of its answering his purpose for keeping Tavern.

Having fixed a roller to the tale of my drill plow, and a bush harrow between it & the barrel I sent it by G. A. Washington to Muddy hole and had the intervals betwⁿ the Corn which had been left for the purpose, sowed with Turnips in drills and with which it was done very well.

Thursday — 27^th

Mercury at 74 in the Morning 84 at noon and 80 at night. Clear in the forenoon and pretty warm. Cloudy after wards with great appearances of a settled rain, little of which fell, what did was chiefly light and more a mist making little impression on the earth.

Rid to Muddy hole, Dogue run, & Ferry Plantations, and to the Mill. Found the wheat all got in and stacked at the first & last mentioned places, and that the Plows had finished plowing the drilled corn on Thursday evening last and were plowing the cut on the Hill, — the rest of the hands at this place, & cart were employed in getting in Rye. The drilled oats between the corn at Muddy hole, being threshed & cleaned, measured 18. bush^l

In the evening M^r Tho^s Fairfax (son of Bryan Fairfax Esq^r now Parson) came in and stayed all night.

Friday — 28^th

Mercury at 75 in the Morning 74 at noon and 72 at night. Day very lowering & some times light rains or mists but not to wet the ground. Wind at N° E^t

M^r Fairfax went away after Breakfast.

At home all day.

Saturday — 29^th

Mercury at 68 in the Morning 74 at Noon, and 71 at night.

Wind Northwardly and pleasant. The Morning cloudy, but clear, about noon, and a little warm. Accompanied by Col° Humphrys I rid to Muddy hole, & Neck Plantations. — The Drilled Oats at the latter between the corn being threshed out & cleaned, measured 54 B. There being 24 rows of these each (allowing for the divisions between the cut & the bouting rows at the ends) about 1075 yards long amounts to 25,800 yards running measure, or 160 y^ds 19^r which is better than 5¼ acres, the quantity to the acre therefore, cannot exceed 10 Bushels, which is less it is presumed than the same kind of land would have produced in broad cast, it is to be remarked however that the abundant wet which had fallen from the middle of May, or thereabouts, till Harvest had in most of the low places destroyed the grain either wholly, or in part by which the quantity growing was reduced but this would also have happened in any square piece of ground as there is scarce any that is not subject to the same accident.

Sunday 30^th

Mercury at 67 in the Morning 78 at noon and 70 at night. Morning a little cloudy, the day upon the whole cool & pleasant with the wind at East.

Monday — 31^st

Mercury at 67 in the Morning 73 at noon, and 70 at night. Morning lowering, with small sprinklings of rain but too light to wet anything. — about one O’clock it cleared, wind pretty fresh from the No. East & clear afterwards.

M^r Will^m Craik who came here to dinner, afterwards went away for Alexandria on his journey to Hampshire.

Accompanied by Col° Humphreys rid to the plantations at the Ferry and Dogue run, at the first the plowing of the cut upon the hill was finished and the plows in the drilled corn by the fish house, the Hoes were at work in the other Drilled corn. At Dogue run the Hoes had just finished the cut they had been in; and the Plows the drilled corn; into which the Hoes had entered on the east side next the Swamp. The Plows would now cease till the Horses could be a little refreshed & get out wheat for sowing.

On behalf of Mr. Appleton P. C. Griffin, a Corresponding Member, and Chief Assistant Librarian of Congress, Mr. Henry H. Edes communicated two letters written in 1692 by Isaac Addington to William Blathwayt, and spoke as follows:

It will be remembered that at the time Volume II of our Publications went to press, five of the Massachusetts Royal Commissions were missing; and that at our meeting in December last Mr. Matthews announced the discovery of four of them, and communicated copies.454 The single commission which thus far has eluded our diligent search is that of Isaac Addington, the first Secretary of the Province, who was named in the Charter. Shortly after our December meeting, Mr. Griffin sent me the proof sheets of a list of manuscripts recently acquired by the Library of Congress. In it I noticed a letter written by Addington to Mr. Secretary Blathwayt in the summer of 1692. As this date is so near that of the arrival of the Charter it seemed possible that it might contain some reference to the long-sought Commission. I therefore asked for a copy of the document and in a few days received a photostat. The paper also contains a portion of another letter of Addington to Blathwayt, dated in October, 1692. The letters follow.455

Hon^ble S^r

I may not omit to render my hearty acknowledgment of Oblig[ation] and Gratitude unto your Self for your favour in the Hono^r confe[rred] upon me by their Maj^tys appointing me to be Secretary of th[e] Province of the Massachusetts Bay, In which Office I sha[ll] studiously Endeavour to approve my Self in all Loyalty, and i[n] fidelity unto their Maj^ties Service. And in Obedience to His [Majesty’s] Commands signified to me in a Letter from the Right [Honourable] Lords of his Maj^ties most Hon^ble Privy Council the Co[mmittee for] Trade and forreigne Plantations. I have by Cap^ne Joh[n Ware] Commander of the Friendship, Transmitted unto your Self [the] Acts made and passed by the Great and Generall Court or Assembly, the Copys of the Minutes or Journalls of the Council &c to be la[id] before their Lordships. And shall take care to forward Duplicates by the next succeeding Conveyance I am informed by a Letter fr[om] M^r Povey that your self was pleased to order a Box of Rul’d [Paper] for that purpose, but am not advised to whose care it was commi[tted] I have made Enquiry about it, but cannot hear of it; In want there[of] I have endeavoured to attend the best direction I could gather f[rom] M^r Poveys Letter for the forme of Transcribing of the Journalls [of the] Council, and hope you will please to have me excused if it do not exactly conforme to what was expected; what is wanting or amiss[ing] upon your Intimation shall readily be amended for fut[ure] Affaires of the Warr, together with the intending of [ ] settlement of the Government has putt upon those hurrys [ ] Render things done less digested and imperfect. His Excell[ency is] now setting forward an Expedition against the French and In[dian] Enemy and intends to go in person to Conduct that affair w[hich I] hope will be attended with good success for the giving Check to [the] Insolence of the Treacherous and Barbarous Enemies He purpose[es to] Imbarque within a few day’s And I understand is preparing be[fore] his departure to lay before his Maj^ty an Account of the prese[nt] State of Affaires here by which you will be more fully informed. [With] the tenders of my most humble Service, praying the Continuance [of] your Favour, I subscribe —

Hon^ble S^r

Your most Humbl[e]

and obliged Servan[t]

Boston

July 16^th 1692

S^r

The above is Copy of what went by Cap^ne Ware I have n[ow by] Cap^ne Beard, being the next Succeeding Conveyance forwarde[d] Duplicates of the Acts &c. then sent. About a month since [His] Excellency putt into my hand a Deputation from your self [for the] Office of Audito^r Generall &c. which he had just then received from M^r Usher. I had no Letter nor Instructions therewith to direct in the management thereof Or what allowance is Expected, would gladly be Serviceable unto your Honour wherein I may be capeable, please to lett me understand what methods are proper in that affaire His Excellency is returned from the Eastward and has disbanded most part of the fforces, the Enemy were aware of an Expedition forming against them and so retired into the Wilderness, the Army visited their usuall places of Randevouz and planting grounds and cutt up and destroyed their Corn, but mist of them. His Excellency has erected a Stone Fort at Pemaquid, which is near finished, and Two Companys of Souldiers are Posted there. About a fortnight since was brought in here a French Prize456 taken near the River of Canada (being bound to Quebeck) by Two Vessells that were fitted out from hence, she is a Flyboat of about Three hundred Tun, the Report is that she is richly Laden, a Tryall and Condemnation passed upon her yesterday, so that now they will begin to unlade and see what is their purchase.457 Wee have had no direct Intelligence from Europe this Two months. The Victory obtained by their Maj^tys Fleet was received with all possible Demonstrations of Joy. And it is hoped there will be the like Occasion of rejoyceing for further success attending their Maj^ties Arm’s both by Sea and Land, w^ch God grant. Our Generall Assembly are to meet the next week, what Acts shall then pass. I shall take care to Transmitt unto your Honor according to my Duty, Who am —

Hon^ble S^r

Your most humble

and obliged Servant

Js^a Addington

Boston

October 4^th 1692

[Addressed]

To the Hon^ble William Blathwayt

Esq^e

Att the Plantation Office

London

[Filed]

Present

New England

4 October 1692

from M^r Addington

Rec^d 23 Dec 1692

Ans^r

Mr. Julius H. Tuttle read the following paper:

A PIONEER IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE OF THE CHURCH AND OF THE COLLEGE 458

In the earliest days of the Bay Colony the gathering of a church after the settlement of a plantation was the exception rather than the rule; and in the few shore towns at that time the congregations with their ministers were in existence at the beginning of the settlements. There were several such churches when Dedham was settled in 1636. The Dedham Society met in Watertown until August of that year, its whole attention being given to civil affairs; then followed the meetings in the new settlement on the Charles River, where the present village is. The town records show during those early months how busy the settlers were with such affairs, and the allotments of land by the proprietors. Early in 1637, church matters were taken up.

On July 18, 1637, John Allin and several others, “being ꝑpownded to sit downe w^th vs,” were admitted as townsmen. This brings us to the contemporary record of the gathering of the church, in John Allin’s handwriting, in which he begins by saying that there were then about thirty families in the township, —

being cõe together by divine ꝑvidence from sev̄all ꝑts of England: few of them knowne to one another before: it was thought meete & agreed upon that all y^e inhabitants y^t affected church cõmunion or pleased to cõe, should meete ev̄y 5^t day of y^e weeke at severall houses in order.

Then followed nearly a year and a half of their trial of the spiritual temper and gifts of their number, using the Scriptures as the authority for their right among themselves to form an independent church. During this period, out of all their labors they set apart eight men for the immediate work of establishing their church, John Allin being the leader of the little group. But all this time they realized the “great waight of y^e worke” and their “great weaknes & insufficiency thereto;” and they tried to find one who would be their pastor. Allin writes in 1638:

We did expect & much indeavoured y^e guidance & helpe of m^r Jo: Phillips who came ov̄ that summer wth some godly company & had bene invited to this plantation by letters formerly having therfore hopes from him of obtayning he was much desyred in y^e 1^t beginning, whereupon he delaying his resolution we were so delayed in our conclusion of this worke as y^t y^e summer passed away in expectation of his helpe.459

With many things yet to be cleared up, Allin a little later continues:

Whereunto we had y^e longer time by y^e delayes of M^r Phillips who being caled divers waies could not spedily resolue but at length upon waighty reasons cõcerning y^e publike service of y^e Church & foundation of y^e colledge he was so far ꝑswaded to attend to y^e call of Cambridge y^t we saw no ꝑ^rsent hopes of him & so about y^e beginning of October came to resolutions to cast ourselues upon y^e lord . . .460

Though disappointed, they ventured on for more than another month “w^th such help as he [the Lord] should afford rather than delay so great & needfull a worke any longer.”

The church was “gathered” on September 8, 1638; John Allin was asked to be pastor; and on April 24, 1639, he was ordained. Did Phillips take up his new work in Cambridge and for the College?

It is interesting to note in connection with the beginning of the College that before the General Court granted the £400 in October, 1636, the following action had been taken by Salem, as recorded in its book of grants:

At a genall court or Towne meeting of Salem, held the second of the third moneth called May, Ao. 1636.

Inprs after the reading of former orders; In the reading of an order for the division of Marble head neck; A motion was brought in by Cp. Endicott in behalfe of mr. John Humphries for some Land beyond fforest River, moved by spetiall argument one whereof was, Least yt should hinder the building of a Colledge wch would be manie [mens?] losse.

It was agreed upon his motion that six men should be nominated by the towne to view these lands, and to consider of the pmisses, and for that end was named

mr Thomas Scrugs	Cp Trask
mr Roger Conant	mr Townsen Bishop
John Woodbery	Peter Palfrey461

On June 6, 1639, the General Court took the following action, showing Mr. Peter’s connection with the desire for this early location of the College at Marblehead:

It was ordered, that a letter should bee sent to M^r Humfrey to send in the 100^ƚ which is in his hand to further the colledge.

M^r Endecot, M^r Downing, & M^r Hauthorne are to dispose of the house w^ch M^r Peters bought as they can, & returne the money for the colledge.462

Following Mr. Peter’s early labors in behalf of the College was the arrival of Mrs. Ames in Salem bringing with her Dr. Ames’s valuable library, said to have been “the first furniture of this [the College] Library,”463 to whom the General Court gave soon afterward, in 1637, a gratuity of £40.

Then Nathaniel Eaton, a pupil of Dr. Ames at Franeker, came early the same summer to be the first head of the College. In the summer of 1638 John Phillips arrived here, with his wife Elizabeth, a sister of Dr. Ames, probably at the house of Mrs. Ames at Salem, soon for a brief time to assist in the Cambridge Church and in the first year’s work of the College.

Most of the graduates of English universities who came to our wilderness in the early days of the Colony were from the University of Cambridge. The earliest graduate, in seniority, after William Brewster, of Plymouth, to come to our shores was John Phillips, who was matriculated at Emmanuel as pensioner, Easter Term, 1594, graduated at St. Catharine’s College, 1596–7,464 received his A.M. from Clare College in 1600, and his S.T.B. from Clare in 1608. He became rector of Wrentham, in Suffolk, England, in 1609, and was married there on January 6, 1611–2, to Elizabeth, sister of Dr. William Ames. It was there, too, on October 22, 1622, that our John Allin was married to Margaret Morse, and on October 24, 1623, that his eldest son John Allin was baptized, both probably by Mr. Phillips; the Allin family at that time being residents of Denton, a village in Norfolk a few miles from Wrentham. It is thought that Dr. Ames had encouraged his brother-in-law to adopt the Congregational way. To whom should John Allin turn but to his old friend Phillips, the Wrentham rector, to be the pastor at Dedham, whose alma mater was also his own, though twenty years earlier?

In 1638 Phillips was deprived of his living, and ejected from his church and its ministry; and in the summer of that year we find him on this side of the water at first declining two calls of the Dedham Church, and about to take up the call of the Cambridge Church to assist Shepard and to enter into the work of the College, for both of which he was apparently much wanted.

Thomas Shepard, who came to Newtown with a company of about sixty persons in 1635, on February 1, 1636, became the pastor of the Cambridge Church, organized on that day, only a short time before Hooker and his company departed, whose places they soon filled.465 The General Court, in the fall of 1637, was sitting at Newtown in Shepard’s Church when the order was passed for the College to be begun there. In his valuable paper on Hints of Contemporary Life in the Writings of Thomas Shepard,466 our associate Mr. Davis says that it was Shepard’s strong influence, according to Cotton Mather, which secured the selection of that place as the site of a proposed college, and that “with the Court holding its sessions in his church, surrounded by his own people, and with himself in earnest in the work, he was able to accomplish his purpose.” Shepard looked upon the College as “an opportunity of doing good to many by doing good to students.” On November 20, of that year, 1637, he was appointed by the General Court on a committee, with ten others and Roger Harlakenden, who had come from England with him in 1635, and who in the old country had extended favor and protection to him. Shepard’s company at once entered into public affairs, and Harlakenden had been chosen first selectman. The call to the Cambridge church and to the foundation of the College was substantially one from Shepard himself to John Phillips, now over fifty years of age, while Shepard was about thirty-three, both of Cambridge University.

As entered on the Dedham records Phillips had been “caled divers waies,” — to Salem and to Rowley. Salem, on December 31, 1638, three months after Phillips had declined the call to Dedham, —

Agreed and voted that there should be a Village graunted to M^r Phillips & his company vppon such conditions as the 7 men appointed for the towne affairs should agree on.467

A little later, on March 13, 1638–9, the General Court entered on its records that —

M^r Ezechi: Rogers, M^r John Phillips, & their company had granted them 8 miles every way into the countrey, where it may not trench vpon other plantations already setled.468

This plantation on September 4, 1639, was called Rowley. Felt says that the earlier vote, on December 31, 1638, was the origin of Salem Village, and that Phillips was “received” there then as a townsman.

The following entries are taken from an old church book kept at Cambridge by one of the deacons, and tell of his coming to that place:

[January 4, 1638/39?] pd to my brother Cane for going to Salem with a message to m^r Phillips (when he was about to come to us) 5.0.0

[After July 9, 1639?] paid the h[o]yman that brought Mr. Philips to us his goods bringing from Salem when he Removed to us469 [erased]

We [ ] this [the last charge] and took it out of that received for officer’s maintenance

payd my brother cane for helping Mr. Philips at his first coming to set up his goods & howsold, 5s 0.5.0

payd my brother cane for carying a leter to Salem (concerninge clearinge about Mr. Philips) to Mr. Hawthorne 0.5.0

payd my brother cane for his helpe in Mr Philips removing to Mr. Pellams house for 1 day and ½ 0.3.0

pd for a help of another to mend Mr Pelams house for Mr Philips470 0.1.6

Paige471 says Phillips removed to Cambridge in 1639, and remained about a year. He lived for a time in a house of Mr. Herbert Pelham, who married the widow of Roger Harlakenden; and while occupying this house built a house for himself on the northerly side of Kirkland Street, afterward the homestead of Deputy-Governor Thomas Danforth, and then of the Foxcrofts.472 The following entries from the Cambridge Records relate to this house:

Att a meeting of the Inhabitants of this Towne in May 1650:

It was voted and consented vnto by the Towne that the house wch m^r Philips built annent Charlestowne lane, with the land adjoyneing & wood lott should be Sould to Thomas Danforth for fifty pounds to be payd by him to m^r Philips or his assignes, in Current Country pay, vpon Demand at the said house. The said Tho: Danforth to Enjoy the said house & land to him his heyres & assignes for eu^r473

10–12–1655, Whereas this Towne about 5: years now past bargained with Thomas Danforth for that house wherein he now liveth, Vpon condiccõn that he should pay to the Assignes of m^r Philips of Wrent. the Erector of the said house: the Sume of fifty pounds in Currant Country pay vpon demand in Camb^r. And whereas the said money have hitherto neyther been payd nor demanded, but the said Thomas Danforth doth demand a deed of Sale to be made him by the Townsemen, pleading y^t M^r Dunster hath rec^d forty pounds in part there of474

How Mr. Dunster came into the matter can only be surmised. He resigned the presidency of the College in 1654, and it may be that he represented some interest of the College in the property.

With a clear understanding, as appears by the Dedham Church records, Phillips, by the beginning of October, 1638, had accepted the call to the “publicke service of the Church & foundation of y^e Colledge” at Cambridge. It is to be assumed that the call was urgent and that Shepard needed him in both of these important positions; and it hardly seems likely that he so far delayed accepting it that he did not remove from Salem to Cambridge until the early part of 1639, as Paige would have us believe. It is probable that on his arrival in the summer of 1638 he and his wife took up their abode with Mrs. Ames at Salem; and that it was not convenient to remove their belongings to Cambridge until 1639, although he might have been temporarily accommodated, from the beginning of his service in the fall of 1638, perhaps in a house of Mr. Pelham’s, in Cambridge. Moreover, it is not unlikely that in 1639 Mrs. Ames was ready to remove her goods, with her children, to Cambridge; for William, her son, who entered College in 1641, would need to spend some time in the “faire Grammar School” in preparation.

Just when Phillips gave up his position in Cambridge is uncertain, but toward the beginning of 1640, there was a further effort on the part of Salem to have him return to that plantation, as the following vote shows:

21–11–1639. Granted to Mr. Phillips to be an Inhabitant & to haue 80 acres of land.

Provided y^t these 6 last grants from this m^rke * is w^th the condicion that they continew in the Plantation to vse the same.475

Then follows, in the course of events, an expression again of the warm interest of the Dedham plantation in Mr. Phillips by extending a third call in the following minute entered early in 1640:

Mention was made before of y^e ernest desyre of y^e church to enjoy y^e helpe of m^r Phillips w^ch thay expressed by y^r invitations w^th y^e consent of y^e whole Towne before y^el joyned & after by a renued call of y^e church. but y^e lords time not being come he was drawne rather to attend y^e call of other places till y^e 1^t month of y^e yeare 1640. but y^e lord ordering things so by a speciall ꝑvidence y^t he no wher settled but was freed from all ingagem^ts, y^e lord allso disapointing our indeavours to supply other wher. when we came to take notice of his liberty from all other places we found y^e harts of all y^e church desyrous to renew the former invitation w^ch was so suted w^th many speciall ꝑvidences of god in respect of himselfe & us y^t he saw y^e lords hand clerely in it, & so cherfully accepted y^e same, & after his coming to us & some more acquaintance w^th y^e church he was ꝑpounded: w^th is wife allso 24^th of y^e 3^m 1640. & admitted w^th much rejoicg̃ of y^e church both he & his wife 31 of y^e 3^dm 1640.476

On a leaf at the end of John Allin’s volume of records are several entries of intended departures to England, and of dismissions from the Church, from 1641 to 1645. Among these is the following entry:

Likewise our Rev̄d brother m^r Joh: Philips w^th his wife ꝑpounding divers reasons of y^r intended departure & returne to England for y^e satisfaction of y^e church therin & further advise about y^e same y^e church though divers were unsatisfied in his reasons yet yeilded consent to his depture as appere in other notes to y^t effect. & he tooke ship 26^th 8^mo 1641477

Two references to Phillips in contemporary writings may be mentioned: Lechford in his Plain Dealing, the preface of which was written in 1641, speaks of two ministers at Dedham, “master Phillips out of office” and “master Allen Pastor or Teacher;” we find his name signed to a “Declaration of Ministers of Massachusetts,” dated at Roxbury, September 23, 1640, with that of Allin, Shepard, Weld, and others.478

The reforms begun in England by the Long Parliament in 1640 stopped the immigration to our shores, and the tide set the other way. New England men, including many of the early graduates of Harvard College, in the following years sought service in the country which their fathers had long since left. Phillips returned to his old parish at Wrentham, now under new and more congenial conditions. On June 12, 1643, he was chosen a member of the famous Westminster Assembly, gathered to give advice to Parliament on matters of religion. Mrs. Ames’s son William, who graduated from Harvard in 1645, soon returned to England to become co-pastor with his uncle John Phillips; and the parish had the benefit of the pastorate of the uncle until his death on February 2, 1660.

Mr. Edes referred to the early setting apart by the Dedham Church of “every fifth day of the week” for a meeting of those who “affected church communion or pleased to come,”479 and remarked that the Thursday lecture, which for more than two centuries played a prominent part in the religious life of Boston, has been commemorated, and in a way continued, by the First Church in Boston, which annually holds a vesper service on Thursday afternoons from Thanksgiving until Easter.

1 A long account of Paul Cuffee, with a description of the memorial, was printed in the New Bedford Sunday Standard of March 9, 1913.

2 All dates in these Notes, except in some of the quoted passages, are New Style.

3 This date is approximate: see p. 10 note 6, below.

4 This date is approximate: see p. 88, below.

5 This date is approximate: see p. 97, below.

6 This Commission of Tailer was presumably issued in the summer of 1711, as he was sworn on October 4: see p. 90, below.

7 The exact date of this Commission has been recovered: see p. 91, below.

8 Dummer’s Commission was presumably issued in the summer of 1716, as he was sworn on October 5: see pp. 65, 92, below.

9 The reason for undertaking these Notes was the fact that previous lists (such as those in Palfrey’s History of New England, in Whitmore’s Massachusetts Civil List, and in the Massachusetts Court Manual) were found to be both incomplete and inaccurate. Innumerable discrepancies occur between these Notes and previous lists, but, except occasionally, it has not been thought worth while to point out the differences.

10 It is printed in Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 421–422.

11 On February 14, 1684, Randolph wrote to Sir Lionel Jenkins: “I arriued in Boston vpon y^e 26 of Oct^ber late at night and found their Gen^ll Court that afternoon broake vp” (Toppan’s Randolph, iii. 272). For the sake of convenience, the seven volumes of “Edward Randolph” published by the Prince Society are referred to in these Notes as “Toppan’s Randolph,” though the last two volumes were edited by the Rev. A. T. S. Goodrick.

12 Simon Bradstreet.

13 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 421.

14 See Toppan’s Randolph, i. 242 note 425, iv. 189.

15 Simon Bradstreet. James II was proclaimed in Boston on April 20, 1685 (Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 473–474), and in Plymouth on April 24 (Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 160).

16 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 465. A copy of the judgment reached Boston July 1, 1685 (Sewall’s Diary, i. 85), and was placed in Secretary Rawson’s hands on July 2 (Toppan’s Randolph, i. 243 note 428, 256; 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 142).

17 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 513.

18 See p. 11 note 3, below.

19 This Exemplification is printed in 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 246–278.

20 A copy of Dudley’s Commission had reached Boston more than two months before Randolph’s arrival. On March 3, 1686, Sewall wrote: “Mr. Stoughton calls at night and shews me the Names of the Persons in the Commission, telling me that a Copy of the Commission is come to Town. Comes by Eldridge, who bore away to Montserrat” (Diary, i. 123–124). On March 8 Wait Winthrop wrote to Fitz John Winthrop: “Here is little new since my last to you, only Jo. Eldrige, who came out in company with Gen̄er from England and was blowne off to the Leward Islands, is arrived. By him came a coppye of the com̄issiō for the Government of this Collony, the Prouince of Maine, New Hampsheir, and Kings Prouince or Narrogansett country, which was taken out of the Chancery and sent to M^r Dudley by a friend. The originall was on bord the Rose frigatt with M^r Randolph, and not yet ariued, but expected every day. The com̄ission is to M^r Dudley, as President till the cheife Govern^r come, and to the rest named as of Counsell, whereof you are one” (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 459–460).

21 Dudley also made a speech when the Council met on May 25. His two speeches were printed in a broadside and were reprinted in 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vii. 487–489, 489–490. The speech of May 25 is in the Conucil Records (ii. 2–4) and is printed in the Dudley Records, pp. 226–227.

22 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 515.

23 v. 516.

24 v. 517. The date there given for the final meeting is May 20, but our late associate Mr. Toppan pointed out that the true date was May 21 (Publications of this Society, vi. 81–82).

25 Council Records, ii. 1. (In these Notes the marginal entries found in the Council Records, Court Records, House Journals, etc., are sometimes omitted.) Cf. Dudley Records, p. 226. The records here cited as “Dudley Records” are those printed in November, 1899, by Robert N. Toppan in 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xiii. 266–286. They were copied by Mr. Toppan from the Council Records and from the Massachusetts Archives at the State House, Boston.

The following notice appeared in the London Gazette of July 29, 1686:

Whitehall, July 25. The Letters from New-England give an Account, That on the 14th of the last Month [an error for May] arrived at Boston Mr. Randolph, Secretary of that Colony, in His Majesties Frigat The Rose, with an Exemplification of the Judgment given upon a Scire Facias in the High Court of Chancery here against their Charter, and with His Majesties Commission to Joseph Dudley Eqs; as President, and divers other Gentlemen of those Parts to be of His Majesties Council for the Government of that Territory, until the Arrival of Sir Edmund Andross Governor in chief of New-England. Whereupon His Majesties Commission had been published by Proclamation with great Solemnity and Demonstration of Joy, and the President and Council had already appointed Justices of the Peace and other Officers throughout the Government, and setled the Militia in His Majesties Name, all things being performed according to His Majesties Directions. There has also been presented to His Majesty by the hands of Robert Mason Esq; One of His Majesties Council there, a very Loyal Address from New-England, expressing their due Sense and Acknowledgments of His Majesties Grace and Favour in receiving them under His immediate Protection and Government (p. 2/2).

26 Council Records, ii. 36. Cf. Dudley Records, pp. 247–248.

27 Council Records, ii. 9. Cf. Dudley Records, p. 231. Writing in 1765 Hutchinson said:

Mr. Dudley’s commission made him president of the council for Massachusetts Bay, New-Hampshire and Main, and the Naraganset country, or King’s province, Stoughton was named deputy president, Simon Bradstreet, . . . and Edward Tyng were named of the council, not by separate warrants, or by mandamus, but all in one commission (History of Massachusetts, London, 1765, i. 351 note).

And Palfrey, writing in 1864, said that “Dudley was appointed President, and Stoughton Deputy-President;” though he added in a footnote, “I have not been able to find the commission,” except in part (History of New England, iii. 485 and note). As a matter of fact, however, no Deputy-President was named in Dudley’s Commission, which provided “that the said Joseph Dudley and every succeeding President of the said Councell shall & may nominate & appoint any one of the members of the said Councell for the time being to be his Deputy and to preside in his absence” (Publications of this Society, ii. 38).

28 Sewall wrote on December 19 that “Tho. Banker told me Sir Edmund was below;” and on December 20: “Governour Andros came up in the Pin̄ace, touches at the Castle, Lands at Gov^r Leveret’s wharf about 2 P. M. where the President, &c. meet him and so march up through the Guards of the 8 Companyes to the Town House, where part of the Com̄ission read” (Diary, i. 159–161). On December 20 Wait Winthrop wrote: “Yesterday morning, being Sabboth-day, S^r Edmond Andros arrived at Nantasket. We ware some of us downe in the afternoone to know his com̄ands, and are prepareing to receive his Excellency in as sutable man̄er as may be. . . . He intends to be here about noone this day” (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 471).

The following notices appeared in the London Gazette of October 25, 1686, and February 14, 1687:

Deale, Octob. 20. Yesterday sailed out of the Downes the King-Fisher, having on Board Sir Edmund Andros His Majesties Governor of New-England (October 25, 1686, p. 2).

Boston in New-England, Decemb. 27. The 20th Instant arrived here Sir Edmund Andros His Majesties Governor in chief on New-England, having been received with all Expressions of Joy and Respect. The Governor, and the Members of the Council being sworn, an Order was published to continue all Officers Civil and Military; And a general Council is appointed to be held here the 30th of this Month, of which Notice has been given to the Neighbouring Colonies (p. 2/1).

29 It is perhaps worth noting that this is apparently the first appearance in Massachusetts of the time-honored title “His Excellence” — or, as the from soon became, “His Excellency.”

30 Council Records, ii. 105. The Andros Records read:

His Ma^tys Commission for Government directed to his Excell: S^r Edmond Andros Knight was published and the Oath of Allegiance was administered to his Ex^ce by Joseph Dudley and the members then present together with the Oath for the due execution of Justice by his Ma^tys said commission enjoyned to be taken (p. 240).

The records here cited as “Andros Records” are those printed in October, 1899, by Robert N. Toppan in Proceeding American Antiquarian Society, New Series, xiii. 239–268. They were copied by Mr. Toppan from the original minutes in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society. The Andros Records extend from December 20, 1689, to April 25, 1687, both included. The records under Andros’s government at the State House (Council Records, ii. 105–161) extend from December 20, 1686, to December 29, 1687, both included; but several meetings recorded in the Andros Records are not in the Council Records; and the records of a few meeting — both before April 25, 1687, and after December 29, 1687 — are found only in the Massachusetts Archives.

31 Council Records, ii. 107. Cf. Andros Records, p. 242.

32 Andros Records, p. 249. There is no record of this meeting in the Council Records.

33 See note 1, above.

34 July 19, 1688 (Diary, i. 220). Andros’s proclamation to continue civil and military officers, dated July 19, 1688, is in Massachusetts Archives, cxix. 72.

35 July 24, 1688 (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections viii. 518).

36 See note 1, above. Though not named a Councillor in the Instruction issued to Andros on September 12, 1686, yet Nicholson was appointed to the Council on to April 25, 1687, and he had sat in the Council since August 24, 1687: see p. 33, below. On July 5, 1688, Sewall wrote: “This day Foy arrives, brings a Com̄ission for Capt. Nicholson to be Lieut. Governuor: New-York to be an̄exed to this Government. Mr. Randolph, a new Com̄ission to be Secretary of the whole Dominion” (Diary i. 219).

37 On July 28, 1688, Randolph said that “I am now going to N:York where Cap^t Nicholson also goes and is to Continue vpon the place” (Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 257). But in a letter dated “Boston August the 31^st 1688,” Nicholson wrote: “His Ex^cy began his journey from [error for “to”] New York on the last of July and I went w^th him to New London (about one hundred and twenty miles from hence) butt . . . From New London his Ex^cy sent me backe” (New York Colonial Documents, iii. 550). On July 30, 1688, Sewall wrote: “With many others I went to Dedham to accompany his Excellency in his way to New-York and Jersy” (Diary i. 221).

38 Nicholson was apparently still in Boston on August 27 (Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 263), but was in New York by October 7 (vi. 270), from which place he wrote letters on October 21, November 15, and December 3, 1688 (iv. 246, 252, 255).

39 On June 10, 1689, the Council of New York declared that “We have therefore thought it adviseable that the Lieut^t Governor Captⁿ Francis Nicholson doe depart by the first ship for England to render an account of the present deplorable state of affairs here” (New York Colonial Documents, iii. 585). On June 11 Nicholas Bayard said that “This Day the L^t Govern^r departed from this Citty in order for his transportation for England” (iii. 599). On July 9 Stephen van Cortlandt wrote: “Cap^t Nicholson . . . departed very privately to the Nethersincks thinking to go for England in the Brigantine with Coll Dongan who was gone to sea, but being hard weather and Coll. Dongan sea sick Resolved to saile back againe chusing rather to dy on shoare then at sea, and came in again just at the time Capt. Nicholson arrived at Cap^t Browne’s, and neither John Selike, M^r Wadland, nor Heathcott being willing to carry Cap^t Nicholson for England He Resolved to buy ⅓ part of said Brigantine which he unloaden and did send for 25 tunns of Log wood which he took on board and so sailed out the 24^th day of June” (iii. 595).

40 Toppan’s Randolph, iii. 4.

41 Sir Thomas Osborne, first Earl of Danby.

42 Toppan’s Randolph, iii. 4. The direction in regard to the issuing of a Commission occurs as a “Mem^dum” to the main paper printed by Toppan. From a passage in Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, i. 782, it appears that the King’s approbation and direction were given May 31.

43 On June 20, 1679, the Privy Council approved a report of the Committee in which it was said of Randolph that “from the time of his Arrival out of New England which was on the 10th of September 1676, untill the 12th of June 1678, when he was appointed Collector of your Majestie’s Customes in those parts he has remained altogether unrewarded by your Majestie for his great pains and attendance” (Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, i. 844).

44 That the commission must have been issued on or before July 9, 1678, is proved by the “Instruction . . . to Edward Randolph Esq^r Collector Surveyor and Searcher of his Ma^ties Customs in New England.” These, dated July 9, 1678, being: “Whereas in pursuance of an Act of Parliament made in the 25 Year of his Ma^ties Reign . . . We haue Deputed you to be Collecto^r Survey^r and Searcher of all the Rates Duties and Imposicons.” These Instruction are in the Massachusetts Archives, lxi. 168–177, and also xx. 2–11; and are printed in Toppan’s Randolph, iii. 19–30. Palfrey says: “Randolph’s instruction, as Collector, from the Commission of the Customs (George Downing and two others), dated July 9, 1678, are in Mass. Arch., LXI. 168–177. His commission, of the same date, is printed in Mass. Hist. Colls., XXVII. 129” (History of New England, iii. 318 note). Palfrey was in error as to the Commission, sine what is printed in 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 129–138, is not the Commission but the Instruction of July 9, 1678.

45 This Commission in printed in Publication of this Society, ii. 333–337. Attention may be called to a slight error in Toppan’s Randolph, where a draft in Randolph’s handwriting is made to read: “Whereas his Maj^tie by his Lett^rs Patent under y^e Great Seale of England bearing date at Westminster the 14 day of October in the 33 yeare of his Raigne hath erected an office of Collector Surveyor & Searcher of his Maj^ties Customes” (iii. 120). In the draft itself, copied by Toppan from the Massachusetts Archives (lxi. 249), the date clearly reads “the 15^th day of October in ye 33 yeare of his Raigne,” though “15” might easily be mistaken for “14.”

46 This Commission (which is printed in Publications of this Society ii. 311–312) might have been considered in section I, but Commission did not, as did Dudley’s, terminate with the arrival of Andros on December 20, 1689; and it seemed best to bring together in section II all the data relating to Randolph.

47 On May 14 Sewall wrote: “The Rose-Frigot arrives at Nantasket, Mr. Randolph up at Town about 8 mane” (Diary, i. 137).

48 Council Records, ii. 45. Cf. Dudley Records, pp. 252–253.

49 Andros Records, p. 260. There is no record of this meeting in the Council Records.

50 The lease is printed in Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 155–158.

51 Council Records ii. 117.

52 Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 165–167.

53 The Commission is printed in Publications of this Society, ii. 313–314. On April 25, 1688, John Povey wrote to Randolph:

This accompanies Yo^r Patent for y^e Sec^rs office of of New England which bearing date after the annexing New York & the Jerseys with the others Colonies of New England Makes You Sec^ry of the whole Governm^t of New England in its p^rsent Extent But M^r Sptagg will have an Order for You make him a Deputation of so much as he held before (Massachusetts Archives, cxxviii. 186; printed in Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 221, where “Spragg” and “Deputation” are wrongly printed “Spraug” and “dignitatem.” Cf. Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 217, vi. 269, 270.).

54 Massachusetts Archives, cxxix. 90; printed in Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 231.

55 Randolph had great difficulty in obtaining possession of the records pertaining to his office. In a letter to the Committee dated August 23, 1686, he said:

His Ma^tie hauing been Graciously pleased to grant me the Office of Secretary & Register of this Gom^t I demanded the Records of the Generall Count & other Bookes of publick Concern, which ought to be lodged in my Office; and had an Order to that purpose; but some of y^e Councill & others looking vpon me as y^e Onely enemy of their Country haue encouraged the former Sec̄ry to keepe them in his Custody (Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 116).

In a letter to the Lord Treasurerr (the Earl of Rochester) of the same date (August 23, 1686), Randolph said:

His Majestie hath been graciously pleased to make me Secretary of his Councill here, but y^e accounts of y^e Late Treasurers & w^tever else relater to y^e discover of his Maj^ties Revennue is kept from my knowledge: The publick Records & all y^e Grants & Settlement of Lands in this Country ought to be lodged in my office are otherwise disposed of, not being willing to entrust them with me, who have been, & (as they say) am still y^e Grand enemy of their Country (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 66–67. Cf. Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 121, 123–124).

The order referred to in the first of these letters was given June 13, 1686. The record of the Council meeting held that day states that Joseph Dudley, William Stoughton, Edward Randolph, and John Usher were the only members present; and then continues (Council Records, ii. 39–40; cf. Dudley Records, p. 250):

Who not makeing a full Councill (no business was done that day) only a letter writt by the Presid^t to Edward Rawson Esq^re late Secr: of the Massachusetts Colony and accordingly sent (a Copie whereof follows)

Whereas it hath pleased his Maj^ty in the settlem^t of the Governments of this His Maj^tys Territory & Dominion to appoint and Commissionate Edward Randolph Esq^re to be the Secretary and Register of this his Maj^tys said Governm^t and Dominion.

These are therefore in his Maj^ty’s name to order & require you to deliver into the said M^r Randolphs hands, the Books, Records, Files and other utensells belonging to the said Office of Secretary late exercised by yourself, that they may be safely disposed and managed for his Maj^ty’s service according to the direction that are or may be given unto said Edw: Randolph, and hereof you may fail not.

J. Dudley P.

On September 24 it was “Ordered. That M^r Rawson deliver up the Keys of the Records to M^r Addington and M^r Benjⁿ Bullivant” (Council Records, ii. 77; cf. Dudley Records, p. 271). On October 21 it was “Ordered: That M^r Addington & M^r Bullivant attended M^r Rawson on Saturday next, to assort, take an account and receive the Records of the late Governm^t and deliver to the Secretary” (Council Records, ii. 80; cf. Dudley Records, p. 273). On December 8 it was ––

Ordered: That Wait Winthrope Esq^re Symon Lynd Esq^re Benjamin Bullivant, M^r Isaac Addington & M^r Daniell Allen, be a Committee with the Secretary, to receive and sort and form the Records of the Country, (now in the hands of M^r Edward Rawson late Secretary) that so they may be apt and ready for service, and that the persons above named be all sworn to the faithfull discharge of their trust in this matter, and to the end it may be forthwith proceded in, M^r Lynd and M^r Bullivant are empowered and hereby ordered to take the same from M^r Rawson to, morrow and to remove them in the posture they are now in, into the Library Chamber, and that there go forth a strict Warrant to M^r Rawson to deliver them accordingly; and it is further Ordered; that two locks be put upon the Office where such paper shall be lodged, and that M^r Bullivant, or such other person as M^r Randolph shall depute to that service, shall keep the key of one of the Locks, and Capⁿ Winthrop M^r Lynd or M^r Addington the other (Council Records, ii. 94–95; cf. Dudley Records, p. 281).

On February 4, 1687, ––

His Ex^ce Seeing the great necessities of haveing the Records of the Country removed from the dwelling house of M^r Rawson late Sec̄ry

It was Ordered that the persons Impowered by an order of the late President and Councill of the 8^th of December last doe effectually persue the same and that the Office in the Court House in Boston be forthwith enlarged and prepared to receive them accordingly (Andros Records, pp. 249–250. Cf. Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 181, 210).

In a draft in the Massachusetts Archives this reads:

Whereas by a order of the late President & Councill dated the 8^th day of December last It was ordered That Wait Winthrop, Simon Lynds Esq^rs Benjamin Bulliuent, m^r Isaac Addington, & m^r Daniel Allin be a Com^tee with Secretary to receiue sort and form the Records of the Country (now in the hands of m^r Rawson late Secretary,) that they may be ready for Seruice, Enjoyning the s^d Com^tee to be Sworn for the faithfull discharge of their trust impowering, & ordering, m^r Lynd & m^r Bulliuent to take the same from m^r Rawson the next day following, & to remove the same, (in the posture they find them) into the Liberary Chamber. In pursuance whereof it is hereby Ordered That the s^d Com^tee do forthwith enter upon the effectual execusion thereof, bringing them to ye Office provided for them & M^r Rawson late Sec̄ry to be assisting in sorting & disposing accordingly (cxxvi. 255).

A year went by when, on February 3, 1688, another order was issued (Massachusetts Archives, cxxviii. 36):

Att a Councill help at the Councill Chamber in Boston

y^e 3^d day of february 1687.

Present

His Exc̄ye S^r Edmund Andros Kn^t &c:

Joseph Dudley		John Hincks
W^m Stoughton		Nath: Clarke
Rob^t Mason		Edw^d Randolph
Tho: Hinckley	Esqrs	ffranc: Nicholson	Esqrs
John Usher		Sam^ll Shrimpton
Barth: Gidney		W^m Browne

Forasmuch as the severall Orders formerly made for taking an account of the publiqȝ Records of the late Massachusetts Collony have not been attended that the same might be putt into the Sec͞r͞yes Custody and all persons have recourse to them as Occasion Ordered that M^r Isaac Addington and M^r John Herbert Coward be and are hereby desired and authorized in the presence of M^r Edward Randolph Sec͞ry and M^r Edward Rawson the late Sec͞ry or some one on [altered from “in,” or “in” altered from “on”] his behalf to take an account in writeing of all the said Record and that they begin the same on Tuesday next and continue day by day about the same till compleated and that then the said Records be delivered into the hands of the said Sec͞ry and the account thereof by them taken forthwith returned to his board under their hands

By Order in Council &c

John West D Sec͞ry

What is perhaps the final allusion to this matter occurs in the following document (Massachusetts Archives, cxxvi. 238) under date of March 6, 1688:

Att a Councill help att y^e Councill Chamber in Boston

on Tuesday ye 6^th day of March 1687.

p^resent

His Exceƚƚ^y S^r Edm^d Andros Kn^t &c

Joseph Dudley		Jn° Lathrop
W^m Stoughton		Nath^ƚƚ Clarke
Jn° Winthrop	Esq^rs	Rich^d Arnold	Esq^rs
Waite Winthrop		Edw^d Randolph
Jn° Usher		ffranc Nicholson

Upon Reading this day in Councill ye Report made by Edw^d Randolph Sec̄ry Edw^d Rawson Isaack Addington & Jn° Herbert Coward togather with ye account by them taken of publigue Records of ye late Massachusetts Collony –– pursuant to an Ord^r of this Board beareing Date ye 3^d of ffebruary past Ordered that ye s^d Records be forthwith taken into ye Custody & Charge of ye Sec̄ry & Kept with ye other Records of this Dominion in the Sec̄rys office where all ꝑsons may haue recourse to them as occasion & that ye Key heitherto Kept by m^r Rawson of ye place where ye s^d Records are be forthwith to ye s^d Sec̄ry

By Order in Councill

56 Court Records, vi. 1.

57 vi. 1–2. By error this letter is dated “19^th April 1690.” The letter to Andros of April 18 was signed by fifteen persons, of whom three –– William Browne, Bartholomew Gedney, and John Nelson –– did not sign the letter of April 19 to Pipon. The letter to Pipon of April 19 was signed by fourteen persons, of whom two –– William Johnson and James Russell –– did not sign the letter to Andros of April 18.

58 Court Records, vi. 2.

59 vi. 3.

60 Court Records, vi. 2–3.

61 vi. 11.

62 vi. 12.

63 Court Records, vi. 12.

64 vi. 15.

65 vi. 15.

66 Court Records, vi. 16–18.

67 vi. 22–24.

68 Court Records, vi. 25.

69 Court Records, vi. 26–27.

70 vi. 28.

71 Court Records, vi. 28.

72 In an address to William and Mary dated May 20, signed by “Simon Bradstreet in the Name and behalf of the Council,” it was declared that “We heartily congratulate Your Maj^ties happy accession to the Crown” (vi. 24); and in another address drawn up June 6, signed by “Simon Bradstreet in the Name, and behalf of the Council and Convention,” it was stated: “Your Majesties happy Accession to the Royall Throne was most Joyfully Congratulated by Your Subjects in this Colony, and the proclamation there of there of here performed upon the Nine, and Twenty’th Day of May last past, with all the Decency, and Solemnity, the Place is Capable of Affording, and all Imaginable expressions of Joy” (vi. 32–33).

73 vi. 30.

74 vi. 31.

75 vi. 32–34.

76 Court Records, vi. 34–35.

77 vi. 37.

78 vi. 38–39.

79 vi. 47.

80 vi. 88.

81 vi. 88.

82 vi. 90.

83 vi. 97.

84 vi. 105.

85 vi. 133.

86 Court Records, vi. 183.

87 vi. 214.

88 vi. 217.

89 As already stated (p. 7, above) the Plymouth Colony was included in the Territory and Dominion of New England created by Andros’s Commission of June 3, 1686. A General Court was held at Plymouth in June 1686, and Courts of Assistants were held in June, July, and October, 1686 (Plymouth Colony Records, vi. 184–204, vii. 299–304). At the General Court held in June, 1686, Thomas Hinckley, William Bradford, and Samuel Sprague were chosen respectively Governer, Deputy-Governer, and Secretary (vi. 185). No Court was held between October 5, 1686, and June, 1689 when Thomas Hinckley, William Bradford, and Samuel Sprague were chosen respectively Governer, Deputy-Governer, and Secretary (vi. 205); and the following proceedings took place:

At their Ma^ties General Court of Election held at Plimouth, for the Colony of New Plimouth, on the first Tuesday in June, 1689.

Whereas, through the great changes divine Providence hath ordered out, both in England and in this countrey, we, the loyall subjects of the crown of England, are left in an unsetled estate, destitute of gover̄ment, and exposed to the ill consequents thereof; and having heretofore enjoyed a quiet settlement of gover̄ment in this their ma^ties colony of New Plimouth for more than threescore and six years without any interruption; having also been by the late Kings of England from time to time, by their royall letters, graciously owned and acknowledged therein, whereby notwithstanding our late unjust interruption and suspention therefrom by the illegal arbitrary power of S^r Edmond Andros, now ceased, the General Court held here in the name of their Present ma^ties, William and Marry, King and Queen of England, &c., together with the encouragement given by their said ma^ties gracious declaretions, and in humble confidence of their s^d ma^ties good liking, doe, therefore, hereby resume and declare their reassuming of their said former way of gover̄ment, according to such wholesome constitutions, rules, and orders as were here in force in June, 1686, our title therto being warranted by prescription and otherwise as aforesaid, and expect a reddy submission thereunto by all their ma^ties good subjects of this colony, untill their ma^ties or this Court shall otherwise order.

And that all our Courts be hereafter held, and all warrants directed, and officers sworne, in the name of their ma^ties, William and Mary, King and Queen of England, &c. (vi. 208–209).

The last General Court appears to have been held on July 7, 1691 (vi. 268–269), though a Court of Assistants was held on April 5, 1692, the final record being:

The Court . . . adjourn to Thursday y^e 9^th day of June next, and all proces and bonds continued to s^d adjournm^t, & parties ordered to attend the same (vii. 312).

90 Publications of this Society, ii. 38. A list, sent Randolph to the Committee on September 2, 1685, of “The Names of Persons well disposed & humbly offered to be of his Ma^ties Council in the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay & the Provisions in New Eng^d to consist of One president one Deputy-President & 18 to be of y^e Councill,” will be found in Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 43–47.

91 Publications of this Society, ii. 43.

92 According to the Council Records (ii. 1; cf. Dudley Records, p. 226), only the President and eleven members of the Council were present on May 25; yet in their letter to the Committee of June 1 the President and Council stated that “Joseph Dudley Esq^re President haveing first taken the Oathes in his Maj^tys Commission required, did administer the same Oathes unto fourteen of the Members of his Maj^tys Councill then present and entred upon the exercise of the Government” (Council Records, ii. 23; cf. Dudley Records, pp. 239–240). The two members of the council not recorded in the Council Records (ii. 1) as present on May 25 were Janothan Tyng and John Usher. There are curious discrepancies in the records. Thus twelve persons are recorded as present in Council on June 1 (Council Records, ii. 19; Dudley Records, p. 237), yet the letter to the Committee drawn up that day was signed by eleven members (Toppan’s Randolph, iv 82), while the address to the King also drawn up June 1 was signed by fourteen members (iv. 85).

93 Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 171–172.

94 Council Records, ii. 23–24. Cf. Dudley Records, p. 240.

95 Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 85–86.

96 Randolph is at times strangely confused as to the Council. Thus in a letter to Archbishop Sancroft dated July 7, 1686, he said: “Of a president and eighteen members of the councell, there is onely myselfe, since Mr. Mason’s departure for England, that is of the church of England” (Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 89). Dudley’s government consisted of a President and saventeen members of the Council.

97 From a transcript (Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 904, pp. 283–296) in the possession of the Editor.

98 Ibid.

99 Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1685–1688, No 1197 1, p. 351.

100 Printed “Francis Brenley” in the Calendar.

101 Printed “Peter(?) Sandforth” in the Calendar. Miss Lucy Drucker of London, who has examined the original at my request, informs me that the name is clearly “Peleg Sandforth,” or Peleg Sanford, sometime Governor of Rhode Island. It is stated in the Rhode Island Historical Magazine that on “March 25, 1687, he was appointed one of the Andros Council, but would not serve” (vii. 296–297). This is a mistake, the passage in the text showing that Peleg Sanford’s name was merely transmitted as one of the persons “best qualified to fill vacancies in Council.” Peleg Sanford was a brother of John Sanford, a member of Andros’s Council in 1688: See p. 41 note 11, below.

102 Printed “Humphery Lusamb” in the Calendar.

103 Printed “Eliakim Hutchison” in the Calendar.

104 From a transcript (Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 389, Vol. 9, p. 434) in the possession of the Editor.

105 Council Records, ii. 134. Sewall writes: “Tuesday, Augt. 23. Balston arrives and brings Gazetts to June 13, and a Privy Seal whereby Capt. Nicholson is added to the Council, being sworn” (Diary, i. 186).

106 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, ii. 811.

107 From a transcript (Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 904, pp. 353–354) in the possession of the Editor.

108 Council Records, ii. 150.

109 Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, ii. 817.

110 From a transcript (Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 904, p. 365) in the possession of the Editor.

111 See p. 40, below.

112 See p. 8 note 1, above.

113 See p. 15 note, above.

114 From a transcript (Public Record office, Colonial office, Class 5, Vol. 855, No. 95) in the possession of the Editor.

115 Publications of this Society, ii. 18.

116 On September 18, 1691, Sir Henry Ashurst and Increase Mather submitted “names of persons . . . as Governor, Deputy-Governor and Assistants for Massachusetts. Governor, Sir William Phips. Deputy-Governor, William Stoughton. Assistants,” then follow the names of twenty-seven persons only, that of Elisha Hutchinson not being included (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1689–1692, No. 1, 772, p. 545). In the same work appears, under date of October 7, 1691: “Charter of Massachusetts. Herein the Council or Assistants are named as in No. 1,772, and Isaac Addington is named Secretary” (No. 1,806, p. 550). Hutchinson’s name was inadvertently omitted in the printed Calendar, Miss Drucker informing me that it occurs in the original of No. 1,772.

117 The form given in the text is more or less arbitrary. Trifling differences — like “Brown” or “Browne,” “Clark” or “Clarke” or “Clerk,” “Gedney” or “Gidney,” “Winthrop” or “Winthorp” — are not noted.

118 See p. 30 note 1, above.

119 See p. 32 note 3, above.

120 See p. 35 note 1, above.

121 See p. 35 note 2, above.

122 “Alborough” (B, C).

123 The date is variously given as November 1 (J. N. Arnold, Vital Record of Rhode Island, Newport, iv. 49), November 14 (Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, i. 20), and December 14 (J. O. Austin, One Hundred and Sixty Allied Families, p. 1).

124 “Alcott” (D).

125 His will, dated December 2, 1712, was proved in 1716 (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxvi. 401–402).

126 Savage says he died November 6, 1696 (Genealogical Dictionary, i. 43). On February 24, 1697, Wait Winthrop wrote: “I forgot in the other letter to tell you that Coll. Allyn is dead this winter at Hartford” (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 525).

127 Ipswich Vital Records, ii. 483.

128 Savage, i. 66.

129 His will, dated May 9, 1707, was proved April 19, 1711 (Collections New York Historical Society for 1893, pp. 68–69).

130 “Febr. 20 [1704]. Major William Bradford dies in the 80^th of his Age: He was a Right New-England Christian” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 95).

131 Andover Vital Records, ii. 397. He was a son of Gov. Simon Bradstreet.

132 “About 10. at night Gov^r Bradstreet dyes; which we are told of March, 29^th at Cambridge” (Sewall, March 27, 1697, Diary, i. 450–451).

In saying that “The list of councillors [under Andros] in Palfrey’s New England, ed. of 1890, vol. 3, p. 604, includes Simon Bradstreet, Dudley Bradstreet, Nathaniel Saltonstall and Francis Champernowne” (Laws of New Hampshire, 1904, i. 144 note), Mr. A. S. Batchellor is in error. Palfrey gives a list of the Councillors under Dudley, and then says: “In Andros’s first Commission all the above-named Counsellors were included, except the two Bradstreets, Saltonstall, and Champernoon, who had not accepted the trust; and the following were added.” This statement is correct, except that the members of Andros’s first Council were named not in his Commission but in his Instructions.

133 An extract from a letter written by Randolph on May 21, 1687, reads: “His Excell, has to do with a perverse people. Here is none of the council at hand, Except Mr Mason, & myself, & M^r B.[rockholt] & M^r Usher, who appear lively for his Majesty’s Interest” (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 531). Brockholes was not a member of the Council at that time, hence a mistake was made in expanding “B.” into “B.[rockholt].” Randolph’s letter is printed in full in Toppan’s Randolph, where we read: “his Excellence has to do with a perverse people here is none of the Councill at hand except M^r Mason and my selfe who and M^r Bulkley and M^r Vsher appeare liuely for his Ma^ties interest: Maj Bulkley and M^r Hinks are remote and come seldome” (vi. 221).

134 “Febr. 23,17¹⁵/₁₆. The hon^ble William Brown esqr. died in his house at Salem” (Sewall, Diary, iii. 74).

135 “Bulkley” (A), “Buckly” (B), “Buckley” (C).

136 “May 25^th 1688. Col. Peter Bulkley of Concord dies, having languished for a long time. Died this Friday about eleven aclock” (Sewall, Diary, i. 215).

137 On May 21, 1687, Randolph wrote: “Twill be for his Majestyes service to putt Mr. Shrimpton in the place of Capt. Champernoon and Mr. Luscombe in the place of Mr. Jo. Sandford of Rhoad Island, both dead” (Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 163). Owing to indisposition, Champernoon did not serve in Dudley’s Council (see p. 31, above), and was not a member of Andros’s first Council; hence C. W. Tuttle was mistaken in saying that Champernoon “was continued in this office under Sir Edmund Andros, the successor of Dudley, and held it until his death in 1687” (Historical Papers, p. 120).

138 Savage, i. 399.

139 “Rhode-Island, May 28. Last Lord’s Day Dyed here Walter Clarke Esq; Deputy Governour of Rhode-Island, and Providence Plantations, in the Seventy Seventh Year of his Age” (Boston News Letter, May 31, 1714, p.2/2). A document dated June 7, 1714, says that “it hath pleased God, after a long and tedious sickness to take our hon’d father, Walter Clarke out of this world by that fatal messenger, death, on ye 23d day of May, 1714” (Newport Historical Magazine, iii. 140).

140 “Coxshell” (B), “Coxhill” (C).

141 Newport Historical Magazine, iii. 186. He was the son of John Coggeshall, first President of Rhode Island, who died November 27, 1647 (ibid.).

142 “Stephen Courtland” (C).

143 Bellomont wrote: “P. S. 26^th Nov. 1700. I intended you Collonel Courtland’s Quarterly Book of Entries and Clearings of ships which he was providing, but he fell sick about 8 days since and dyed yesterday” (New York Colonial Documents, iv. 779).

144 “June, 9 [1718]. Mr. Corwin dies about 9. m.” (Sewall, Diary, iii. 186).

145 Collections Maine Historical Society, i. 309; Suffolk Probate Files, No. 2806.

146 “Daniell” (D).

147 Savage, ii. 59; Collections Maine Historical Society, i. 310; Maine Wills, pp. 199–200.

148 “Boston, On Saturday the 2d Currant Dyed the very Honourable JOSEPH DUDLEY, Esq; at his Seat in Roxbury, in the 73d Year of his Age, being born September 23d 1647” (Boston News Letter, April 11, 1720, p. 2/1). The letter “A” is placed against Dudley’s name for convenience, though it is perhaps a question whether, strictly speaking, he was or was not a member of that Council.

149 “Febr. 9 [1711]. Seventh-day, between 11 and 12 m. Col. John Foster expires. His place at the Council Board and Court will hardly be filled up. I have lost a good Left-hand man. The Lrd save New-England! Now just half the Counsellours mention’d in the Charter, are dead; The Lord prepare the rest, and me especially to follow after” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 300). Sewall has made a mistake either in the day of the month or in the day of week, since February 9 was Friday, not Saturday.

150 “March, 1 [1698]. Col. Barthol, Gedney dies” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 8*).

151 O. P. Fuller, History of Warwick (1875), pp. 30–31, 69; H. E. Turner, Greenes of Warwick in Colonial History (1877), p. 44; The Greene Family in England and America with Pedigrees (1901), pp. 43–44. “During the administration of Sir Edmond Andros,” writes H. E. Turner, “the name of John Greene does not appear on the record. He appears as one of those named of the council, but he, probably, never took the engagement, and as the Narragansett petitioners say, sometime in 1686 he was about going to England, probably he was absent a part of that time” (Greenes of Warwick in Colonial History, p. 44). On July 3, 1686, an address from Rhode Island to James II was drawn up (Rhode Island Colonial Records, iii. 193–194); in two documents without precise date it is stated that Greene “is gone to attend your Majesty” (iv. 208, 209); and Greene was certainly in England in January, 1687 (iv. 221–222). Hence it is probable that he carried the address to England. The following extract is taken from the London Gazette of September 16, 1686:

Windsor, Sept. 13. His Majesty has Graciously received the Address of the Colony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantation in New England, Humbly Representing, that upon the Signification of a Writ of Quo Warranto against their Charter, They had resolved, in general Assembly, not to stand Suit with His Majesty, but wholly to submit to His Royal Pleasure themselves and their Charter; whereof His Majesty has thought fit to accept the Surrender (p.2/2).

Greene and Mason were back in Boston by May 21, 1687, on which day “Robert Mason and John Greene Esq^rs tooke the Oathes of Allegiance, and that for performing the duty of Councellors, being both lately arrived from England” (Council Records, ii. 120).

152 “May, 13.2 [1717]. Set out for Salem . . . Went to the Funeral of Col. Hathorne” (Sewall, Diary, iii. 130).

153 In the Massachusetts Province Laws, Hayman, Alcock, and Donnell are assigned to the Province of Maine, While Davis is assigned as “Of the inhabitants of, or proprietors of, land within the territory lying between the river of the Sagadahoc and Nova Scotia” (vii. 6). But in the list of Councillors furnished by Mather and Ashurst on September 18, 1691 (see p. 35 note 3, above), Hayman is assigned to Massachusetts, and Alcock, Davis, and Donnell to Maine.

154 “Dec^r 18 [1712]. After Lecture, and Din̄er I go to the Funeral of Capt. Sam^l Hayman, aged 70. years. . . . He was at Boston Lecture this day Sen̄ight, and died on the Lords-day night. He was a Lover of New-England” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 369).

155 For a Sketch of Hinckes, see Collections New Hampshire Historical Society, viii. 360–364.

156 “Barnstable, April 25. On Monday the 16th Currant, Dyed suddenly here, Thomas Hinkley, Esqr. formerly Governour of Plimouth-Colony: Aged about 86 Years” (Boston News Letter, April 30, 1705, p. 2/2).

157 “Boston, On Tuesday last the tenth Currant Died here the Honourable Col. Elisha Hutchinson, Esq; aged Seventy six Years, a true lover of his Country, of an Exemplary conversation, a true friend to pure Religion, a Gentleman whose deserts raised [him] to some of the highest Posts in the Government for many Years, he was Colonel of the Regiment, Chief Judge of the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas, and one of His Majesty’s Council for this Province” (Boston News Letter, December 16, 1717).

158 “Jolliffe” (D).

159 “Nov^r 23. 1701. John Joyliffe Esqr. dies. He had been blind, and laboured under many Infirmities for a long time” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 48).

160 “Barnaby Lathrop” (B, C), “Barnabas Lothrop” (D).

161 Savage, iii. 119.

162 “On the last Lord’s Day the 29th of January past, Dyed at Charlestown the Honourable Joseph Lynde, Esq; Aged 90 Years, born in that place, formerly one of His Majesty’s Council of this Province” (Boston News Letter, February 2, 1727, p. 2/2).

163 “Tuesday, Nov. 22 [1687]. I goe to Hog-Island . . . on Wednesday came home and hear of Justice Lynde’s death yesterday about noon” (Sewall, Diary, i. 195). See p. 34, above.

164 “I . . . send this . . . which serves onely to acquaint you of ye Death of my Cousin Mason. who dyed the 6 instant was buried at Kingstone vpon this riuer” (Randolph to Blathwayt, September 12, 1688, Massachusetts Archives, cxxix. 181; cf. Toppan’s Randolph, iv. 235).

165 “Mason was a merchant in London, a zealous man in the cause of New England, and I suppose his name was inserted in the charter from mere respect and gratitude, for he never came over to New England” (Hutchison, History of Massachusetts, Boston, 1767, ii. 15 note). On this Savage comments as follows: “At the first elect. [in 1693] our people were not prevented by respect or gratitude from leav. him out, as they did sev. others of the creatures of Mather” (Genealogical Dictionary, iii. 170). The fact that Mason was not resident in Massachusetts in 1693 is sufficient to account for his being left out that year. Allusions to him will be found in Sewell’s Diary and Letter-Book. It has been asserted, but perhaps on inadequate evidence, that he was in Massachusetts in 1686: see Massachusetts Province Laws, vii. 5 note; Z. G. Whitman, History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company (1842), p. 220; O. A. Roberts, History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company (1895), i. 276, 277, 286; C. Robbins, History of the Second Church (1852), p. 263.

166 W. H. Whitmore, Genealogy of the Payne and Gore Families (Prince Society) p. 12; Suffolk Probate Flies, No. 2883.

167 J. O. Austin, Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 137.

168 “John Nicholson” (C). Born November 12, 1655, Francis Nicholson was commissioned an Ensign on January 16, 1678, and on July 30, 1686, Captain of a Company of Foot for the Colony of New England. He came over in December, 1686, the first allusion to him here by name apparently being an entry in Sewall’s Diary for May 17, 1687 (i. 177). He was never knighted. See C. Dalton, English Army Lists and Commission Registers, 1661–1714, i. 221, 269, 323, ii. 27, 83, vi. 20, 184, 191, 287, 399–400; Dalton, George the First’s Army, 1714–1727, ii. 55–62; Notes and Queries, September 12, 1903, Ninth Series, xii. 201–202; Nation, xcvii. 32. He is sometimes assigned to New York, but he did not go to New York until long after his arrival at Boston. His death was noted in the New England Weekly Journal of April 29, 1728, p. 2/2.

169 “Phillips” (C). The name is found in over a dozen different forms.

170 E. H. Hall, Philipse Manor at Yonkers (1912), pp. 38–39; Collections New York Historical Society for 1892, pp. 369–374.

171 “On the last Lord’s Day died at Charlestown the Honourable John Phillips, Esq; formerly of His Majesty’s Council in this Province, Aged 90 odd Years” (Boston News Letter, March 25, 1725, p. 2/2).

172 “Salisbury; Major Robert pike Esq. was Interr’d here on Thursday the 19th. of December last; the Foot Company of the Town, and Troop, being in Arms. He died in the 92 year of his Age” (Boston News Letter, January 6, 1707, p. 4/2).

173 “Col. John Pynchon died Jan^y 17. 170⅔, about Sun-Rise, as Mr. Holyoke tells me Sabbath-Day” (Sewall, Diary, February 6, ii. 73).

174 Toppan’s Randolph, ii. 182.

175 “April 2, 1694. Monday. . . . In the Afternoon, all the Town is filled with the discourse of Major Richards’s Death, which was extraordinarily suddain; was abroad on the Sabbath, din’d very well on Monday, and after falling into an angry passion with his Servant Richard Frame, presently after, fell probably into a Fit of Apoplexy, and died” (Sewall, Diary, i. 389–390).

176 “Thorsday, April, 28 [1709]. Mr. Russell dies about 11. a.m̄. He was a good Christian, and right New-England Man; is I think the last of them chosen in the year 1680: about 68. years old” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 253).

177 “May, 22 [1707]. Thorsday, . . . Bro^r Tapin tells me of the death of Col. Saltonstall on Wednesday after Lecture” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 187). Cf. Haverhill Vital Records, ii. 466.

178 At least, he is not recorded as present at any meeting of the Council.

179 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, vii. 294–295. In a letter dated May 21, 1687, Randolph said that Sanford was dead (see p. 37 note 7, above). He is sometimes confused with his father, also John Sanford, who was President of Rhode Island in 1653 and died between June 22 and November 16 of that year (Rhode Island Historical Magazine, vii. 293–294).

180 “Boston, On Monday last dyed here the Honourable Peter Sargent Esqr. of Her Majesty’s Councill for this Province” (Boston News Letter, February 15, 1714, p. 2/2).

181 “This Morning about half an hour after Five Died here the very Honourable Samuel Sewall, Esq; in the 78th Year of his Age” (Boston News Letter, January 1, 1730, p. 2/2).

182 “Febr. 9 [1698]. Col. S. Shrimpton dies of an Apoplexy” (Sewall, Diary, ii. 8*). This entry is apparently wrong, as Sewall elsewhere writes: “Fourth-day, Febr. 9. Last night, about nine of the clock, Col. Shrimpton dyes of an Apoplexy” (Diary, i. 470). And on February 9 Wait Winthrop wrote: “I fear the post will be gon, so must end by giueing you the bad news that Coll. Shrimpton dyed about nine of the clock the last night haueing not bin sick aboue two or three days, tho something indisposed as he use to be longer” (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections viii. 528).

183 J. N. Arnold, Vital Records of Rehoboth, p. 876.

184 His will, dated March 16, 1691, was proved July 12, 1692 (Savage, iv. 131; Suffolk Probate Flies, No. 1970).

185 Though in the Instructions to Andros the name clearly reads “John Spragg,” it has hitherto been assumed that “Spragg” was a variant of “Sprague,” and John Sprague has been assigned sometimes to Rhode Island (A. S. Batchellor, Laws of New Hampshire, 1904, i. 144), and sometimes — on the authority of an old list printed by Hutchinson — to Plymouth Colony (Hutchison, History of Massachusetts, London, 1765, i. 354; Baylies, Historical Memoir of New Plymouth, vol. ii. pt. iv p. 43; Batchellor, Laws of New Hampshire, i. 830 and note 1. Cf. Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 153–154, who challenged this identification). The person was unquestionably John Spragg (Sprag, Spragge), who lived in New York from 1683 to 1687. On January 27, 1683, Spragg was commissioned by the Duke of York Secretary of New York and reached there the following summer or autumn (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1681–1685, Nos. 919, 1415, pp. 378, 555). On August 11, 1685, Governor Dongan wrote Blathwayt that “Mr Sprag the Secretary of this place will goe for England this winter and carry the Laws” (New York Colonial Documents, iii. 364). The Instructions to Dongan issued May 29, 1686, contained this clause: “Whereupon you are forthwith to call together the members of our Council for that our Province, by name Anthony Brockholes, Frederick Philips, Stephanus van Courtland, Lucas Santen, John Spragg, Jervas Baxter, and John Young Esquires” (ibid. iii. 369). On September 13, 1686, Spragg wrote Blathwayt, “I hope to be myself the bearer of the quarterly returns required by the Lords of Trade and Plantations” (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1685–1688, No. 861, p. 242). On September 14 “Governor Dongan took the oaths on receiving his new Commission and Instructions. Anthony Brockholes, Frederick Flipson, Stephanus van Cortlandt, John Spragge, and Gervis Baxter were sworn of the Council. Agreed that Mr. Santen be not sworn yet” (ibid. No. 862, p. 242). On February 22, 1687, Dongan wrote that “The Council thought fit not give M^r Santen his Oath, as appears by the Minutes of Council. John Young had his oath given him, but hee lives 150 miles from this, and has noe estate of his own and very old, that it is a thing impossible for him to serve” (New York Colonial Documents, iii. 416). (Notwithstanding this statement, John Youngs did serve and was present at several Council meetings.) On the same day (February 22, 1687), “Names of the new Councillors recommended by Governor Dongan in the letter; with an intimation that he has already appointed Judge Palmer and Nicholas Bayard to the Council” (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1685–1688, No. 11401, p. 322). On March 2, 1687, Dongan wrote to the King, “I send Captⁿ Baxter and M^r Spragg and humbly beg your Mat^y will discourse them” (New York Colonial Documents, iii. 423). Spragg must have sailed about that time, since various documents were endorsed as “Recd. 9 May 1687, per Mr. J. Spragg” (Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1685–1688, pp. 322, 335). As stated in the text, Spragg was named a Councillor in the Instructions to Andros of April 16, 1688. In a document dated December, 1689, we read: “List of the Council of New York, with comments against the names. Anthony Brockholes (papist); Frederick Flypse; Gervais Baxter (a papist); Stephan van Cortlandt; John Sprag (in England); Nicholas Bayard: John Palmer (in custody at Boston)” (ibid. 1689–1692, No. 667, p. 197). This is the last allusion I find to Spragg, and his name is not included as a Councillor in the Instructions to Governor Sloughter issued January 31, 1690 (ibid. No. 750, p. 215), it may be assumed that he died in London late in 1689. (Many other references to Spragg are in the Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies; New York Colonial Documents; Calendar of Historical Manuscripts, in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, 1866, pt. ii. pp. 104, 106, 112, 114, 132, 133, 144, 146, 154, 155, 162; and Journal of the Legislative Council of the Colony of New York, 1861, vol. i. pp. xii, xiv, xv, xvii).

186 See p. 50, below.

187 H. R. Stiles, History of Ancient Wethersfield (1904), ii. 713.

188 Savage, iv. 357; Suffolk Probate Flies, No. 2653.

189 “Wooburn; Lord’s Day, January 19th. We were here entertain’d with a very loud Memento Mori: The Honourable Col. Jonathan Tyng Esq; Walking to the place of Publick Worship in the Afternoon, expired as soon as he got into his seat, during the time of the first Prayer, and was carried out dead, Ætatis 81. His Faith and Holiness were so apparent that we are perswaded he was convey’d to the Assembly of the First-born in Heaven, to bear a part with them in glorifying their Creator and Redeemer” (Boston News Letter, January 23, 1724, p. 2/2). In the News England Courant of January 27, 1724, the date by an obvious misprint is given as “Sunday the 29th Instant” (p. 2/2).

190 “And on the 1st Instant, died at his Seat near Medford, the Honourable John Usher Esq; sometime since Lieut. Governour of the Province of New-Hampshire, in the 79 Year of his Age, & was Honourably Interr’d here on Monday last” (Boston News Letter, September 8, 1726, p. 2/2).

191 “Boston. On Friday the Eleventh Currant, Dyed here the Honourable John Walley Esq; of Her Majesty’s Council, and one of the Judges of the Superiour Court of this Province, in the Sixty Ninth Year of his Age” (Boston News Letter, January 14, 1712, p. 2/2).

192 “Tuesday, May 14^th [1689], Mr. Richard Wharton dyes about 10 post merid” (Sewall’s Diary, i. 255).

193 “Aug^t 3 [1700]. . . . About 2 post merid, Mr. Adam Winthrop dies” (Sewall, Diary, i. 255).

194 “Boston, Nov. 27. About four a Clock this morning the Honourable John Winthrop Esqr. Governour of Her Majesties Colony of Connecticut, Departed this Life in the Sixty Ninth Year of his Age; being Born at Ipswich in New England the 14th day of March, Anno 1638” (Boston News Letter, December 1, 1707, p. 2/1). He was the son of Gov. John Winthrop, Jr., of Connecticut.

195 “Boston, On Thursday the 7th Currant died here the Honourable Major General WAIT WINTHROP Esq; Aged 76 Years, Justly Dear to his Country for his Honourable Descent . . . but dearer yet for his personal Character and Vertues” (Boston News Letter, November 18, 1717). He was the son of Gov. John Winthrop, Jr., of Connecticut

196 “Young” (C).

197 His will, dated February 20, 1697, was proved May 28, 1698 (Collections New York Historical Society for 1892, pp. 292–293). On October 17, 1700, Bellomont wrote: “To instance in some of those false articles, I am accus’d of having remov’d Coll. Young with others from the Council, and Coll: Young was dead two years before my coming into this country” (New York Colonial Documents, iv. 726). Bellomont reached New York April 2, 1698 (see p. 49 note 2, below).

198 Diary, i. 360.

199 Council Records, ii. 166–168.

200 For convenience these names are arranged alphabetically.

201 Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 785, p. 172. (A copy is in Council Records, ii. 165–166.) The signatures to this document are not autographs, as I am informed by Miss Lucy Drucker, who also says that “the original ought to be among the Oath Rolls (Chancery Petty Bag), of which however very few have been preserved, and I have found none of the various colonies among them.” Nor is the original at the Boston State House. Phips’s Commission was approved December 3, and he himself took the oaths in London on December 31, 1691 (Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, ii. 799). Many oaths, however, have been preserved at the State House. The oath taken by the Representatives on June 8, 1692 (Massachusetts Archives, xlviii. 188), is written and is like the oath printed in the text. The oaths taken by the Councillors in May, 1693, are printed on a broadside to which the signatures are attached, and read as follows (Massachusetts Archives, xlviii. 212):

A TRUE COPY OF THE OATHS

That are appointed by Act of Parliament, made in the First Year of Their present Majesties Reign; to be Taken instead of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and the Declaration appointed to be made, Repeated and Subscribed

I A. B. do sincerely Promise and Swear, That I will be Faithful, and bear true Allegiance to Their Majesties, King WILLIAM and Queen MARY.

So help me God, &c.

I A. B. do Swear, That I do from my Heart Abhor, Detest, and Abjure, as Impious and Heretical, that Damnable Doctrine and Position, That Princes Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope, or any Authority of the See of Rome, may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects, or any other whatsoever.

And I do Declare, That no Foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State, or Potentate, hath, or ought to have any Jurisdiction, Power, Superiority, Preeminence, or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm.

So help me God, &c.

Then follows the Declaration — “I A. B. do solemnly and sincerely. . . null and void from the beginning” — as printed in the text.

To these oaths were added in May, 1699, what was called the Association, which in that year was written (Massachusetts Archives, cvi. 450). This, taken from a printed broadside, signed in 1700, reads as follows (Massachusetts Archives, xlviii. 317):

Association.

Whereas there has been a horrid and detestable Conspiracy formed and carried on by Papists and other wicked and traiterous persons for Assassinating His Majesties Royal Person, in order to encourage an Invasion from France, to subvert our Religion, Laws and Liberty. We whose Names are hereunto subscribed, Do heartily, sincerely and solemnly profess, testify and declare, That His present Majesty KING WILLIAM is rightful and lawful KING of the Realms of England, Scotland and Ireland: And we do mutually promise and engage to stand by and assist each other to the utmost of our power, in the support and defence of His Majesties most Sacred Person and Government, against the late King James and all his Adherents. And in case His Majesty come to any violent or untimely Death (which GOD forbid) We do hereby further freely and unanimously oblige our selves, to unite associate and stand by each other in revenging the same upon His Enemies and their Adherents, and in supporting and defending the Succession of the Crown, according to an Act made in the first year of the Reign of King WILLIAM and Queen MARY, Intituled, An Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, and settling the Succession of the Crown. (Cf. Publications of this Society, x. 384–386, xiii. 119–126.)

It will be observed that the oath in the text has twenty-eight signatures attached — those of the three Crown officials and of twenty-five Councillors. There were, however, twenty-eight Councillors named in the Province Charter (p. 35, above). Simon Bradstreet, Thomas Hinckley, and Stephen Mason, the remaining three Councillors, do not appear to have qualified.

202 Council Records, ii. 293.

203 ii. 293.

204 On May 5, 1695, Sewall wrote: “About 3 hours News comes to Town of the death of Sir William Phips, Feb. 18^th at which people are generally sad” (Diary, i. 404).

205 The names of Acting Governors are printed in italics.

206 Council Records, ii. 294.

207 Council Records, ii. 561.

208 Bellomont arrived in New York on April 2, 1698. In a letter dated August 8 he said: “In my letter of the eighth of January last I gave your Lordships an account of my arrival at Barbadoes. On the ninth of March I left that Island, and on the second of April I landed at the City of New York, and entered on the Govern^t” (New York Colonial Documents, iv. 306). In a letter dated “New-Yorke the 4^th of Aprill 1698,” Benjamin Jackson wrote: “His Excellency the Earle of Bellamont, being arrived from Barbadoes, came on shoar at this place, and was Sworne on Saturday Last” (Massachusetts Archives, cvi. 421). Cf. Sewall, Diary, i. 476.

209 Council Records, iii. 20–21.

210 iii. 137.

211 On March 15, 1701, Sewall wrote: “The Town is fill’d with the News of my Ld Bellomont’s death, last Wednesday was sen̄ight” (Diary, ii. 33).

212 There was no meeting of the Council between July 17 and July 22, 1700, and on neither day did Stoughton take any new oaths — no doubt for the reason that, as he had received no new Commission, those which he had previously taken were regarded as sufficient.

213 On July 7, 1701, Sewall wrote: “About the time got thither the L^t Gov^r died” (Diary, ii. 38).

214 The proclamation was not entered in the Council Records or in the Court Records, and, if printed, apparently no copy has survived.

215 Council Records, iii. 216–217.

216 iii. 217–218.

217 Massachusetts Archives, li. 132.

218 Massachusetts Archives, xx. 59.

219 William III died March 8, 1702. On May 28 “the London Gazette and several other Prints, Papers and letters,” brought by Capt. Thomas Burrington, reached Boston confirming “the sorrowful and awful tidings . . . which had been more uncertainly reported several days since from divers parts beyond sea,” and it was “Ordered therefore. That the several persons newly chosen Councellors or Assistants for this Province do take the oath of Allegiance to her Said Maj^ty Queen Anne” and that Anne be proclaimed on the following day (Council Records, iii. 311, 313, 315). This extract is from the London Gazette of July 23:

Boston in New-England, June 8.

On the 28th of May last we received Advice of the Death of His late Majesty, and of Her present Majesty’s happy Succession to the Throne: The Council and the General Assembly were then sitting, and the Members of the Council immediately took the Oath of Allegiance to Her Majesty. The next day the Council, attended by the Representatives in the General Assembly, the Ministers, Justices of the Peace, Gentlemen, Merchants, and other Inhabitants, Proclaimed Her Majesty, the Troop of Guards and the Militia being in Arms, who, when the Proclamation was ended, fired three Volleys, which were followed with Huzza’s, and loud Acclamations of God save Queen Anne, and the Cannon of the Castle and Forts, and of Her Majesty’s Ship the Gosport, and the Merchants Ships then in our Port, was discharged. In the evening the Company was entertained at the Town-House, and other Places, and all other Demonstrations of Joy were given suitable to the Occasion. The 31st, the Representatives took the Oath of Allegiance. The 4th Instant, the Members of the Council and other Gentlemen of the Town went into Mourning for the Death of His late Majesty. The Bells were tolled from 8 till 10 in the morning, and from 2 till 4 in the afternoon; Funeral Sermons were preached in all the Churches, and the Guns of the Castle and Forts, and of the Ships in our Port, were all discharged (p. 1/1).

The above passages prove that certain news of the death of William reached Boston May 28, and that Anne was proclaimed on May 29. In Sewall’s Diary, under date of May 28, is a long entry which reads in part as follows: “Burrington from New-found-Land brings Prints of the King’s death March, 8. at 8 m . . . . Then we resolv’d to proclaim her Majesty here: Which was done accordingly below the Town-house . . . . Proclamation was made between 3 and 4. At 5 p.m. Madam Bellingham dies” (ii. 56–57). Most of this entry must have been written on May 29; and an examination of the original Diary shows that in the margin, opposite the words “At 5 p.m.,” Sewall wrote “May 29,” which date is omitted in the printed Diary. Cf. p. 63 note 2, below.

220 Dudley’s Commission had been approved as early as June 28, 1701 (Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, ii. 799); and on December 11, 1701, Constantine Phipps wrote to the Massachusetts Council and Assembly that “pursuant to yo^r direcc͞ons I was to wait on Coƚƚ Dudley who hath his Ma^ties warr^t to be y^r Governor” (Massachusetts Archives, li. 137).

An Exemplification of Burges’s Commission of March 17, 1715, is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society; and in Vol. ii of this Society’s Publications it is stated that this Exemplification “is the only document of the sort (among the Commissions printed in this volume) that is now known to be extant” (p. 100 note 1). Since writing that note, I have ascertained that the originals of two other Commissions are in the Harvard College Library, both of which eluded my previous search because neither is entered in the card catalogue under “Manuscripts in this Library.” One is Dudley’s Commission as Vice-Admiral of February 26, 1701, which is written on a single piece of parchment and signed “Orlando Gee Reg^us.” The seal which formerly appended is now missing. It was given to the College Library in 1854 by William Johnston, who graduated in that year. The other is Shute’s Commission as Governor of June 15, 1716: see p. 63 note 1, below.

221 See p. 53 note 1, above.

222 Council Records, iii. 322–324, 325.

223 For an exhaustive treatment of this controversy, see our associate Mr. Worthington C. Ford’s “The Governor and Council of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, August, 1714 — March, 1715” (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xv. 327–362). See also Mr. Ford’s Preface to his reprint (1902) of the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1715.

224 Statutes at Large (1735), iv. 11–12.

225 Statutes at Large, iv. 110. In some editions of the Statutes, this Act is 6 Anne, Chapter XLI.

226 Boston News Letter, September 20, p. 2/2. The London Gazette of August 3, which contained an account of the death of Anne, reached Boston September 17, and was communicated to the Council by Dudley the same day (Council Records, vi. 251). (A copy of that issue is in a file of the Boston News Letter owned by the Boston Athenaeum, between the issues of September 20 and 27.)

227 Boston News Letter, September 27, p. 2/2; printed by Mr. Ford in 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xv. 330–332). The following account is taken from the Council Records:

According to the Appointment made upon Friday last the 17. Currant The High & Mighty Prince George Elector of Brunswick Lunenburgh was solemnly proclaimed King of Great Britain France & Ireland Defender of the Faith &^ca with loud acclamations & the utmost demonstrations of Joy His Excellency the Governour the Lieut^t Gov^r and Council being in the Balcony of the Council Chamber which was hung with Scarlet Cloath The Regiment of the Town & another Regiment of Foot being drawn up under armes on the Parade before the Town House with the Troop of Guards and another Troop of Horse many of the Representatives of the General Assembly, Justices of the Peace, Ministers Gentlemen & Merchants (besides a very great concourse of People) in token of their Joyfull Subjection & Allegiance to His Majesty Im̄ediately after ending the Proclamation the two troops & the regiments of Foot discharged three volleys and on a signal given the Cannon at His Matys Castle William at the Town Batteries & on board the ships & vessells in the Harbour were also discharged, & after a Public Dinner the Governour & Council with a number of Gentlemen & Officers returned in the evening to the Council Chamber & drank a health to His Majestys the Prince all the Royal Family & the Regency &^ca The Town House & particular Houses in several principal streets being finely illuminated.

His Excellency took the Oaths appointed by Act of Parliament, to be taken instead of the Oaths of Allegiance & Supremacy, repeated & subscribed the Declaration & took the Oath of Abjuration being administred by the Hon^ble Wait Winthrop in presence of the Lieut^t Governour after which His Excellency administred the same oaths Declaration & Abjuration to his Honour the Lieut^t Governour & the other Twenty Councellours present at the Board (vi. 256–257).

228 Printed in British Royal Proclamations relating to America, 1603–1783 (Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian Society, 1911, xii. 174–175), and in the Boston News Letter of March 28, 1715, p. 1/1.

229 “On the 19th Currant by the Post from New York His Excellency the Governour receiv’d His Majesty’s Proclamation for the Continuation of Officers &c. in the Plantations” (Boston News Letter, March 28, 1715, p. 2/2).

230 Council Records, vi. 308–309.

231 This proclamation was issued as a printed broadside and was reproduced in facsimile by Mr. Ford (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xv. 326–327).

232 Council Records, vi. 309–313.

233 See p. 56, above.

234 Council Records vi. 334.

235 For a sketch of Burges, about whom little is known, see Publications of this Society, xiv. 360–372, 389 note 1. For the following information, received too late for insertion at the above reference, I am indebted to Mr. Horatio F. Brown of Venice. The dates of Burges’s services as “Secretary Resident” are: First, date of credentials, May 8–9, 1719; arrival in Venice, October, 1719; letter of recall, October 31, 1721; departure from Venice, March, 1722. Second, date of credentials, October 25, 1727; arrival in Venice, December 18, 1728. Among the “Inscriptions to English Families in the Old Protestant Cemetery near San Niccolo del Lido, Venice,” is the following (Miscellanea Genealogica et Heraldica, Second Series, 1885, i. 347):

Elizaevs Bvrges

a Georgio Primo et Secundo

Britanniæ Regibvs

Apud Venetos

obiit xviii kal. decembris

mdccxxxvi

Vixit Annos lxix.

Arms: A chevron between three crescents.

236 Sewall’s Diary, iii. 46.

237 Sewall’s Letter-Book, ii. 48–49. Cf. the next note.

238 Sewall’s Letter-Book, ii. 49–50. The originals of these two letters have not been preserved, but Sewall copied them on November 25, 1715.

239 See p. 100, below.

240 Council Records, vi. 379–380.

241 Sewall’s Diary, iii. 65; Boston News Letter, November 14, p. 2/2.

242 This Exemplification is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society: see Publications of this Society, ii. 100 note 1. Cf. p. 53 note 1, above.

243 Council Records, vi. 389–390.

244 As late as May 31, 1716, in a speech to the House, Lieutenant-Governor Tailer said he believed that Burges “would before this Time have happily Arrived among us, and I am well assured he may be daily expected” (House Journal, p. 3). The news of Shute’s appointment, which was made in April, reached Boston June 5 (Sewall’s Diary, iii. 85). The following notice appeared in the Boston News Letter of June 11:

By Letters from London of April 12th we are informed that His Excellency Col. Elizeus Burges Esq; Governour of this Province had resign’d his Office.

And by Letters and Prints we are also inform’d that His Majesty has been pleased to appoint His Excellency Col. Samuel Shute, Esq; a very worthy Gentleman, and Brother to Mr. Barrington Shute Esq; Member of Parliament for Berwick, to be Governour of New-England (p. 2/1).

The following letter written by J. Dummer to J. White, but signed by Dummer and Belcher, is copied from the original in the Massachusetts Historical Society (161.J.16):

Dear S^R

I am now Sitting on one Side of his Excell^cy Col^o Shute, & M^r Belcher on the Other side with all the Principal Merch^ts & Traders to New England at the Table. We have din’d, & are now drinking a Sober glass to the Prosperity of New England, & the Worthy Gentlemen there, & you may be Sure you can’t be forgot among them, especially when M^r Belcher & I are present. Every Merchant is pleas’d with your New Governour, & you’l certainly be the happyest people in the World under his Easy Administration I cant enlarge for the reason above. I am Y^r Very humble ser^t

Jer Dummer

Jon^a Belcher

London

30^th Apr: 1716

245 The original of Shute’s Commission of June 15, 1716, is in the Harvard College Library (Cab.E.Dr.1). It is written on two sheets of parchment and has the seal appended, though this is now broken and a part missing, and is enclosed in a wooden box covered with stamped leather. It came to the College Library in 1862 as a bequest from Gen. William H. Sumner of the Class of 1799. A portion is reproduced in facsimile in the Memorial History of Boston, ii. 50. Cf. p. 53 note 1, above.

On the back of the Commission is the following entry:

Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England		Entred in the Secretary’s Office in Boston October the 5^th 1716.
		ꝑ Jos: Marion Den^ty Sec^ry

This entry confirms a statement made by the present writer that there was formerly a volume of Crown Commissions which was burned in 1747 (Publications of this Society, vol. ii. p. xviii and note 4; xiv. 397–398 note 1). See also p. 55, above, and pp. 70, 81 note 1, 101, below.

246 Under date of “Octob^r 3,” 1716, Sewall wrote: “. . . while they were here, just about Sunset, we hear a Gun which proves a Signal of the Governour’s being come” (Diary, iii. 105). A careful examination of the entry under this date shows that it must have been written on “lecture-day” — that is, on Thursday, October 4. As Sewall is so often relied on for exact dates, I have in several cases pointed out errors, some due (as in this case) to his own carelessness, some due to the fact that entries were actually written later than the dates assigned, and some due (as on p. 53 note, above) to the carelessness of his editors. See Publications of this Society, xiv. 361 note 2, for an instance where Sewall wrote “Feb. 13,” 1716, when he meant to write “April 13.”

247 The original Council Records from 1692 to 1747 were practically all destroyed in the fire which devastated the Boston Town House on December 9, 1747 (see Publications of this Society, vol. ii. p. xix note 1), and the Records for those years now at the State House are copies obtained from London. But even in London there are no copies of the Records for the period specified in the text — September 11, 1716, to September 5, 1717; Miss Drucker informing me that “32 pages are missing in the volume which should contain them at that date.” A copy of the following letter is in the Council Records (xi. 765–766):

Boston November 1. 1748.

Sir

By William Shirley Jun^r Esquire, who embarks for Great Britain on board one of the Mast ships now bound home, I send you Copies of the Proceedings of the General Court, from the beginning of March 1746, to the end of the Session begun and held May 25. 1748; with the Acts pass’d in those Sessions, certified under the Seal of the Province; as also Copies of the Minutes of Council from December 1747 to the end of August 1748. The Minutes of the Assembly, and the Laws, are a continuation of what were sent you home by his Maj^ty’s Ship the Mermaid in the Summer 1747, without any interruption, the General Court Book for that time being accidentally saved out of the Fire when the Court House was burnt; but the Council Book being then destroyed, the Minutes of Council, now sent you, begin after the time of that fire. You will please to lay these Papers before the Lords Commissioners as usual. I shall acknowledge it as a great favour if you will please to send me one line to let me know of your receiving these Papers when they come to your hands.

I am, with due respect

Sir

Your very humble Servant

(signed) Josiah Willard.

(Superscribed)

On His Majestys Service.

To Thomas Hill Esq^r

Secretary to the Right Hon^ble

The Lords Commissioners for Trade

and Plantations.

Whitehall.

248 John Leverett.

249 John Burrill.

250 House Journal, p. 54.

251 P. 55.

252 House Journal, p. 55.

253 The following letter was printed in the New England Courant of January 14 1723 (p. 2):

Praestat esse Prometheus quam Epimetheus.

To the Author of the New-England Courant.

SIR,

THe unprecedented and extraordinary Manner of Governour Shute’s absenting himself from this Government, and embarking for England, has occasion’d much Discourse and various Sentiments, which we shall not now go about to recapitulate, but shall only mention what we conceive must be naturally concluded, viz. That any Governour departing from a Government with so much Privacy and Displeasure, can’t reasonably be supposed to promote the Interest of that Government, when he arrives at the British Court: And therefore we may venture to say, that in general it is the opinion of the Freeholders, &c. of this Province, That it is essentially necessary for the Good and Welfare of the People here, at this critical Juncture, that two Gentlemen at least, Persons born among us, of known Abilities and Address, be, as soon as possible, sent to the Court of Great Britain, altho’ this Province should be at the Charge of hiring a small Vessel on purpose, (seeing Delays are dangerous,) there to vindicate the Proceedings of the Honourable House of Representatives from time to time, since the Misunderstandings that have arisen betwixt that Honourable House and Governour Shute: Which being done we hope it can’t but be thought very expedient for one of those two Gentlemen to reside at the British Court, there to give their Attendance, in solliciting and negotiating the Affairs of this Province: For sure it is, that no Man of Knowledge and Experience can believe, that an Agent appointed, who is a Resident in England, and was never in this Country, can be a suitable Person to apear at Court for it, since he must be ignorant of the Springs and Motives upon which the original Misunderstandings were grounded, as well as of the Laws, Customs, Trade, and Temper of the People, &c. Besides, who can imagine, that an utter Stranger, and a Person that has no Interest here, will so heartily lay forth himself to serve this Country, as one that is born here, and that has an Interest among us. There is some here that have seen (when in England) great Damage accrue to some Plantations, for want of their Agents knowing the true Interest of the Places they appeared for. We shall conclude this Letter with a Passage out of a learned Author, who has sometime since wrote concerning the Affairs of Barbadoes. Says he, No prudent Man can think, that a Gentleman, who is not bred up in the Business, and has no Interest in the Island, can be fit to make an Agent, nor even a Merchant, who has many Commissions; for there is no kind of Affairs that makes a Man so busie, and keeps him in such a continual Hurry as Factorage. ’Tis without doubt proper, the Agent should fully understand the true Interest of Barbadoes; that he should have full Leisure to carry on his Agency, be a Man of Sense and Honour, and one that needs not make use of a borrowed Pen, to set forth its Grievances, and petition for Redress.

We are, Yours, &c.

Quœre, Whether (pursuant to the Charter) the Ministers of this Province, ought now to pray for Samuel Shute Esq; as our immediate Governour, and at the same time pray for the Lieut. Governour as Commander in Chief? Or, Whether their praying for his Success in his Voyage, if he designs to hurt the Province (as some suppose) be not in Effect to pray for our Destruction?

Monday. Jan. 7, 1723.

254 “On Tuesday Morning last the first Instant, His Excellency SAMUEL SHUTE, Esq; Our Governour, set sail in the Ship Ann, Capt. Finch Commander from Nantasket for Great Britain; as then also did His Majesty’s Ship Sea-Horse Capt. Durrel Commander, for Barbadoes” (Boston News Letter, January 7, 1723, p. 2/1).

The following notice had appeared in the Boston Gazette of October 15, 1722:

MR. John Boydell Secretary to His Excellency the Governour designing for London by Capt. Lethred, Desires that if any Persons have any Demand on him (or His Excellency) they would forthwith call at his Office in His Excellency’s House in order to be paid (p. 4/2).

255 Court Records, xi. 467.

256 During Dummer’s term of office as Acting Governor, the Explanatory Charter of 1725 was accepted: see Publications of this Society, xiv. 389–400.

In 1727 the accession of George I was celebrated in Boston on August 1 (New England Weekly Journal, August 7, p. 2/1). The news of his death, which occurred June 11, reached Boston August 14 (Council Records, viii. 579), and the Council ordered George II to be proclaimed August 16th. At ten o’clock on the morning of the 16th Lieutenant-Governor Dummer, being “confined to his House by a sickness,” sent a draft of a proclamation to the Council, which approved it; it was then sent to Dummer, who signed it and returned it to the Council; and at 1 o’clock George II was proclaimed from the Town House. The Council Records then proceed to say:

After the Proclamation was ended & the loud & joyful acclamations that succeeded it, The Regiments & Troops fired three Volleys, and (upon a signal given) the Cannon at His Majesty’s Castle W^m at the Town Battery & on Board the Ships & Vessels in the Harbour were discharged, and the Council Ministers, Representatives & other Gentlemen were entertained with a Public Dinner provided this Occasion.

After Dinner the Members of His Maty’s Council being returned to the Council Chamber, W^m Tailer, Nath^l Byfield & Addington Davenport Esq^rs (Members of y^e Council) waited on His Honour the Lieut^t Govenour at his house to administer to him the oaths of fidelity to His present Majesty King George the second.

And in the presence of the s^d Gentlemen His Honour the Lieut^t Govenour took the Oath appoint^d by Act of Parliam^t to be taken instead of the Oaths of Allegiance & Supremacy, & repeated & subscribed the Test or Declaration in the said Act with the Oath of Abjuration (xviii. 582).

257 “On Monday last the 23d. arrived here Capt. John Ruggles from London, by whom we have Advice that His Excellency SAMUEL SHUTE Esq; Governour of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, &c. intends for his Government early in the Spring. In whom came the Reverend Dr. Timothy Cutler and the Reverend Mr. Johnson, as also John Boydell Esq; with his Family, Gillam Phillips Esq; and Mr. John Checkley” (Boston Gazette, September 20, 1723, p. 4/1).

“London, Nov. 25. Samuel Shute Esq; Governour of New England & New-Hampshire in America, is preparing to set out for that Government” (Boston News Letter, February 3, 1726, p. 2/2).

In a letter to E. Quincy dated May 25, 1727, Jeremiah Dummer said:

Col° Shute is expecting a Man of War to transport him to his Government, which [he] may probably now obtain, there being Pacification made between the Powers of Europe which will bring home our Fleets. It looks to me as if Our Assembly would hardly come into his demands, but whatever turn that takes, I depend upon your wisdom & moderation, & the influence You have in both Houses to keep things from coming to an extremity (Massachusetts Historical Society, 81. 1. 28).

258 Error for “read.”

259 Council Records, ix. 79–80.

260 ix. 83.

261 The New England Weekly Journal of September 15 said:

This Town was excedingly surpriz’d on Monday last with the sad News of the Death of His Excellency our Governour WILLIAM BURNET Esq;

He had been very ill all the Week before, but on Fryday the symptoms grew threatning; after which he very little recover’d any Use of his Understanding.

He expir’d about Eleven of the Clock the Lords-day Night; a teaching and monitory Instance to us of the Vanity of Humane Life and Greatness (P. 4/1).

262 Error for “punctually.”

263 Council Records, ix. 165–166.

264 Council Records, ix. 215–216.

265 ix. 227–228. The following notice appeared in the New England Weekly Journal of February 9, 1730:

By a Letter from a Gentleman in London, Dated London, November 28th 1729. we have the following Advice.

This is just to tell you, That Yesterday His Majesty in Council appointed Mr. Belcher Governour of New-England, and to Morrow he is to kiss the KING’s Hand on that Occasion, attended with several of us. I reckon it will be Matter of great Surprize, and hope and believe will be very happy for New-England (p. 2/1).

The same paper of April 14, 1730 contained this rumor:

By Capt. Homans from London, we are informed that His Majesty has been pleased to confer the Honour of Knighthood on His Excellency Jonathan Belcher Esq; who is appointed Govenour and Commander in Chief in and over His Majesty’s Provinces of the Massachusetts-Bay and New-Hampshire, in New-England; and that His Excellency intended speedily to proceed for his Government in one of His Majesty’s Ships of War (p. 2/2).

The same paper of August 11 said:

On Saturday last, about the middle of the Afternoon, we were notified by a Signal from Castle William, of the near Approach of His Excellency Governour BELCHER, in His Majesties Ship of War, appointed for his Transportation; which could reach no further that Night, than the Mouth or Entrance of the Narrows . . . . The usual Services of the Sabbath were attended by his Excellency at the Castle, . . . At the opening of the following Day, was the Town of Boston in a voluntary Alarm, . . . (p. 1/1).

266 Council Records, ix. 227–228.

267 Council Records, x. 533–536.

268 Error for “this” or “his Majesty’s.”

269 Council Records, xii. 122.

270 The following extracts are taken from the Boston Gazette of Tuesday, August 14 and September 11, 1753:

On Tuesday last, in the Afternoon, his Excellency our Governor arrived from England, in his Majesty’s Ship Port-Mahon, under the Command of Capt. Montague, . . . About five o’Clock his Excellency went . . . to Castle William, . . . The Day following his Excellency remained at the Castle; and on Thursday he came up in the Castle Barge (August 14, p. 3/1).

On Saturday last His Excellency the Govenour did the Proprietors of Pullin-Point the Honour of dining with them at the said Point, where a very elegant Entertainment was prepar’d for him; . . . The Proprietors, after taking Leave from His Excellency, gave it the Name of Paint-Shirley (September 11, p. 3/2).

271 “Thursday last arrived here from Halifax, his Majesty’s Ship Mermaid, the Hon. Washington Shirley Esq; Commander” (Boston News Letter, August 19, 1756, p. 4/1).

“His Majesty’s Ship Mermaid, Captain Washington Shirley, still abides in our Harbour” (Boston Gazette, September 20, p. 2/1).

“On Saturday last His Excellency embarked on board His Majesty’s Ship Mermaid, Washington Shirley, Esq; Commander . . . . And,

“About four o’Clock in the Afternoon on Monday last the Mermaid (as also the Schooner employed as a Tender) got under Sail, when she saluted Castle-William, which was returned by the Discharge of the Cannon there, and then proceeded on her Voyage with a fair Wind; which has continued ever since” (Boston News Letter, September 30, p. 1/2).

“Monday last, in the Afternoon, his Majesty’s Ship Mermaid, (on board of which is his Excellency Governor Shirley) sail’d from this Port for England. As soon as she got under Sail, his Excellency was saluted with a Discharge of 15 Cannon at Castle William, which was answer’d by a like Number of the Mermaid’s Guns” (Boston Evening Post, October 4, p. 1/2).

“Tuesday Morning last His Majesty’s Ship Mermaid sail’d from hence for England” (Boston Gazette October 4, p. 2/1).

272 “Last Monday Night died at his Seat in Cambridge, after a few days Illness, the Honourable SPENCER PHIPS, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief of this Province, in the 74th Year of his Age; and on Saturday his Corps was very honourably interred, . . .” (Boston Evening Post, April 11, 1757, p. 4/1).

273 Council Records, xiii. 212.

274 Massachusetts Archives, lvi. 50.

275 “Tuesday last, in the Afternoon, arrived in Nantasket-Road, from Halifax, his Majesty’s Ship Nightingale, Capt. Campbell; in which ship came his Excellency THOMAS POWNALL, Esq; with his Majesty’s Royal Commission to be Captain-General, Governor and Commander in Chief in and over this his Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay; as also a Commission from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Admiralty, to be Vice-Admiral of the same, &c. His Excellecncy is also Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of New-Jersey, and Agent for His Majesty’s General Affair under the Command of Lord LOUDOUN. . . .” (Boston News Letter, August 4, 1757, p. 2/1).

276 Council Records, xiii. 283. Cf. Crown Commissions, 1628–1663, p. 155. For an account of the two volumes labelled “Crown Commissions, 1628–1663” and “Crown Commissions, 1677–1774,” see Publications of this Society, vol. ii. p. xvii note 5, p. xviii note 4; and cf. xiv. 397 note.

277 House Journal, p. 17.

278 James Otis.

279 House Journal, p. 20. Presumably Hutchinson, on becoming Acting Governor, took the oaths, but no mention of them is made in the Council Records, nor in the Court Records, nor in the Massachusetts Archives. The following extract is taken from the Boston Evening Post of June 9, 1760 (p. 3/1):

LAST Tuesday, about Noon, His Excellency Governor POWNALL, attended by His Honor the Lieut. Governor, the Honorable Gentlemen of His Majesty’s Council and House of Representatives, and a great Number of Civil and Military Officers, and other Gentlemen, set out from the Court-House in this Town, and being escorted by the Company of Cadets, under Arms, walk’d in Procession, thro’ King-Street, down the Long-Wharf, where the Castle-Barge lay ready for the Reception of His Excellency: And after receiving the most respectful Salutations, upon his Departure from us, His Excellency was received into the Barge; . . .

After His Excellency’s Departure, his Honor the Lieutenant Governor made the following Speech to both Houses, viz. . . .

280 Rumors of the death of George II, which occurred October 25, 1760, reached Boston December 25 and were confirmed December 27. On the latter day Governor Bernard communicated the news to the Council, which “Advised that his Excellency cause his most sacred Majesty King George the Third to be proclaimed on Tuesday the 30^th day of December Instant at 12 o’clock at Noon” (Council Records, xiv. 298). On December 29 the House of Representatives was ordered to attend in the Council Chamber, Bernard made a speech, and the; committee appointed “to consider what is proper to be done, on that Occasion” made the following report:

The Committee appointed on his Excellency’s Speech of this Afternoon, relative to the Accession of his majesty King George the Third, are of Opinion that his Honour the late Lieutenant Governor Dummer, all officers Civil and Military, who belong to the Town or may be in it; all the Gentlemen of the Clergy, and merchants as aforesaid; all the Kings Officers, and Officers of the Customs as aforesaid the Gentlemen of the Law, and other Gentlemen of Distinction be invited to be present, at the Proclaiming of his majesty to morrow. noon And that Provision be made for his Excellency the Governor, his Honour the Lieutenant Governor, the Gentlemen that are, or have been of his Majesty’s Council, the members of the House of Representatives, and the Gentlemen before mentioned, to drink the Kings Health at Faneuil Hall, in the Evening. And that the Court House be illuminated on the Occasion (Court Records, xxiii. 505).

The following account appeared in the Boston News Letter of January 1, 1761:

BOSTON, January 1. 1761.

LAST Thursday we had a Report from Europe of the Death of His Britannick Majesty King GEORGE the Second; which Report was confirmed on the Saturday following by the public Prints brought by the Race-Horse, Captain Samuel Partridge, who arrived here that Day from London, but in 40 Days from Portsmouth: —. . .

Tuesday in the Forenoon, His Honour the Lieut. Governor, the Honourable his Majesty’s Council and House of Representatives, and a Number of other Gentlemen, waited upon his Excellency the Governor at the Province House; from whence they walked in Procession to the Council-Chamber, being escorted by the Company of Cadets, commanded by Colonel Jarvis: The Regiment of Militia, commanded by Colonel Phillips, were mustered on the Occasion, and appeared under Arms in King-Street. — About XII o’clock the Proclamation (which follows in the next Column) was read, and repeated with a loud Voice from the Balcony of the Court-House; and on finishing with GOD save the KING, three Huzzas were given by a vast Concourse of People of all Ranks, assembled on this Occasion; which was followed by three Vollies from the Regiment of Militia and Company of Cadets: And upon a Signal given, 63 Pieces of Cannon were discharged at Castle William, and also a Round at each of the Batteries in this Town and at Charlestown. — In the Evening there were publick Illuminations, and a handsome Entertainment provided at Faneuil-Hall, where the Health of his Majesty King GEORGE the Third, the Royal Family, and many other loyal Healths were drank. — The whole Ceremony was carried on and concluded with great Decency and good Decorum (p. 1/1).

281 Crown Commissions, 1628–1663, p. 184.

282 The Boston Evening Post of August 4, 1760, said (p. 3/1):

Saturday last about one o’clock, came to Town by land from Providence, his Excellency FRANCIS BERNARD, Esq; with his Majesty’s Royal Commission to be Captain-General, Governor and Commander in Chief in and over his Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay; as also a Commission from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Admiralty, to be Vice-Admiral of the same, &c.

283 Error for “to.”

284 The same paper of August 7, 1769, said:

His Excellency upon his embarking, having delivered the Province Seal to the Lieutenant Governor, Wednesday last His Honor in Council took the Oaths appointed by Acts of Parliament in order to take upon him the Administration of the Province (p. 3/1).

285 Council Records, xvi. 431.

286 Council Records, xvi. 532–533.

287 Crown Commissions, 1677–1774, p. 124.

288 The following extract is from the Boston Evening Post of May 16, 1774:

WHITEHALL, April 2.

THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Esq; Governor of the Province of the Massachusets Bay, in North-America, having humbly requested his Majesty’s leave to come to England, the King has been graciously pleased to comply therewith, and to appoint THOMAS GAGE, Esq. Lieutenant-General of his Majesty’s forces, to be Captain-General and Governor in Chief of the said Province, and Vice-Admiral of the same, during his Majesty’s pleasure (p. 1/3).

Hutchinson himself left Boston June 1. The Boston Gazette of June 6 said: “Thomas Hutchinson, Esq; sailed Wednesday Morning with Capt. Callahan for London. Jonah laid three days in the Whale’s Belly, on his Passage to Nineveh, that great City” (p. 1/1).

289 “Friday last arrived here his Majesty’s Ship Lively, Capt. Bishop, in 26 Days from England, in whom came his Excellency General GAGE” (Boston Evening Post, May 16, p. 2/3).

290 Council Records, xvi. 794.

291 Crown Commissions, 1677–1774, p. 143.

292 The following paragraph appeared in the Boston News Letter of Friday, October 13, 1775:

Last Tuesday, at 12 o’clock, His Excellency General GAGE, accompanied by the principal Officers of the Army and Navy, and a large Number of the most respectable Inhabitants of this Town, proceeded to the Long-Wharf, where he embarked for England, having received his Majesty’s Orders to repair thither to lay before his Majesty the State of Affairs in this Province. That kind and humane Disposition which his Excellency has discovered through the whole of his Administration, has made his Departure universally regretted. — He is accompanied by the Hon. Thomas Flucker, Esq; Secretary to the Province, Stephen Kemble, Esq; Secretary to his Excellency, and the Captains Donkin and Rooke, his Aid de Camps (p. 2/2).

Cf. p. 105 note 6, below.

293 Council Records, ii. 167–168.

294 See p. 50 note 5, above. An editorial note in the Massachusetts Province Laws, appended to a list of “Councillors or Assistants” for 1692–1693, says that “For this year the Lieutenant-Governor sat and acted with the Council as a member, ex officio: in subsequent years, he was regularly elected a councillor” (vii. 5 note). If by “Lieutenant-Governor” is meant Stoughton, the statement is correct, as he was elected each year from 1693 to 1701, both in cluded. But if by “Lieutenant-Governor” is meant subsequent holders of that office, the statement is erroneous. Povey was never elected to the Council. Neither Spencer Phips nor Andrew Oliver was once elected to the Council during the years they were Lieutenant-Governors. Tailer, Dummer, and Hutchinson sometimes were, sometimes were not, elected to the Council during their terms of office as Lieutenant-Governor. See Whitmore’s Massachusetts Civil List, pp. 46–63.

295 See pp. 48, 49, 50, above.

296 Little is known of Povey. On June 11, 1702, Sewall wrote: “I was startled at 2 or 3 things; viz. The L^t Governour a stranger, sent, whom we knew nor heard anything of before: When the Gov^r first mention’d it, I understood him of Mr. Addington” (Diary, ii. 58). In a letter to Fitz John Winthrop dated Boston, June 21, 1702, the Rev. Timothy Woodbridge said: “Y^e Leit: Governer is one Capt Tho: Povey, cousin to one of that name knoune to your self; he is a souldier, was nine years in y^e army in Flanders” (6 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 99). If by “one of that name” is meant a Thomas Povey, probably the reference is to Thomas Povey, F.R.S., the friend of Evelyn and Pepys. Or the reference may be to John Povey, Clerk of the Privy Council. In a notice of Thomas Povey, F.R.S., the writer says that “A half-brother John, who was clerk of the privy council, and commissioner for the sick and wounded under William III, died in June 1705” (Dictionary of National Biography, 1909, xvi. 236), and cites Luttrell as his authority. What Luttrell wrote, however, is as follows: “Captain Thomas Savoury is made treasurer to the commissioners for the sick and wounded, in the room of Mr. Povey, deceased” (Brief Relation, v. 564). Luttrell’s “Mr. Povey” was not John Povey, but Richard Povey. A “Letter from the Com^rs for sick and wounded,” dated June 5, 1705, mentions “Mr. Povey, their treasurer, being dead” (Calendar of Treasury Papers, 1702–1707, p. 351). John Povey did not die until 1715: “John Povey Esq; one of the Clerks of the Privy-Council, died Apr. 1715” (J. Le Neve, Monumenta Anglicana, 1717, v. 304). Under date of October 30, 1718, is a reference to a “petition of Thomas Povey, son of John Povey, Esq., late Clerk of the Privy Council” (Calendar of Treasury Papers, 1714–1719, p. 408). F. B. Relton thinks that John Povey was “probably” a half-brother of Thomas Povey, F.R.S. (Account of the Fire Insurance Companies, 1893, p. 452). The late Rev. A. T. S. Goodrick asserted, but without stating his authority, that John Povey was a son of William Povey (Toppan’s Randolph, vi. 146 note 266). An editorial note in the Massachusetts Province Laws declares that Lt.-Gov. Povey was “a brother of John Povey, clerk of the Privy Council” (vii. 331 note). The genealogy of the Povey family is at present a hopeless tangle. For Povey’s military career, see Dalton’s English Army Lists and Commission Registers, 1661–1714, iii. 237, 238, 306, 307, v. 155, 159.

297 Council Records, iii. 323.

298 Harrison Gray.

299 Council Records, iv. 261–262.

300 The following extracts are from the Boston News Letter for 1706:

Boston, Coasters Cleared Outwards, Samuel Dutch in Sloop Nightingal, for Piscataqua (February 11, p. 2/2).

Piscataqua, Febr. 15. On Monday 11 Currant arrived here Samuel Dutch in a Sloop from Boston, having on Board the Hon. Col. Tho. Povey Esqr. Lieut. Gov. of Her Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, who intends on Thursday next to Imbark on Board Capt. Jarvenin for Lisbon, and so to England (February 18, p. 2/2).

Piscataqua, March 1. On Friday the 15th of February last, Capt. Jarvenin Sailed from hence to Lisbon (March 4, p. 4/2).

301 The following letter is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society (C. 71. I. 67):

Whitehall May 22^th 1711

S^R

The Queen having been pleased to constitute Colonell William Tailer Lieutenant Governor of the Province of the Massachuset’s Bay in New England and the Territorys depending thereon, with all the Rights and Advantages thereunto belonging, I must recommend him to your Favour and Assistance, if there be occasion, that he may receive the benefit of Her Maj^ty’s Gracious Intention to him, in as full & ample manner as any of his predecessors have done. Though his personal Interest and Merit will be a sufficient Recommendation of him to you and to the Assembly there yet upon the Character I have received of the Services he has performed and of his Zeale and Loyalty in what may occurre for the future, I can not but add mine; and take this Opportunity to acknowledge the Receipt of the Letter which I received from you by him. I am

Your most humble Servant

Dartmouthe

Colonell Dudley

On June 5, 1711, Jeremiah Dummer wrote to Governor Dudley as follows

This Pacquett goes by Coll° Tayler who has the Queen’s Commission for Leiutenn^t Governour of the Province. Coll° Nicholson’s recommendation of him to My Lord Dartmouth, & His own putting in a Memorial that He had rais’d a regiment at his own expence for Her Majestie’s service at Port Royall, & had receiv’d no pay, was what procur’d him this honour. He never imparted his Design to me till it was almost done, & then I told him I could doe nothing in it, having no instructions about it (Massachusetts Historical Society, C. 71. I. 68).

Under the heading “Colonel Wm. Taylor’s Regt. of Foot,” C. Dalton states that a commission was issued April 1, 1710, to “Wm. Taylor to be Colonel of a Regt. of Foot to be forthwith raised for her Majesty’s Service in the West Indies (sic),” and adds this note: “A Colonial. Was sent by Genl. Nicholson to summon the French Commander to surrender Port Royal to the British 1 Oct. 1710. Not noticed in Appleton’s American Biography. Genl. Fras. Nicholson in his will dated 4 Mar. 1728 left Col. Wm. Taylor a mourning ring” (English Army Lists and Commission Registers, 1661–1714), vi. 285. Dalton has failed to identify “Wm. Taylor” as our Lieutenant-Governor Tailer.

302 Council Records, v. 456.

“On Wednesday arrived here Her Majesty’s Ship Norwich, Capt. Studly Commander from Great Britain with the Mast Fleet, but last from Lisbon, in whom came the Honourable Col. Tailer, Lieut. Governout of this Province” (Boston News Letter, October 8, 1711, p. 2/2).

303 Council Records, vi. 379. The Boston News Letter of October 17 said:

Boston, His Majesty has been pleas’d to Commissionate the Honourable William Tailer Esq; Lieutenant Govermour of this Province, under His Excellency Col. Elizeus Burgess Esq; whose Commission bears Date the 17th of March last, and the Lieutenant Governour’s Commission being presented to His Excellency Col Dudley and the Council, was read at the Council Board the 24th of last Month, and he had the proper Oaths administred him, whereby he might be qualified to Act accordingly; which was omitted in our Publick News-Letter of the 26th of September past (p. 2/1).

304 See pp. 61–62, above.

305 See p. 62, above.

306 See pp. 71–72, above.

307 “Yesterday in the Afternoon died at his Seat in Dorchester, the Honourable William Tailer, Esq; Lieut. Governour of this Province. Aged 55 Years, wanting 6 Days” (Boston News Letter, March 2, 1732, p. 2/2).

308 See pp. 62, 71, , above.

309 In the following announcements, the name of Jeremiah Dummer is of course an error for William Dummer:

August 5. About this Time Jeremiah Dummer, Esq; was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of New-England (Historical Register, 1716, i. 359).

Not many Days after [the beginning of August], his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, was pleased to appoint Jeremiah Dummer Esq; to be Lieutenant Governor of New-England (Political State of Great Britain, August, 1716, xii. 156).

310 See pp. 64–66, above.

311 Council Records, ix. 37–38.

312 See pp. 68, p. 71, above. The following extracts are taken from the originals in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society:

I am of your mind that some Gentlemen who set up for the onely Patriots, are far from being so, & it is my firm beleif that in the present Situation of Our Affairs the Governour’s friends are the true friends of the Countrey. You’l see by my Publick letter that I have not conceal’d these sentiments, notwithstanding I beleive that my free expressing them will procure my Quietus this next session; especially if I may beleive Col° Tayler, that M^r Cook is the great Darling of his Countrey, & carries what points he pleases in the Assembly. . . . Col° Tayler is putting in for my Brother’s Commission, & by one method or another has rais’d a very considerable interest, yet I think I shall be able to defeat him. I can’t think it proper that a man who does not so much as profess the least respect for our Excellent Governour, should be his Lieutenant (J. Dummer to E. Quincy, April 25, 1721, 91. M. 9).

I have by every Ship given you an account of the State of your affairs here, & M^r Belcher, who is just on the point of sailing, will write you from Boston how it now stands. . . .

As for М^r Belcher, I have not convers’d with him lately, because He Join’d with my Lord Cobham a Relation to Col° Tayler in Boston, to get him into my Brother’s place. I took no measures to oppose him, having my Brother’s letter, wherein he Assur’d me He would not hold his Commission a minute after Belcher’s arrival. And therefore I thought it improper to give my friends & my selfe trouble to no purpose. However I could not but resent the injury (J. Dummer to J. Talcott, May 19, 1730, 81. 1. 34).

313 On June 19, 1716, the House granted the petition of Spencer Bennet to change his name to Spencer Phips, and a bill to that effect was passed June 23: see Massachusetts House Journals, June 19, 22, 23, pp. 19, 23, 24; Massachusetts Province Laws, ii. 66, ix. 476.

314 Council Records, ix. 374. August 8, 1734, is also the date given in Crown Commissions, 1628–1663, p. 35: see Publications of this Society, ii. 300. On the other hand there is in the Massachusetts Archives, xlviii. 498–499, a printed form containing (on inside pages) the oaths, which bears the autograph signature of “Spen^r Phips” and the endorsement “Sworn the 11^th Day of August 1732. Before me J Belcher,” Belcher’s signature being in autograph, while the other words are in the hand of Secretary Willard.

315 See p. 78 note 1, above.

316 See pp. 76, p. 77, above.

317 See Publications of this Society, ii. 302. In the Council Records (xiii. 404) for June 1, 1758, nothing is said about the oaths taken by Hutchinson.

318 Crown Commissions, 1628–1663, pp. 209–210.

319 See pp. 81–82, p. 84–85, above.

320 Crown Commissions, 1677–1774, pp. 124–125.

321 “Last Thursday Morning died here the Honorable Andrew Oliver, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor of this Province, in the 68th Year of his Age. — His Funeral is to be attended To-Morrow Afternoon, at Half past Three o’clock, if the Weather permits” (Boston Evening Post, March 7, 1774, p. 3/1).

322 The following extract is taken from the Essex Gazette of January 10, 1775:

LONDON, October 25.

MR. Thomas Oliver of Boston, was appointed Lieut. Governor of that Province in consequence of Richard Oliver giving the casting vote last year against Mr. Wilkes being Lord Mayor (p. 2/1).

323 Appended to Thomas Oliver’s Commission as Lieutenant-Governor is the following (Crown Commissions 1677–1774, p. 156):

Province of Mass^a Bay

Sworn before me in Council this 8 day of August 1774

Tho^S Gage Governor.

324 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xviii. 266.

325 See Publications of this Society, ii. 18.

326 Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Volume 906, p. 404.

327 Council Records, ii. 168.

328 See pp. 55–60, above.

329 Council Records, vi. 312. Cf. p. 59, above.

330 “On Saturday last the 19th Currant, Died here about Eleven a dock in the Forenoon, the truly Honourable and Very Worthy Isaac Addington, Esq; Secretary for His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New England, who had with great Wisdom, Honour and Faithfulness served his Generation by the Will of GOD, in that Office for above Twenty years, being appointed thereto by the Late King William and Queen Mary of Glorious Memory, in their Royal Charter. He was born in New-England, and a great Honour to his Country; he Dyed in the Seventy-first Year of his Age” (Boston News Letter, March 21, 1715, p. 2/2).

331 Council Records, vi. 335–336.

332 Massachusetts Archives, xlviii. 427. The appointment of Davenport and Dudley was noted in the Boston News Letter of April 18, 1715 (p. 2/2).

333 The Boston News Letter of September 26th said:

Boston, On Thursday last . . . arrived in Capt. Parnell from London, Samuel Woodward, Esq; with a Commission from His Majesty, for the Secretary’s Office of this Province of the Massachusetts-Bay; And on Saturday last, His Excellency the Governour came to Town, and in Council Administred the Oaths to him accordingly (p. 2/2).

334 In this letter (printed in Sewall’s Letter-Book, ii. 48–49), dated June 29, 1715, Colonel Burges said:

Mr. Woodward, who gives you this, is ap̄ointed your Secretary: I take the Liberty to recommend him most earnestly to you, because I know he is a very honest Gentleman, and very capable of doing you Service; and will do all he can to deserve your Friendship, and have your Favour.

335 Council Records, vi. 378–379.

336 See p. 91, above.

337 Council Records, vi. 380.

338 Council Records, vi. 448. The following extract is from the Boston News Letter of May 14, 1716:

Boston, On Thursday the 10th of May Currant, by & with the Approbation and Consent of the Hon. Lieut. Governour, and Council, and by Vertue of the Power and Authority Granted by His Majesty King GEORGE to Mr. Secretary Woodward. Mr. Joseph Marion was by him appointed Deputy Secretary of this Province; and his Deputation was read at the Council Board, and Ordered to be Recorded; and he then took the Oaths appointed by the Act of Parliament, as also an Oath for the true and faithful Discharge of his Duty in that Office (p. 2/2). (The deputation is not extant.)

339 Council Records, vi. 486–487. In a letter to J. White dated May 9, 1716, Jeremiah Dummer said: “If your Secretary comes over (to whom the King’s leave is gone by the last ships) pray tell me who is the fittest man for the Post among you, seeing you are resolved not to accept it yourself” (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, iv. 193).

340 Council Records, vi. 494–495.

341 The exact date of his sailing is not recorded in Sewall’s Diary or in the Boston News Letter. He took messages from the Lieutenant-Governor to the House, and appeared before the House, on August 3; but the announcement of the prorogation of the House on that day was made to the House by Marion (Massachusetts House Journals, August 3, pp. 31–32); a proclamation issued by Lieutenant-Governor Tailer on August 3 was signed “Joseph Marion, Dep. Seer.” (Boston News Letter, August 13, p. 1/1); and a proclamation issued by Tailer on September 5 was signed “Jos^h Marion Dep Sec͞r͞y” (Court Records, x. 91). Many vessels sailed from Boston to London during August and September, but it seems not unlikely that Woodward went by the Dorothy:

“Cleared Outwards, . . . The Ship Dorothy, Capt. Josiah Thwaites Commander for London” (Boston News Letter, August 6, p. 2/2).

“Marblehead, Aug. 18. A Fishing Shallop is come in here who brought Letters from Capt. Thwaites bound from Boston to London: The Shallop met him 75 Leagues off” (Boston News Letter, August 20, p. 2/2).

342 The Boston News Letter of December 9, 1717, stated that “On Thursday last arrived here Capt. John Osborne in the Ship Patience and Judeth about Seven Weeks from London, in whom came Josiah Willard Esq; with a Commission from His Majesty for the Secretary’s Office of this Province of the Massachusetts Bay: unto whom in Council before His Excellency the Governour, the Oaths for the said Post have accordingly been Administred” (p. 2/2). “Thursday last” was December 5th, and hence an error on the part of the news-writer for “Tuesday last,” or possibly “Monday last.” Under date of December 3d Sewall writes: “Visit Mr. Secretary Willard, who came to Town last night from Cape-Anne, where he arriv’d on the Lord’s Day, 7. Weeks from the Downs” (Diary, ii. 151).

343 Error for “Josiah.”

344 Council Records, vi. 526–527.

345 ix. 58.

346 “Last Tuesday Morning died here to the great Loss of this Town and Province, in the 76th Year of his Age, that extraordinary, accomplished, pious and publick-spirited Gentleman, the Honourable JOSIAH WILLARD Esq; Secretary to this Province near 40 Years, and late Judge of Probate for the County of Suffolk, which, on account of his other growing, weighty and laborious Business, he earnestly resigned some Years since; as also his Place at the Council-Board the last Year, on account of his advanc’d Age, to the Reluctance of his Country: . . .” (Boston Gazette, December 13, 1756, p. 2/1).

347 Thomas Clarke was Deputy-Secretary.

348 Council Records, xiii. 143.

349 Council Records, xiii. 145. The following extract is from the Boston Evening Post of December 20, 1756:

His Honour the Lieutenant Governor hath, by virtue of his Majesty’s Royal Commission, appointed and commissioned the Hon. ANDREW OLIVER, Esq; to be Secretary of this Province in the room and stead of the Hon. JOSIAH WILLARD, Esq.; deceas’d, until his Majesty shall be pleased otherwise to order and appoint; or until the further Order of the Commander in Chief of this Province for the Time being (p. 2/1).

350 An Act for the effectual preventing the Currency of the Bills of Credit of Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode Island, within this Province, passed December 27, 1753, published January 26, 1754 (Massachusetts Province Laws, iii. 714–716).

351 Council Records, xiii. 145–146.

352 In the Council Records (xiii. 404) for June 1, 1758, nothing is said about the oaths taken by Oliver. Appended to Oliver’s Commission as Secretary (Crown Commissions, 1628–1663, p. 166) is the following:

Province of Mass^a Bay — June 1. 1758

Sworn in Council

Before T. Pownall Gov^r

353 See p. 95, above. In the Council Records (xv. 66) for November 26, 1761, nothing is said about the oaths taken by Oliver.

354 Crown Commissions, 1677–1774, p. 118. In the Council Records (xvi. 532–534) for March 11, 1771, nothing is said about the oaths taken by Flucker.

355 Cf. p. 87 note 1, above. The following paragraph appeared in the Boston Gazette of October 23, 1775:

THOM. GAGE, on the Third Instant (5 or 6 Days before his Departure for England,) issued a Proclamation, offering a Reward of TEN GUINEAS, to any one who shall discover the Thief or Thieves, that some Time in the Month of September last stole from the Council Chamber in Boston, the Public SEAL, his private SEAL, and the SEAL of the Supreme Court of Probate of the Province. — Quere, Whether as he carried his Secretary, T. Flucker, with him, ’tis not as likely that he might have carried them off, as any one else? (p. 3/2).

356 Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 129, 144.

357 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 30–31; Diary of John Hull, Transactions and Collections American Antiquarian Society (1857), iii. 203–204; 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 52–53.

358 See p. 4 note 1, above.

359 See p. 4 note 1, above.

360 See p. 24 note 2, above.

361 See p. 52 note 2, above.

362 See p. 56 note 2, above.

363 See p. 69 note 2, above.

364 See p. 82 note 2, above.

365 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 92a.

366 Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 281; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, ii. 48.

367 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 494.

368 P. 517.

369 P. 519.

370 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 9.

371 I am indebted to our associate Mr. Frederick L. Gay for the reference to this map.

372 My attention was called to this by Mr. John H. Edmonds.

373 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 157, 159.

374 P. 183.

375 P. 187.

376 P. 214.

377 History of Massachusetts, i. 236.

378 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, vi. 259, 260.

379 The Cambridge Press, 1638–1692 (1905), p. 146.

380 The Body of Liberties was first printed, from a manuscript owned by the Boston Athenaeum, in 1856 in 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, viii. 191–237; and the same manuscript was reproduced in facsimile in 1890 by W. H. Whitmore in his Bibliographical Sketch of the Laws of the Massachusetts Colony From 1630 to 1686, pp. 32–61. Of the one hundred Liberties constituting the Body of Liberties, the Capital Laws form the 94th. Originally there were only twelve Capital Laws, and twelve only are found in the above-mentioned manuscript (p. 54 of Whitmore’s facsimile) and in New-Englands Jonas Cast up at London (pp. 9–11). Three others were added on June 14, 1642 (Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 21–22).

381 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 22.

382 Laws 10, 11, and 12 are not in the Body of Liberties, but were added June 14, 1642: see p. 116 note 2, above.

383 Laws 13, 14, and 15 in this reprint of 1643 are numbered 10, 11, and 12 in the Body of Liberties.

384 The tract consists of twenty-four pages: Title, 1 leaf; Dedication, pp. i–ii; Observations, pp. 1–20. A search through the accessible Boston newspaper of 1724 has failed to yield an allusion to the pamphlet. On the title-page is written in ink, “Elias Nason’s from Chas. Whipple 1847 — Made similar observations to my Class in 1847.”

385 The first was Thomas Blair’s Some Short and Easy Rules Teaching The true Pronunciation of the French Language, the colophon of which reads, “Boston: Printed by S. Kneeland, MDCCXX.”

386 There are allusions to America (p. 1), to the East and West Indies (p. 11), and to the New and Old World (p. 11).

387 This William Scott was Regent of the University of Edinburgh in 1695; was made Professor of Greek on June 16, 1708; became Professor of Moral Philosophy on February 26, 1729; and died in 1735. “AUG . . . . 9. Mr. William Scot, late Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh” (Gentleman’s Magazine, August, 1735, v. 500). His son, called William Scott Secundus, became Professor of Greek on February 26, 1729, and died the following December. “Dec . . . . 29 . . . . Dy’d Mr. William Scot, Greek-Professor at the University of Edinburgh” (Historical Register, 1730, xv, Chronological Diary, p. 4). See Sir A. Grant’s Story of the University of Edinburgh (1884), i. 233, 239, 242, 260–262, ii. 322–323, 336; Catalogue of the Graduates of the University of Edinburgh (1854), pp. xii. xv, xvi. Curiously enough in the Catalogue (p. xvi) it is the son, instead of the father, who is stated to have been made Professor of Moral Philosophy on February 26, 1729.

388 This work is apparently not in Watt, Lowndes, or the British Museum Catalogue.

389 Our knowledge of Le Mercier apparently comes wholly from the sketch of him in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xiii. 315–324, where we are told that he was “probably educated at the University of Geneva,” though no authority is given for the statement. The exact connotation of the words “brother,” “cousin,” etc., as used in the eighteenth century is often difficult to determine; but from the dedication to the pamphlet it is fair to assume that “A. L. M.” and William Scott were brothers-in-law.

390 Works of J. Adams, i. 667.

391 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 217.

392 New Englands First Fruits, p. 18.

393 P. 17.

394 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 30.

395 William Prynne, Canterburies Doome, London, 1646, p. 421.

396 Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, New Series, xii. 90.

397 Harvard Graduates, i. 26.

398 The third Part of Gangræna, or, A new and higher Discovery of the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and insolent Proceedings of the Sectaries of these times; with some Animadversions by way of Confutation upon many of the Errors and Heresies named, London, 1646, pp. 81–82.

399 See Publications of this Society, viii. 333–334.

400 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 203.

401 Records of the Town of Cambridge, p. 77.

402 See the terms “free school,” “grammar school,” and “public school” in the Oxford English Dictionary.

403 Paige’s History of Cambridge, pp. 370–372.

404 Records of the Town of Cambridge, pp. 106, 138, 153, 182.

405 Plymouth Colony Records, x. 206, 219, 246, 263.

406 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 6.

407 Massachusetts Colony Records, vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 284.

408 P. 406.

409 “Last night Mr. Elijah Corlett, School-master of Cambridge, died” (Sewall, February 25, 1686–7, Diary, i. 68).

410 Perhaps “our.”

411 Massachusetts Archives, lviii. 40. Cf. Massachusetts Colony Records (November 12, 1659), vol. iv. pt. i. p. 397.

412 October, 1913, xix. 157–158. Professor Andrews says:

The first volume containing the commissions is now before us and the second, which will contain the royal instructions issued during the same period, is already provided for. With the completion of this work an undertaking of first importance will have been finished, constituting not only the most important publication of this active society, but the first presentation in print of a complete series, as far as obtainable, of the commissions and instructions issued to a royal governor in any of the colonies. We can only wish that an effort of this kind would arouse the state of Massacusetts to atone for a long and not very creditable neglect by printing its colonial records for the period after 1686. It stands now with the state of South Carolina as the only two of the thirteen original colonies that have failed to fulfil this duty to themselves and to colonial history.

413 Though not mentioned by him, it was of course known to him. The introductory note to Professor Andrews’s “Guide to the Materials for American History, to 1783, in the Public Record Office of Great Britain. Volume I. The State Papers,” was dated October 15, 1912. The volume reached Boston last January, at which time the Preface and text of Volume II were cast, so that, unfortunately, in preparing the Preface I could not avail myself of the information found in Mr. Andrews’s volume. Nor does that volume contain a list of the Commissions or Instructions, though Mr. Andrews writes:

To treat the subject from the standpoint of British policy demands, however, that the student have before him a complete collection of all the commissions, instructions, and additional instructions issued to the British colonial governors, Canadian, American, and West Indian, from the earliest times to 1784. A list of all such documents is printed in the Report of the American Historical Association for 1911 (p. 110, note).

The list referred to, compiled by Mr. Andrews himself, fills pp. 396–528 of Volume I of the Report for 1911. This volume, however, has only just been published and my copy reached me one week ago to-day. Hence it was not available in preparing Volume II.

414 This was issued on or before December 11, 1691: see p. 97, above.

415 Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 324, Vol. 22, pp. 409–110.

416 Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 324, Vol. 32, pp. 68–69. There is also a copy of this Commission in Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 389, Vol. 42, pp. 65–66.

417 Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 190, p. 258.

418 Public Record Office, Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 190, pp. 356–357.

419 The letter is printed in 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xi. 304–306.

420 See Publications of this Society, viii. 202, x. 356.

421 For Jacob T. Slade (1778–1854), the father of our late associate Dr. Daniel D. Slade, see Publications of this Society, vi. 216.

422 Harrison Gray Otis (1765–1848), whose Life and Letters have recently been published by our associate Mr. Samuel E. Morison, graduated from Harvard College in 1783; Harrison Gray Otis, Jr. (1792–1827) graduated in 1811. The latter’s marriage to Miss Eliza Henderson Boardman took place in Boston on May 6, 1817 (Columbian Centinel, May, 10, p. 2/3).

423 On May 13, 1819, he married Miss Elizabeth Rogers, daughter of Daniel Denison and Elizabeth (Bromfield) Rogers.

424 Alexis Eustaphieve.

425 John Jenks was born in Medford December 6, 1751, and died in Salem October 11, 1817.

426 This Diary is in continuation of two Diaries — one extending from September 27 to December 31, 1785, the other extending from January 1 to April 30, 1786 — communicated by Mr. Ford in February, 1901, and March, 1902 (Publications, vii. 127–181, 341–398).

427 For a sketch of Col. William Washington (1752–1810), see Appleton’s Cyclopædia of American Biography, vi. 384. In an earlier volume of our Publications (vii. 271 note 1) it was wrongly stated that he was “probably” William Augustine Washington, son of Washington’s half-brother Augustine Washington.

428 Pecan nuts. Writing to Francis Hopkinson on December 12, 1786, Jefferson said: “The paccan-nut is, as you conjecture, the Illinois nut” (Writings, 1853, ii. 74).

429 Col. Richard Kidder Meade.

430 George Augustine Washington, son of Washington’s brother, Charles Washington.

431 Col. William Fitzhugh.

432 John Augustine Washington.

433 Martha Washington.

434 Frances (Bassett) Washington, the wife of George Augustine Washington.

435 William Shaw served as Washington’s secretary from July 26, 1785, until the arrival of Tobias Lear on May 29, 1786.

436 Dr. David Stuart.

437 Tobias Lear was born at Portsmouth and had graduated from Harvard College in 1783.

438 See p. 180 note, below.

439 An English farmer from Gloucestershire, who had arrived on April 21 (vii. 394).

440 Dr. Daniel Jenifer.

441 Eleanor Parke Custis and George Washington Parke Custis, children of Martha Washington’s son, John Parke Custis.

442 Robert Hanson Harrison.

443 James Rumsey (1743–1792).

444 André Michaux (1746–1802), who, with his son François André Michaux (1770–1855), had recently arrived in New York. “In 1824,” writes R. G. Thwaites, “the younger Michaux presented to the American Philosophical Society . . . the note-books containing the diary of his father’s travels in America — all save those covering the first two years (1785–87), which were lost in the shipwreck on the coast of Holland” (Early Western Travels, iii. 15). André Michaux’s Journal is printed in the original French in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1889, pp. 91–101, 114–140; and in an English translation in Thwaites’s Early Western Travels, iii. 27–104.

445 Judge Bushrod Washington (d. 1829), son of John Augustine Washington.

446 Col. Francis Deakins.

447 Richardson Stewart.

448 James Smith.

449 For information in regard to the Potomac Company, see J. Pickell, New Chapter in the early Life of Washington (1856); and Corra Bacon-Foster, Early Chapters in the Development of the Patomac Route to the West (1912).

450 Stuart had married Eleanor (Calvert) Custis, the widow of John Parke Custis.

451 Elizabeth Parke Custis and Martha Parke Custis, daughters of John Parke Custis.

452 David Humphreys (1752–1818).

453 Thomas Marshall (1730–1802), father of Chief-Justice John Marshall.

454 See pp. 150–155, above.

455 Some words tom away are conjecturally supplied within square brackets.

456 See Sewall’s Diary, i. 365.

457 Chaucer’s Frere will be recalled, whose “purchas was wel bettre than his rente.” Later, the word came to be applied particularly to booty, spoil, plunder. “Capt. Low went into Port, upon the Coast, . . . getting Provisions, and what Necessaries the Crew wanted, and then sailed for Purchase, (as they call it) steering their Course towards Marblehead” (Capt. C. Johnson’s General History of the Pyrates, 4th edition, London, 1726, p. 369).

458 I am greatly indebted to Mr. Frederick L. Gay for assistance in the preparation of this brief paper; and to Mr. George E. Littlefield for his helpful suggestions. Cf. the latter’s communication, pp. 131–140, above.

459 Dedham Records, ii. 7; these extracts are copied from the original MS.

460 Dedham Records, ii. 8: the words in italics are underscored in the original by John Allin.

461 Essex Institute Historical Collections, iv. 93, ix. 16.

462 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 263.

463 Publications of this Society, xiv. 63–66.

464 Venn, Book of Matriculations and Degrees, Cambridge, 1913, p. 527.

465 Cf. Publications of this Society, xiii. 273–277.

466 xii. 136–163.

467 Essex Institute Historical Collections, ix. 77.

468 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 253, 271.

469 This entry is crossed out in the original MS volume now in possession of the Shepard Memorial Church, Cambridge.

470 There is another entry which gives the date of the purchase of the volume containing these records as in the early part of December, 1638.

471 History of Cambridge, pp. 255, 256.

472 Paige’s Cambridge, p. 627.

473 Cambridge Town Records, p. 105.

474 Cambridge Town Records, p. 109.

475 Essex Institute Historical Collections, ix. 98.

476 Dedham Records, ii. 23.

477 Dedham Records, ii. 37.

478 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 490.

479 P. 208, above.

480 P. 119 note 1, above.

481 It contains 16 pages: Title-page, 1 leaf; Dedication, pp. i–ii; Text, pp. 1–12. The Colophon reads: “Boston: Printed by S. Kneeland, MDCCXX.”

482 C. E. Banks, History of Martha’s Vineyard, ii, Annals of Chilmark, p. 69 note 3.

483 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlviii. 451, 1. 158. Blair was a very unusual name in New England in the early days, and the passages quoted in the text are, I think, the only references before 1800 to a Thomas Blair to be found in the Register.

484 This statement needs modification, since Langloiserie’s permission to teach was granted not by the Corporation but by the President and Tutors. See also p. 225 note 2, below. Also, Blair’s permission was granted by the President alone.

485 This Bible at one time belonged to Richard Dana, who graduated in 1718, then to his son Francis Dana, who graduated in 1762, and is now owned by their descendant Mr. Richard H. Dana of Cambridge, who has no idea how the note came to be in it. The note is not in the hand of Richard or Francis Dana, but may be in that of Langloiserie, who possibly owned the Bible and sold it to Richard Dana. For information in regard to the Bible, I am indebted to the late William H. Tillinghast, to whom I communicated in 1911 my identification of “M. Longloisserie” as Louis Langloiserie, and to Miss Elizabeth E. Dana of Cambridge.

486 Tanguay (Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Canadiennes, i. 488: cf. vi. 375) says:

1691, (15 août) Sorel.

I. — PIOT dit l’Angloiserie, Charles-Gaspard, capitaine, chevalier de St. Louis, b 1655 fils de Martin et d’Anne Petit, de Haniou, êvêche de Chartres; s 21 fév. 1715, dans l’église, à Québec.

Du Gué, Marie-Thérèse, . . .

Louis-Hector, b 3 avril 1695. — . . . Louis, b 7 Sept. 1697. — . . . Louis, b 7 et s 25 janv. 1705. . . .

487 This reads in part as follows:

WHEREAS the Fishery of Porpoises will tend to the Benefit of Trade in this Colony and enable the Inhabitants thereof to make Considerable returns for Great Britain by their own Industry.

AND WHEREAS the said Lovis Hector Piot De Langloiserie by his Petition to the General Assembly of this Colony, has Set forth that by an Exact observation of the Methods Used and Practiced in other Countrys, he has obtained a perfect knowledge of Catching and Taking Porpoises in an Effectual manner. . . . BE it therefore Enacted . . . That no Person or Persons whatsoever from and after the Publication of this Act, shall Undertake or presume to Carry on the ffishery of Porpoises in the Same manner and Methods as the said Petitioner shall make Use off, in the Seas Harbours, Rivers and other Waters within this Colony for and during the Term of Ten Years, but he the said Lovis Hector Piot De Langloiserie . . . ALWAYS PROVIDED . . . That in Case the Said Lovis Hector Piot De Langloiserie . . . do not within the time of Eighteen Months from the Publication hereof, put the said taking and Catching of Porpoises in Effectual practice and Execution or that he . . . Shall afterwards Discontinue the Same for the Space of Two wholl Summer Seasons during the Continuation of this Act, Then it Shall and may be Lawfull for any other Person or Persons to Undertake and Carry on the said Fishery (Colonial Laws of New York, ii. 311–312).

Cf. New York Colonial Documents, v. 783, ix. 829, 832; Journal of the Legislative Council of the Colony of New York, i. 536; Journal of the Votes and Proceedings of the General Assembly of New York (1764), i. 531, 531–532, 532, 544 (April 8, 13, 14, 15, 19, June 17, 1726). In 1714 Garret De Graeuw had been granted a similar privilege, but for seven years (Colonial Laws of New York, i. 839–840).

488 See p. 70, above.

489 Hutchinson was in the Class of 1727.

490 Rev. Andrew Le Mercier. The doubt cast in a previous note (p. 120, above) on the statement that he was “probably educated at the University of Geneva,” can now be removed. His Church History of Geneva was not published until 1732, but the following advertisement was printed in the New England Weekly Journal of June 2, 1729 (p. 2/2):

There is prepared for the Press.

The Church-History of GENEVA, written by the Rev. Mr. Andrew Le Mercier, Pastor of the French Church in Boston, who formerly hived & Studied there, . . .

Also, his name appears in the year 1712, under the heading “Theologies candidati,” as “Andreas Le Mercier Cadomensis in Neustria 2 Junii” (Le Livre dv Rectevr: Catalogve des Étudiantes de l’Académie de Genève de 1559 à 1859, Geneva, 1860, p. 208). That Le Mercier was a native of Caen has not, I think, before been noted.

491 This name has evidently puzzled P. O. Hutchinson, the editor, for he adds in a footnote, “Or Langloise in.”

492 John Henry Lydius, of whom a notice will be found in H. Hall’s History of Vermont, pp. 169, 495–497.

493 Peter Chardon, father of Peter Chardon (H. C. 1757).

494 Jeremiah Gridley (H. C. 1725).

495 Probably Joseph Green (H. C. 1726).

496 John Lovell (H. C. 1728).

497 Diary and Letters, i. 47.

498 New England Weekly Journal, September 15, 1729, p. 4/1.

499 Political State of Great Britain, 1729, xxxviii. 542.

500 Rev. William Burnet (H. C. 1741). See note 9, below.

501 Mary Burnet married William Browne (H. C. 1727).

502 Political State of Great Britain, xxxviii. 423, 543. This occurs in an “Extract of a Letter from Boston dated September 15. 1729. giving a full Account of the Particulars of the Sickness and Decease of his Excellency William Burnet, Esq; late Governor of the Massachusetts Colony in New-England.” Undoubtedly it is taken from the Boston Gazette of September 15, 1729, which I have not seen since the only known copy is at Madison, Wisconsin. The account in the New England Weekly Journal of the same date does not mention Langloiserie.

Gov. Burnet was twice married: first, to Mary, daughter of the Rev. George Stanhope, Dean of Canterbury, who died in 1714; secondly, to Mary, daughter of Abraham Vanhorne of New York. The mother of Gilbert Burnet was the Governor’s first wife. Gov. Burnet is briefly noticed at the end of the sketch of his father Bishop Burnet in the Dictionary of National Biography, but his second wife is not mentioned. His marriage to Miss Vanhorne took place in the spring or early summer of 1721. (Cf. Memorial History of New York, ii. 155, 175; Historical Magazine, viii. 398, ix. 34, 129; New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, vi. 6.) The following notice appeared in the American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia) of April 26, 1722: “New-York, April 21. About three in the Morning Mrs. Burnet, our Governor’s Lady, was delivered of a Son, upon which all our Vessels in the Road displayed their Ensigns, Pendants, etc.” (p. 2/1). The child — William — then born graduated at Harvard College in 1741, his residence at entrance being given as New York and the date of his birth as April 21, 1722 (Faculty Records, i. 104). On June 23, 1738, William Burnet, “a minor aged about sixteen years,” appointed his brother-in-law William Browne of Salem his guardian (Suffolk Probate Files, no. 7166). A son was born to Mrs. Burnet on August 7, 1727, but both mother and child died between that date and December 6. In his will, dated December 6, 1727, Gov. Burnet speaks of “my children, William, Mary and Thomas, by my late dearest wife Mary Vanhorn” (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlvii. 124). Among the deaths said to have occurred in December, 1727, as recorded in the Historical Register for 1728, is that of “Mrs. Burnet, Wife of William Burnet, Esq; Governor of New-York” (xiii, Chronological Diary, p. 3). In the New England Weekly Journal of January 8, 1728, was printed “An Elegy upon Mrs. Burknett,” preceded by this note: “The following lines being publish’d, in the New-York Gazette, on the death of the Vertuous Consort of His Excellency Governour BURNETT, we take Leave to insert them here” (p. 2/1).

503 This advertisement was repeated in the issue of October 6, p. 2/2.

504 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xiii. 201.

505 This was repeated in the issues of November 2, 9, and 16.

506 Faculty Records, i. 56. Though these volumes are labelled on the back of the covers “Records of the College Faculty,” it should be pointed out that the binding is not old and that the word “Faculty,” was not used at Harvard until 1825. On the recto of the first leaf in vol. i is written: “A booke for Recording the Acts & Agreem^ts of The President & Tut^rs in Harv. College 1725.” Cf. Publications of this Society, xiv. 315–316.

507 July 15, 1734, p. 2/3; repeated in the issues of July 22, 29, and August 12.

508 College Book, iv. 179; Publications of this Society, xvi. 632.

509 Ezekiel Lewis (H. C. 1695).

510 Secretary Josiah Willard (H. C. 1698).

511 Jacob Wendell. He was baptized August 5, 1691 (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxvi. 246); and his death, the date of which has apparently not hitherto been noted, occurred on September 7, 1761 (Boston Gazette of September 14, 1761, p. 3/1).

512 Rev. Joseph Sewall (H. C. 1707).

513 Rev. John Webb (H. C. 1708).

514 Rev. William Cooper (H. C. 1712).

515 Rev. Joshua Gee (H. C. 1717).

516 Overseers’ Records, i. 33.

517 Rev. Daniel Rogers (H. C. 1725; d. 1785).

518 Notwithstanding this assertion, in later years the President and Tutors again exercised this power, for on February 4, 1761, the Faculty voted:

2. That S^r Toppan be allow’d, according to his Petition to therefor, Leave To keep a French School in the Evenings, till the next Commencement, to teach such Schollars as are desirous to learn that Language, their Parents manifesting there consent thereto (ii. 126).

S^r Toppan. Leave to keep a French School

519 Francis Foxcroft (H. C. 1712).

520 Overseers’ Records, i. 142–143.

521 Testimony of the President, etc., p. 4.

522 Dan. 9. 13, 14.

523 Longed to suffer Persecution.

524 Is it possible that this is an allusion to Tutor Rogers?

525 Letter To the Reverend Mr. George Whitefield, etc., pp. 3, 6–8. This Letter is advertised as “This Day Published” in the Boston News Letter of May 30, 1745, p. 2/2.

526 Dr. Edward Augustus Holyoke (H. C. 1746), a son of President Holyoke.

527 Benjamin Dearborn (H. C. 1746).

528 Andrew Oliver (H. C. 1749).

529 Holyoke Diaries, pp. 37, 38.

530 John Holyoke (H. C. 1751), also a son of President Holyoke.

531 Samuel Epes (H. C. 1751).

532 Holyoke Diaries, p. 45.

533 These were: Rev. Andrew Gardner (H. C. 1712), the date of whose death is unknown; Rev. John Gardner (H. C. 1715); Samuel Gardner (H. C. 1732); Rev. Joseph Gardner (H. C. 1732); and Nathaniel Gardner (H. C. 1739).

534 College Book, iv. 212, 221, 284, 289, 302; Publications of this Society, xvi. 683, 693, 781, 788, 804.

535 The following notice appeared in the Boston Evening Post of Monday, March 31, 1760:

Last Wednesday morning died here, after a very short illness with a fever, Nathaniel Gardner, jun., M.A. Several years usher to the South Grammar School in this town. His remains were decently interred on Friday last (p. 3/2).

On August 27, 1750, the Selectmen “Voted, That m^r. Nathaniel Gardner, jun^r. be appointed usher of the said [South Grammar] School, until further orders” (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xvii. 246).

536 1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, viii. 9.

537 There is an error in this figure, which should be exactly 50 less, or 269, the number actually graduated. It seems to be a printer’s error: CCCXIX should be CCLXIX.

538 To this point, the title to the third edition (1724) is identical with the title to the fourth, except that in the former the word “Families” is on the same line with the words “to utter Ruin.” Beyond this point, the title to the third edition reads:

The Third Edition, with a Preface, and a Song / compos’d by Sir Richard, immediately after his / Discharge, not in the former Editions. / [Rule] / Non per Jovem potum boni sed Demonis. / [Rule] / Printed in the Year 1724.

539 It is an octavo and has 24 pages, including the title.

540 With the alteration of “This Day is publish’d” to “Just Publish’d,” this advertisement is repeated in the issues of March 23 and 30.

541 The fourth edition is practically a line for line reprint of the third, a few differences in the title and in the preface being specified on p. 234 note 2, above, and p. 235 note 3, below.

542 The Preface to the third edition is identical with that to the fourth, except that the concluding words in the first paragraph in the third edition read: “went off in little more than a Fortnights Time, and so gave Birth to this Third Edition.”

543 An obvious misprint for Bumper, correctly given in the third edition.

544 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, x. 89; S. G. Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston, p. 634.

545 There is a copy in the Boston Public Library.

546 There is a copy in the Boston Athenæum.

547 This is advertised on the last page of Cotton Mather’s Companion for Communicants, Boston, 1690, of which there is a copy in the Boston Public Library.

548 ii. 18.

549 ii. 65.

550 ii. 198.

551 i. 169.

552 Capt. George Steuart, who was killed a few weeks later. He was the father of Sir John Steuart (H. C. 1734).

553 New England Weekly Journal, March 17, 1741, p. 1/3.

554 Shelburne, Nova Scotia.

555 Sometimes the name appears in full, as in the Farmer’s Almanack for 1816:

“Our good or bad fortune depends greatly on the choice we make of our friends.” I never knew Sir Richard Rum’s friendship worth preserving. He is warm and very cordial at first, but he is sure to lead you into difficulty in the end (in Kittredge, Old Farmer and his Almanack, p. 274).

556 It is of course possible that the author of the pamphlet used a name already familiar; but I know of no example of “Sir Richard” before 1724, and until such example is produced it must be assumed that “Sir Richard” was derived from the pamphlet. No doubt “Richard” was selected for the alliteration.

557 See the Oxford Dictionary under “kill-devil,” “rum,” “rumbullion,” and “rumbustion.”

558 See p. 239, above.

559 Travels through the Middle Settlements in North-America, London, 1775, pp. 82–83; second edition, London, 1775, pp. 143–144.

560 From 1773 to 1775 many amusing passages relating to this person are found in American newspapers, letters, and diaries. Her name was Sarah Wilson, she lived in the family of the Hon. Caroline Vernon, committed theft, was transported, was a convict servant in Maryland, made her escape, assumed various high titles, travelled in style in the northern colonies, proved a great enigma to the good people of New England, and even took a hand in the political controversies of the day.

561 New Hampshire Gazette, January 14, 1774, p. 3/2. On July 4, 1787, the Rev. Manasseh Cutler, then travelling through Connecticut, wrote:

The landlord . . . is a genuine Connecticut tavern-keeper — before your horse’s bits are out of his mouth, the usual questions are asked: What’s your name? Where did you come from? Where are you going? And, what’s your business? Answer these questions, and his curiosity is completely satisfied; nor does he wish to know a syllable more about you, only that you will take care to pay your bill (Life, Journals, and Correspondence, i. 223–224).

562 Quoted by our associate Mr. Kittredge in his Old Farmer and his Almanack, p. 268.

563 Possibly Andrew Burnaby, who did not die until 1812 (Dictionary of National Biography).

564 Publications of this Society, ix. 456.

565 A. H. Smyth’s Writings of Franklin, i. 260, x. 153.

566 Dedham Records, iii. 33.

567 Savage’s Winthrop, i. 227–229.

568 Coffin’s Newbury (1845), p. 23.

569 Savage’s Winthrop, i. 237.

570 Dedham Records, iii. 35.

571 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 216.

572 Savage’s Winthrop, i. 484.

573 Rev. Samuel Eaton.

574 Savage’s Winthrop, i. 259.

575 Savage’s Winthrop, i. 259.

576 Report of the American Historical Association for 1893, p. 199.

577 Massachusetts Archives, xxxvi. 150.

578 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 122.

579 Ibid. vol. iv. pt. ii. p. 439; Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 160–161.

580 See, for example, Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 79; Green, Groton during the Indian Wars, p. 39; L. K. Mathews, Expansion of New England, p. 58.

581 Massachusetts Archives, lxviii. 174–176.

582 Osgood, American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, i. 501, and citations: cf. Publications of this Society, xii. 38–39.

583 Hening, Statutes at Large, iii. 204: cf. 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 129, for influence of the example of the New England town. On Virginia frontier conditions see Alvord and Bidgood, First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Region, pp. 23–34, 93–95. P. A. Bruce, Institutional History of Virginia, ii. 97, discusses frontier defence in the seventeenth century.

584 Massachusetts Archives, lxx. 240; Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 194, 293.

585 In a petition (read March 3, 1692–3) of settlers “in Sundry Farms granted in those Remote Lands Scituate and Lyeing between Sudbury, Concord, Marlbury, Natick and Sherburne & Westerly is the Wilderness,” the petitioners ask easement of taxes and extension into the Natick region in order to have means to provide for the worship of God, and say:

Wee are not Ignorant that by reason of the present Distressed Condition of those that dwell in these Frontier Towns, divers are meditating to remove themselves into such places where they have not hitherto been conserned in the present Warr and desolation thereby made, as also that thereby they may be freed from that great burthen of public taxes necessarily accruing thereby, Some haveing already removed themselves. Butt knowing for our parts that wee cannot run from the hand of a Jealous God, doe account it our duty to take such Measures as may inable us to the performance of that duty wee owe to God, the King, & our Familyes (Massachusetts Archives, cxiii. 1).

586 In a petition of 1658 Andover speaks of itself as “a remote upland plantation” (Massachusetts Archives, cxii. 99).

587 Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 402.

588 Convenient maps of settlement, 1660–1700, are in E. Channing, History of the United States, i. 510–511, ii. end; Avery, History of the United States and its People, ii. 398. A useful contemporaneous map for conditions at the close of King Philip’s War is Hubbard’s map of New England in his Narrative published in Boston, 1677. See also L. K. Mathews, Expansion of New England, pp. 56–57, 70.

589 Turner, Significance of the Frontier in American History, 1. c. pp. 208–211.

590 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, pp. 90, 95, 129–132; F J Turner, Indian Trade in Wisconsin, p. 13; McIlwain, Wraxall’s Abridgement, introduction (in press): the town histories abound in evidence of the significance of the early Indian traders’ posts, transition to Indian land cessions, and then to town grants.

591 Weeden, loc. cit. pp. 64–67; M. Egleston, New England Land System, pp. 31–32; Sheldon, Deerfield, i. 37, 206, 267–268; Connecticut Colonial Records, vii. 111, illustrations of cattle brands in 1727.

592 Hutchinson, History (1795), ii. 129 note, relates such a case of a Groton man; see also Parkman, Half-Century, vol. i. ch. iv, citing Maurault, Histoire des Abenakis, p. 377.

593 Massachusetts Archives, lxxi. 4, 84, 85, 87, 88.

594 Hoosatonic.

595 Connecticut Records, iv. 463, 464.

596 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 72; Massachusetts Province Laws, i. 176, 211, 292, 558, 594, 600; Massachusetts Archives, lxxi. 7, 89, 102. Cf. Publications of this Society, vii. 275–278.

597 Sheldon, Deerfield, i. 290.

598 Judd, Hadley, p. 272; 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 235.

599 Farmer and Moore, Collections, iii. 64–66. The frontier woman of the farther west found no more extreme representative than Hannah Dustin of Haverhill, with her trophy of ten scalps, for which she received a bounty of £50 (Parkman, Frontenac, 1898, p. 407 note).

600 For illustrations of resentment against those who protected the Christian Indians, see F. W. Gookin, Daniel Gookin, pp. 145–155.

601 For example, Massachusetts Archives, lxx. 261; Bailey, Andover, p. 179; Metcalf, Annals of Mendon, p. 63; Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xliii. 504–519. Parkman, Frontenac (Boston, 1898), p. 390, and Half-Century of Conflict (Boston, 1898), i. 55, sketches the frontier defence.

602 Massachusetts Archives, cvii. 155.

603 cvii. 230; cf. 230 a.

604 Massachusetts Archives, lxviii. 156.

605 Sheldon, Deerfield, i. 189.

606 Massachusetts Archives, lxxi. 46–48, 131, 134, 135 et passim.

607 Massachusetts Archives, lxxi. 107: cf. Metcalf, Mendon, p. 130; Sheldon, Deerfield, i. 288. The frontier of Virginia in 1755 and 1774 showed similar conditions: see, for example, the citations to Washington’s Writings in Thwaites, France in America, pp. 193–195; and frontier letters in Thwaites and Kellogg, Dunmore’s War, pp. 227, 228 et passim. The following petition to Governor Gooch of Virginia, dated July 30, 1742, affords a basis for comparison with a Scotch-Irish frontier:

We your pittionours humbly sheweth that we your Honours Loly and Dutifull Subganckes hath ventred our Lives & all that we have In settling ye back parts of Virginia which was a veri Great Hassirt & Dengrous, for it is the Hathins [heathens] Road to ware, which has proved hortfull to severil of ous that were ye first settlers of these back woods & wee your Honibill pittionors some time a goo pittioned your Honnour for to have Commisioned men amungst ous which we your Honnours most Duttifull subjects thought properist men & men that had Hart and Curidg to hed us yn time of [war] & to defend your Contray & your poor Sogbacks Intrist from ye voilince of ye Haithen — But yet agine we Humbly persume to poot your Honnour yn mind of our Great want of them in hopes that your Honner will Grant a Captins’ Commission to John McDowell, with foilring ofishers, and your Honnours’ Complyence in this will be Great settisfiction to your most Duttifull and Humbil pittioners — and we as in Duty bond shall Ever pray . . . (Calendar of Virginia State Papers, i. 235).

608 But there is a note of deference in southern frontier petitions to the Continental Congress — to be discounted, however, by the remoteness of that body. See F. J. Turner, Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era (American Historical Review, i. 70, 251). The demand for remission of taxes is a common feature of the petitions there quoted.

609 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, xliii. 506 ff.

610 xliii. 518.

611 Connecticut Colonial Records, iv. 67.

612 In a petition of February 22, 1693–4, Deerfield calls itself the “most Utmost Frontere Town in the County of West Hampshire” (Massachusetts Archives, cxiii. 57 a).

613 Judd, Hadley, 249.

614 W. D. Schuyler-Lighthall, Glorious Enterprise, p. 16.

615 Sheldon, Deerfield, i. 405.

616 “I want to have your warriours come and see me,” wrote Allen to the Indians of Canada in 1775, “and help me fight the King’s Regular Troops. You know they stand all close together, rank and file, and my men fight so as Indians do, and I want your warriours to join with me and my warriours, like brothers, and ambush the Regulars: if you will, I will give you money, blankets, tomahawks, knives, paint, and any thing that there is in the army, just like brothers; and I will go with you into the woods to scout; and my men and your men will sleep together, and eat and drink together, and fight Regulars, because they first killed our brothers” (American Archives, 4th Series, ii. 714).

617 Compare A. McF. Davis, The Shays Rebellion a Political Aftermath (Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xxi. 58, 62, 75–79).

618 Land System of the New England Colonies, p. 30.

619 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 167.

620 Compare Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, i. 270–271; Gookin, Daniel Gookin, pp. 106–161; and the histories of Worcester for illustrations of how the various factors noted above could be combined in a single town.

621 J. Merrill, Amesbury, pp. 5, 50.

622 B. L. Mirick, Haverhill, pp. 9, 10.

623 Green, Early Records of Groton, pp. 49, 70 (90).

624 Ibid.

625 Worcester County History, i. 2, 3.

626 J. G. Metcalf, Annals of Mendon, p. 85.

627 P. 96. Compare the Kentucky petition of 1780 given in Roosevelt, Winning of the West, ii. 398, and the letter from that frontier cited in Turner, Western State-Making (American Historical Review, i. 262), attacking the Virginia “Nabobs,” who hold absentee land titles. “Let the great men,” say they, “whom the land belongs to come and defend it.”

628 Sheldon, Deerfield, i. 188–189.

629 These facts are stated on the authority of E. Washburn, Leicester, pp. 5–15: compare Major Stephen Sewall to Jeremiah Dummer, 1717, quoted in Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, ii. 505 note 4.

630 Compare the Virginia system, Bruce, Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, ii. 42, 43.

631 For this item I am indebted to our associate Mr. Andrew McF. Davis: see his Colonial Currency Reprints, i. 335–349.

632 Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts (1768), ii. 331, 332, has an instructive comment. A. C. Ford, Colonial Precedents of Our National Land System, p. 84; L. K. Mathews, Expansion of New England, pp. 82 ff.

633 J. G. Holland, Western Massachusetts, p. 197.

634 Jos. Schafer, Origin of the System of Land Grants for Education, pp. 25–33.

635 D. H. Hurd (ed.), History of Worcester County, i. 6. The italics are mine.

636 Egleston, Land System of the New England Colonies, pp. 39–41.

637 P. 41.

638 T. Dwight, Travels (1821), ii. 459–463.

639 These lists are in the Faculty Records. Cf. Publications of this Society, xiv. 315 note 3.

640 The names of such students, however, generally after 1760, and sometimes before that date, were recorded in the Faculty Records at the time of their entrance.

641 For this information I am indebted to the Recorder, Mr. George W. Cram.

642 Faculty Records, iii. 72. The square brackets are in the original.

643 A word should be added in regard to the spelling of certain names. Where there is no doubt about the identity of a student, his name is spelled in the usual form; but where uncertainty exists — as, for instance, in the cases of Mutie, Swineoke, etc. — the original spelling is followed.

644 Among these are at least two Indians — Eleazar, of the Class of 1679; and Benjamin Larnel, of the Class of 1716. It would be of interest to recover the names of other Indians who were students in the seventeenth century, of whom there must have been several, though only one graduated (Caleb Cheeshahteaumuck, in the Class of 1665). So far as the writer is aware, Larnel, who died while an undergraduate, was the only Indian student at College after 1700.

645 In the Harvard Alumni Bulletin of January 14, 1914 (xvi. 265–266), the writer suggested “the urgent need of a volume . . . which . . . should include not merely every graduate, but every person who was ever a student at Harvard.” Other colleges and universities, both in Europe and in this country, have published catalogues of the kind indicated; and Harvard University ought to have done so long ago.

646 At an adjourned meeting of the Council held on 19 November, 1914, the following minute was unanimously adopted:

The Council has learned with deep regret of Dr. Lefavour’s decision not to be a candidate for re-election to the Presidency of the Society at its approaching Annual Meeting. During the seven years of his service he has been brought into more intimate relations with this Board than with the Society at large, and its members have therefore been able the better to appreciate those qualities of mind and heart which he brought to his work, and which have endeared him to us all. Dr. Lefavour’s devotion to the Society’s every interest and the dignity with which he has presided over our deliberations have been exceeded only by his uniform courtesy and urbanity. In taking leave of him in this special relation, we cherish the hope that his interest in the Society and its work will persist, and that we shall often enjoy his presence and hearty greeting at the meetings of the Society. In retiring from the office he has adorned he will carry with him the respect of every member of the Council and their earnest wish for the long continuance of his career of usefulness in many fields of public service.

647 Boston Evening Transcript, August 20, 1907, p. 1/7. An editorial note in the Boston Evening Transcript of August 23, 1907, reads:

The Springfield Republican says: “It is as much popular impression that the Pilgrims were Puritans as that the witches of Salem were burned at the stake.” If so, it is a good thing the mistake has been publicly made in high circles. It will tend to dispel a gross popular error (p. 8/2).

This paragraph is so awkwardly expressed as to leave its precise meaning somewhat uncertain, but apparently the “gross popular error” is the belief that the Pilgrim Fathers were Puritans.

The following skit appeared in the New York Sun of September 10, 1907, p. 4/6:

THE REVISED CONSTITUTION.

I, the President of the United States, in order to form a more decent government, provide for the common regulation, promote the welfare of desirable citizens and secure the blessings of My Policies to posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America: . . .

article vi.

Section 1 — The “Pilgrims” shall be called “Puritans” after this date.

648 I refer to and quote from the speech as actually delivered and given to the press by Mr. Roosevelt. It appears, however, that the two following remarks were made by the President as an extemporaneous introductory to his oration:

Men and women of Massachusetts: Let me at the outset ask to be excused for one error in my speech of which I was unaware until I read it to a Massachusetts man. I have mixed up the Pilgrim and the Puritan.

Out in a remote region like New York we tend to confound men. I ask your pardon for not having appreciated the difference between them. When, therefore, I speak of the Puritan, I speak in the large generic sense that takes the Pilgrim in (Boston Herald, August 21, 1907, p. 31).

And in the speech as afterwards (1911) printed in E. J. Carpenter’s The Pilgrims and their Monument, the first sentence quoted in the text was altered so as to read as follows: “The coming hither of the Pilgrims three hundred years ago, followed in far larger numbers by their sterner kinsmen, the Puritans, shaped the destinies of this continent, and therefore profoundly affected the destiny of the whole world” (pp. 74–75).

649 The word “compact” was first applied to this document, as I am informed by Mr. George E. Bowman, in 1793 (1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ii. 6 note). A few earlier terms may be given: “an Association and Agreement,” 1622 (Mourt’s Relation, in Arber’s Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 409); “a combination,” 1630, Bradford (History of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Ford, i. 189), and 1636 (Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 6, 74); “a Solemn Contract,” 1736 (T. Prince, Chronological History of New-England, i. 73; “the covenant,” 1773 (C. Turner, Sermon, 1774, p. 21 note); “a solemn contract,” 1793 (C. Robbins, Sermon, 1794, p. 33). The exaggerated language usually applied to the compact apparently originated with John Quincy Adams in 1802 (Oration, 1803, pp. 17–18, 20), before which time little attention was paid to it.

650 These historic words headed an editorial note in the Columbian Centinel of July 12, 1817, beginning: “During the late Presidential Jubilee many persons have met at festive boards, in pleasant converse, whom party politics had long severed. We recur with pleasure to all the circumstances which attended the demonstrations of good feelings” (p. 2/3).

651 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, iii. 389. The Records of the Old Colony Club are printed in this volume, pp. 381–444. References in this paper to these Records are to that volume.

652 The Mayflower passengers who landed at Provincetown on November 11–21 landed from the Mayflower itself. The popular notion that those who landed at Plymouth on December 11–21 also landed from the Mayflower is a mistake. There were three expeditions — or “discoveries,” as the term then was — from the Mayflower. The first, consisting of Standish and sixteen men, was a land expedition and lasted from November 15–25 to November 17–27. The second, consisting of thirty-four men, was in the shallop, and lasted from November 27–December 7 to November 30–December 10. The third, consisting of seventeen men (of whom John Alden was not one), also in the shallop, started on December 6–16; reached Clark’s Island on Friday, December 8–18; landed at Plymouth on Monday, December 11–21; and returned on December 12–22 to the Mayflower, which reached Plymouth on Saturday, December 16–26. (Narrative and Critical History of America, iii. 270–272 and note.) Hence those traditions are without foundation which state that the first person to land on Plymouth Rock was either Mary Chilton or John Alden. The landing from the Mayflower, it may be added, was not completed until about March 21–31, 1621: see Mourt’s Relation, ed. Dexter, p. 90.

653 Thomas Southworth Howland.

654 Records, p. 400.

655 The legal change in England and the American colonies from Old Style to New Style took place in September, 1752, there then being a difference of eleven days. The members of the Old Colony Club, all of whom were young men, were probably not aware of the fact that in the seventeenth century the difference was ten days, not eleven. Hence the error in the date of celebrating Forefathers’ Day. In a sermon delivered in Boston December 22, 1820, the Rev. James Sabine said: “The reader must bear in mind, that all the dates and events, in relation to our Fathers, are Old Style, an allowance of eleven days therefore must be made; as, for instance, the Fathers landed the 11th. December, which in New Style, is the 22d” (The Fathers of New England, 1821, p. 31). The error was apparently first pointed out in 1832 by Dr. James Thacher in his History of the Town of Plymouth (pp. 15 note, 25 note). In his Discourse (p. 53) delivered at Plymouth December 22, 1832, the Rev. Convers Francis also called attention to the error, citing Thacher. On December 15, 1849, the Pilgrim Society appointed a committee “to consider the expediency of celebrating in future the Landing of the Pilgrims, on the twentyfirst day of December, instead of the twentysecond;” in 1850 the committee made its Report (see p. 390, below, for full title); and on May 27, 1850, the Pilgrim Society “Voted, That this Society will hereafter regard the twentyfirst day of December, as the true anniversary of the Landing of the Pilgrims” (Report, p. 2; New England Historical and Genealogical Register, iv. 350). In a discourse delivered at Dedham December 21, 1851, the Rev. Alvan Lamson (The Memory of John Robinson, 1852, pp. 4–5, 39–40) noted the old error, citing Thacher.

The practice of the Pilgrim Society has been somewhat erratic. In October, 1862, the New England Historical and Genealogical Register remarked: “We believe, however, that the force of habit has proved stronger than the love of truth, and that the Pilgrim Society has rescinded its vote [of May 27, 1850], and again celebrates the 22d of December” (xvi. 347–348). In July, 1871, the same journal said: “The Pilgrim Society have lately again given their sanction to the celebration of the true day, the last anniversary . . . having been commemorated by them on the 21st of December, 1870” (xxv. 302–303 note). But on May 29, 1882, the Pilgrim Society voted: “While we recognize the historical fact that the passengers on the shallop of the Mayflower landed on Plymouth Rock on the 11th of December, 1620, and that the twenty-first of the new style corresponds to the day of landing, yet in view of the fact that the twenty-second has been hallowed by an observance during a period of over one hundred years, and consecrated by the words of Winslow, Webster, Everett, Adams, Seward and many other great orators of our land, it is hereby resolved that hereafter the twenty-second of December be observed by the Pilgrim Society as the anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims” (Register, xxxvi. 327). This vote led the Register to remark: “This action is surprising. It seems that the anniversary henceforth to be celebrated at Plymouth is not that of the landing of the Pilgrims, but of the orations of their eloquent eulogists.” A singular error occurs in the vote of the Pilgrim Society: Seward’s oration in 1855 was delivered on December 21st, not the 22d. By 1895, however, the Pilgrim Society had returned to its vote of May 27, 1850, and December 21st is now the anniversary day.

656 Succotash as made at Plymouth is a soup. For the following recipe I am indebted to Miss Catherine E. Russell:

Boil two fowls in a large kettle of water. At the same time boil in another kettle one-half pound of lean pork and two quarts of common white beans, until like soup. When the fowls are boiled, skim off the fat and add a small piece of corned beef, one-half of a turnip sliced and cut small, and five or six potatoes sliced thin. When cooked tender, take out the fowls and keep them in the oven with the pork. The soup of beans and pork should be added to the water the fowls and beef were boiled in. Add salt and pepper. Four quarts of hulled corn having been boiled soft are added to the soup. Before serving, add the meat of one fowl. The second fowl should be served separately, as also the corned beef and pork.

657 Folio editions of the Plymouth Colony Laws were printed in 1672 and 1685.

658 Peleg Wadsworth (H. C. 1769) taught a private school in Plymouth.

659 This was apparently John Dickinson’s famous Liberty Song, written in 1768. “The song was recently discovered among the papers of the late Benjamin M. Watson, Esq. of this town, with a memo. appended, stating it to have been sung at the first public celebration of the anniversary, by the O. C. Club, Dec. 22d, 1769” (W. S. Russell, Airs of the Pilgrims, appended to his Guide to Plymouth, 1846, p. 14)

660 Nathaniel Morton came in the Anne in 1623.

661 Robert Cushman arrived in the Fortune in November, 1621, and, though a layman, preached a sermon on December 9–19 following which was printed in London in 1622. The statement that this was “the first sermon preached in New England,” though often made, is a mistake. On Sunday, August 9, and again on August 19, 1607, the Rev. Richard Seymour preached sermons at St. George’s Island, Maine, to the Popham colony. (Collections Maine Historical Society, 1853, iii. 298, 301.) In 1820 the Rev. J. Sabine expressed the opinion that the 1620 sermon was written by Brewster, not Cushman (The Fathers of New England, 1821, pp. 10–11, 31).

662 Records, pp. 400–405. This account, substantially as given in the text, was printed in the Boston Gazette of January 22, 1770, p. 2/1; and in the Boston News Letter of January 25, 1770, p. 1/1.

663 This was the only year between 1769 and 1780 that the 22d fell on a Saturday. In 1798 it again fell on a Saturday, and that day the celebration took place in Plymouth. In 1804 it once more fell on a Saturday, but in that year the celebration occurred on the 21st — presumably because the 22d was Saturday. I am informed that as late as about 1840 Saturday evening was regarded at Plymouth as part of the Sabbath. In 1804 the Boston celebration was held on Saturday, and gave rise to criticism: cf. p. 345, below.

664 Records, pp. 413, 414–415, 416. Edward Winslow, Jr., was in the Harvard class of 1765, and Alexander Scammell in that of 1769.

665 Exactly what “the Old Colony song” was I have been unable to ascertain Possibly it was “Our Forefather’s SONG. Composed about the year 1630” which was first printed, so far as I am aware, in the Massachusetts Magazine for January, 1791, iii. 52–53, where a note says: “The above, was taken memoriter, from the lips of an old Lady, at the advanced age of 92.” The first two lines read:

THE place where we live is a wilderness wood,

Where grass is much wanting that’s fruitful and good.

It was again printed in 1838 m 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 29–30, where a note says: “Composed about 1630, author unknown; taken memoriter, in 1785, from the lips of an old Lady, at the advanced period of 96.” It was also printed in 1846 by W. S. Russell in his Airs of the Pilgrims pp 1–3, where likewise appears a letter dated December 15, 1817, in which Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse says: “Who the author was I know not; nor do I when it was written; neither have I been informed who the old lady was who repeated these verses in 1767, when 94 years of age.”

666 See Rev. A. W. H. Eaton’s Famous Mather Byles (1914), p. 110.

667 Records, pp. 421–422, 424, 434–435.

668 Here follows Psalms, lxxviii. 5–7.

669 The same notice also appeared in the Boston News Letter of January 7, 1773, Supplement, p. 1/2.

670 Records, p. 444.

671 The dedication reads: “To the ancient and respectable town of Plymouth, To all the descendants from the first Planters of the Old Plymouth Colony, and To his native Country, The following Sermon is inscribed By their assured Friend, and very humble Servant, C. TURNER.”

672 Boston Gazette, January 2, 1775, p. 2/3.

673 The only celebrations previous to 1797 of which I have found accounts in the newspapers are those of 1769, 1772, 1775, and 1794.

674 Federal Orrery, December 25, 1794, p. 2/2.

675 Much confusion exists in regard to this ode, which is variously said to have been written in 1792, 1793, 1794, or 1799. The statement in the text would seem to be decisive in favor of 1794. It was printed not only in the Federal Orrery of December 25, but also in the Columbian Centinel of December 27, 1794 (p. 4/1), and very likely in other newspapers. It was also printed in the New England Palladium of December 25, 1801 (p. 1/2), under the heading “Native Poetry” and with this introductory note: “☞ The following chaste and elegant production we believe has never been published. It deserves to be handed down with the memory of the interesting occasion which gave it birth.” The “interesting occasion” is said to have been “the celebration of the Festival of the Sons of the Pilgrims, at Plymouth, 1793;” but Judge Davis’s name is not attached to the ode. Neither Pilgrim nor Pilgrim Fathers occurs in the ode, which consists of eight stanzas, the first and sixth as follows (as printed in the Federal Orrery):

AN ODE,

for the 22d of december, the anniversary of our

ancestors’ landing at Plymouth, 1620; —

JOHN DAVIS, ESQUIRE:

sung by

CAPTAIN J. THOMAS.

SONS of renowned sires,

Join in harmonious choirs,

Swell your loud songs: —

Daughters of peerless dames,

Come with your soft acclaims;

Let their revered names

Dwell on your tongues!

Columbia, child of heaven —

The best of blessings, given,

Rest on thy head:

Beneath thy peaceful skies,

While prosperous tides arise,

Here turn thy grateful eyes —

Revere the dead!

In every version of the ode I have seen from 1794 down to 1835, when it was included in the second edition of Thacher’s History of the Town of Plymouth (pp. 342–343), the sixth stanza reads as printed above. But in Airs of the Pilgrims, appended to W. S. Russell’s Guide to Plymouth, 1846, pp. 20–22, the sixth stanza reads as follows:

Columbia, child of heaven,

The best of blessings given,

Be thine to greet;

Hailing this votive day,

Looking with fond survey,

Upon the weary way,

Of Pilgrim feet.

Russell adds the following —

Note. This copy has received the revisal of the venerable author of the composition, and is entirely conformable to the original, excepting in the fifth [error for sixth] verse, in which a variation has been introduced by him (p. 22).

It thus appears that the word Pilgrim was introduced into the ode at some time between 1835 and 1846. In 1871 the late William T. Davis prepared for the press the “Proceedings of the Celebration by the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth, December 21, 1870.” In this volume (pp. 17–18) Judge Davis’s ode is printed, as it appears in Russell’s Airs of the Pilgrims (1846). At p. 198 Mr. Davis says: “The ode of Hon. John Davis is here printed as revised and corrected by its author about fifty years after it was written;” and then proceeds to give the sixth stanza as originally written. This statement, made by Mr. Davis himself in 1871, had, not unnaturally, completely gone from his mind by 1906, in which year he published his Plymouth Memories of an Octogenarian, for in this work he said (p. 28): “The word Pilgrim, as applied to the Plymouth settlers, was never used, as far as I can learn, for more than a hundred and seventy years after the landing. They were called ‘first-comers’ or ‘forefathers’ until 1794, when Judge John Davis, in his ode written for the anniversary celebration in that year first used the word ‘Pilgrim’ in the following verse.” Mr. Davis then quotes the revised version of the sixth stanza of the ode.

Judge John Davis graduated from Harvard College in 1781.

676 Columbian Centinel, December 27, 1797, p. 2/4.

677 Of these two “favorite songs,” one was famous in its day and the other remains so. The following advertisement appeared in Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser (Philadelphia) of April 25, 1798:

New Theatre. MR. FOX’s NIGHT. This Evening, April 25, BY DESIRE. Will be presented, . . . The Italian Monk. . . . After which, an intire new song, (written by a Citizen of Philadelphia) to the tune of the “President’s March.” Will be sung by Mr. Fox; accompanied by the full band, and a grand chorus (p. 3/1).

In the same paper of April 27 we read:

NEW THEATRE. Mrs. Francis’s Night. THIS EVENING, April 27, Will be presented a new Comedy, . . . called TIT FOR TAT. . . . In the course of the Comedy Mr. Fox will, for the second time and by particular desire, sing a new Song (written by a Citizen of Philadelphia) to the tune of the PRESIDENT’S MARCH (p. 3/3).

Under the title of “SONG,” the words were printed in the same paper of Saturday, April 28 (p. 1/2), and in the same issue it was stated that “On Monday afternoon will be published At Carr’s Musical Repository, The very favourite New Federal Song As sung by Mr. Fox at the New Theatre, written by J. Hopkinson, Esq — adapted for the voice, piano forte, flute, violin, guittar and clarinet, and ornamented with a very elegant Portrait of the President Price 25 cents” (p. 2/2). Under the title of “NEW SONG,” Hail Columbia was printed in the Columbian Centinel of May 2, preceded by this note: “The following has been sung on the boards of Philadelphia. Every man of the least musical talents, ought to learn it, and sing it to his fellow citizens” (p. 3/1).

The following advertisement appeared in the Columbian Centinel of Wednesday, May 30, 1798:

Adams and Liberty. ON FRIDAY Morning will be published from the press of Thomas and Andrews, and sold at all the Book-stores, The BOSTON PATRIOTIC SONG, Called, ADAMS & LIBERTY. Written by Thomas Paine, a. m. To be sung at the Anniversary Meeting of the Massachusetts Charitable Fire Society, on that day (p. 3/2).

The same paper of June 2 stated:

CHARITABLE FIRE SOCIETY. Yesterday, at the Anniversary of the Charitable Fire Society, an excellent and well adapted Oration was delivered by Judge Tudor, to the most numerous and brilliant Assembly we have seen on any similar occasion. The Boston patriotic song of “Adams and Liberty,” written by Mr. Paine, was sung and re-echoed amidst the loudest reiterated plaudits. Dr. Fay did great justice to its merits (p. 2/4).

In the same paper of June 2 (p. 3/2) Mr. Barrett announced that he would sing the song at his benefit on June 4, and it was printed in the same paper of June 9 (p. 1/3). Dr. Nahum Fay (H. C. 1790) and Giles Leonard Barrett are the persons alluded to.

678 Stevens Thomson Mason, United States Senator from Virginia; Matthew Lyon, Member of Congress from Vermont. The following toast was offered at the celebration of Washington’s birthday at Concert Hall: “May the Lion of the Green Mountains be considered by every good citizen as the meanest reptile in creation: — the pismire of America” (Columbian Centinel, February 24, 1798, p. 2/4).

679 Columbian Centinel, January 5, 1799, p. 1/3.

680 Independent Chronicle, January 7, 1799, p. 3/2.

681 T. M. Harris’s Discourse (1808), p. 32.

682 This word appeared for the first time at Plymouth in the oration delivered that day by Judge Davis, who said: “Driven by storms, or deceived by their ship master, instead of their place of destination, this spot is selected for settlement, and this day completes one hundred and eighty years, since your soil was first impressed by the weary feet of those illustrious pilgrims” (in J. Morse and E. Parish, Compendious History of New England, 1804, p. 375).

683 Increase Sumner, Governor of Massachusetts; James Bowdoin, Governor of Massachusetts; Jonathan Trumbull (H. C. 1759), Governor of Connecticut; John Taylor Gilman, Governor of New Hampshire.

684 Presumably the reference is to Gen. Benjamin Lincoln.

685 Though called the “Boston pilgrim society,” I do not understand that those who celebrated Forefathers’ Day in Boston had a regular organization.

686 Columbian Centinel, December 31, 1800, p. 1.

687 In a book just published Ralph Davol says:

A procession through the streets of floats, on which historic occasions are rigidly impersonated by “live people trying to look like dead ones,” is commonly called a pageant in America, for example at Philadelphia, or the Hudson-Fulton celebration. . . . Research as to the beginning of modern American Pageants indicates that the spirit was manifest as early as 1627 at the Merry Mount revels. The Meschianza given by British soldiers at Philadelphia in the Revolution was an old English pageant. The first use of the name “pageant” the writer has been able to find applied to a community festival in America was at Marietta, Ohio, (1888). This was before modern pageants became the rage in England (Handbook of American Pageantry, 1914, pp. 27, 31).

Mr. Davol does not say when the procession of floats at Philadelphia took place, but perhaps he refers to the one that occurred there on July 4, 1788, of which a description, beginning as follows, will be found in the Columbian Magazine for July, 1788:

ON Friday the fourth day of July, 1788, the citizens of Philadelphia, in commemoration of the great event of American Independence, and in honour of the ratification of the Federal Constitution by Ten of the United States, presented the most brilliant and interesting spectacle that ever occurred in the annals of the new world, and which has scarcely been surpassed by the splendor of the ancient or modern triumphs of Asia or of Europe (ii. 391–400).

Fifty-eight trades and professions were represented, and “The number of persons in the procession has been calculated (but we think too low) at 5000, and it is likewise said that there were about 17,000 on Union Green” (ii. 400). This, however, was not the earliest procession of the sort. The Federal Constitution was ratified by the Massachusetts Convention on February 6, 1788, and on February 8th a huge procession of trades took place in Boston. This, declared the Massachusetts Centinel of February 9th, was “an exhibition, to which America has never witnessed an equal; and which has exceeded any thing of the kind, Europe can boast of” (viii. 169. See also the issue of February 13th, viii. 174). “The Processions in our Capitals,” said the Massachusetts Spy of August 7, 1788, “have hitherto been novelties in this country. That at Boston, on account of the State’s adopting the Federal Constitution, was the first — since which almost every capital town in the United States, among other demonstrations of joy for the Federal Constitution, have produced a Procession” (p. 1/4).

The word “pageant,” which Mr. Davol has not found in this country earlier than 1888, was employed in a somewhat unexpected quarter in 1852, when Lieutenant John W. Gunnison described under that name the dedication by the Mormons of their temple at Nauvoo just before being driven from that place in 1846, and “the presentation” at Salt Lake City, a few years later, “to the governor of Deserét of the Constitution of the United States, and their own, for his and his successors’ guardian care” (The Mormons, or, Latter-Day Saints, pp. 132, 138). The word also occurs, applied to celebrations on Pope Night, as early as 1752 (Massachusetts Archives, xlvii. 357).

688 Columbian Centinel, December 30, 1801, pp. 2–3.

689 The allusions here are to the English Thomas Paine and Thomas Jefferson.

690 Caleb Strong, Governor of Massachusetts; Isaac Tichenor, Governor of Vermont.

691 The earliest example of chowder quoted in the Oxford English Dictionary is under date of 1762. Versified “Directions for making a Chouder” were printed in the Boston Evening Post of September 23, 1751, p. 2/1.

692 Rev. Jeremy Belknap; Samuel Phillips (H. C. 1771), Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts; John Lowell (H. C. 1760); George Richards Minot (H. C. 1778).

693 New England Palladium, December 28, 1802, pp. 2–3.

694 For this term, rarely met with at Plymouth, see p. 327, below.

695 See Judge Davis’s ode, p. 306 note 3, above. The allusion at the close of the toast is of course to Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin (1759–1797).

696 New England Palladium, December 30, 1803, p. 2/5.

697 Judge Samuel Chase was impeached.

698 John Randolph of Roanoke.

699 Columbian Centinel, December 29, 1804, p. 2/4.

700 Independent Chronicle, January 3, 1805, p. 2/4.

701 Columbian Centinel, January 7, 1807, p. 2/3.

702 Columbian Centinel, December 28, 1816, p. 2/3.

703 Columbian Centinel, December 27, 1817, p. 2/3.

704 Coomer Weston.

705 Columbian Centinel, December 30, 1818, p. 2/3.

706 Columbian Centinel, December 29, 1819, p. 2/2.

707 In 1832 Thacher said: “1820. — As the present year closes the second century since the pilgrim fathers first landed on our shores, a respectable number of inhabitants of this town, impelled by a sense of duty and pious gratitude to divine Providence, have instituted a society, which was by our legislature incorporated February 24th, by the name of Pilgrim Society” (p. 246). In 1847 a writer stated that “a society was formed, November 9, 1819, by the name of the ‘Old Colony Pilgrim Society,’ and immediately went into operation. . . . On February 24, 1820, the Society was incorporated and made a body politic, by the name of the ‘Pilgrim Society.’ . . . The ‘Landing of our Forefathers’ was first celebrated by the Pilgrim Society December 22, 1820, that being the completion of the second century since the settlement of New England, or the landing of the Pilgrims” (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, i. 119).

The following is a correct statement of what occurred. The first entry in the records of the Pilgrim Society states that at a meeting of certain citizens of Plymouth at the house of Joshua Thomas on November 9, 1819, it was voted “To form a society for the above purpose (to commemorate the Landing of the Fathers in the Town of Plymouth).” The next entry is, “Voted, That the name of the society be the Old Colony Pilgrim Society.” A committee was then appointed to obtain an act of incorporation at the next session of the General Court, which began on January 12, 1820; and “An Act to incorporate the Pilgrim Society” was passed, and was approved by the Governor on January (not February) 24, 1820. The first section enacted “That John Watson, Joshua Thomas, Beza Hayward, William Davis, and Barnabas Hedge, . . . be, and they hereby are incorporated into a society, by the name of the Pilgrim Society,” etc. The second section enacted “That the time and place, for holding the first meeting of said society, may be appointed by any three of the aforementioned persons, by giving their notice thereof, in the Columbian Centinel, printed in Boston,” etc. (Laws of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 1822, pp. 309–310; Private and Special Statutes of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 1823, v. 334). Accordingly, the following notice was inserted in the Columbian Centinel of May 10, 1820 (p. 3/1):

PILGRIM SOCIETY.

THE Subscribers being authorized by an act, entitled, an act “to incorporate the Pilgrim Society,” to appoint the time and place for the holding the first meeting of said Society; hereby give notice, that a meeting of said Society will be held at the Court-House, in Plymouth, on THURSDAY, eighteenth day of May instant, ten of the clock, A.M. for the purpose of choosing such Officers as may be deemed expedient; of establishing such bye-laws, as may be necessary to regulate said Society, and of acting and doing all other matters and things, requisite to carry the objects of the association into effect.

JOHN WATSON,

JOSHUA THOMAS,

BEZA HAYWARD,

WILLIAM DAVIS,

BARNABAS HEDGE.

Plymouth, May 5, 1820.

No meeting of the Society was held between November 9, 1819, and May 18, 1820; and the records of the Society state that the latter meeting was “To organize the Society under the act of incorporation.” Hence it is impossible to say exactly when the committee appointed to obtain an act of incorporation concluded to alter the name from the Old Colony Pilgrim Society to the Pilgrim Society; but the passage quoted in the text shows that the change must have taken place before December 22, 1819. A notice, beginning as follows, was printed in the Columbian Centinel of June 21, 1820 (p. 2/3):

PILGRIM SOCIETY.

The Anniversary of the Landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, in the month of December, 1620, has been publicly celebrated in that ancient town for a series of years. Considerations connected with that memorable event, have given rise to the “Pilgrim Society.” . . .

The following officers of the Society were chosen the 29th May: . . .

708 Mr. Watson’s address and the reply of Ensign Randall are printed in the Columbian Centinel of December 29, 1819, p. 2.

709 Columbian Centinel, December 27, 1820, p. 2/5–6.

710 Lady Arbella Johnson, daughter of Thomas Clinton (alias Fiennes), third Earl of Lincoln, and her husband Isaac Johnson came with Winthrop in 1630, the admiral (or most considerable ship) of his fleet having received her name. Both she and her husband died shortly after their arrival.

711 For a bibliography of the Plymouth discourses, see pp. 384–391, below.

712 I am indebted to our associate Mr. Worthington C. Ford for suggesting that something might be found in Eliot’s interleaved almanacs, but unfortunately there was nothing in them relating to the meeting said to have taken place in 1797.

713 Those who sympathized with France were so called by the Federalists.

714 In 1645 Winthrop said: “For the other point concerning liberty, I observe a great mistake in the country about that. There is a twofold liberty, natural (I mean as our nature is now corrupt) and civil or federal” (Journal, 1908, ii. 238).

715 John Oldham, who came in the Anne in 1623; and the notorious Thomas Morton of Merrymount.

716 Bradford. The “present” came early in 1622 from Canonicus, the great sachem of the Narragansetts: see Bradford’s History (ed. Ford), i. 240–241.

717 John Adams.

718 Washington had accepted the position of Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief on July 13, 1798.

719 Francis Dana (H. C. 1762).

720 Secretary of the Treasury.

721 An allusion to the Alien and Sedition Acts, passed by Congress in 1798.

722 In 1797 John Marshall, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Elbridge Gerry had been sent on an unsuccessful mission — commonly known as the “XYZ Mission” — to France to treat with Talleyrand. It was then that Pinckney used an expression that has become famous: “‘Millions for defence,’” said the Independent Chronicle of January 28, 1799, “‘but not a cent for tribute.’ This has been the language of those who are in favor of War [with France]” (p. 2/3).

723 Massachusetts Mercury, December 28, 1798, p. 2/4. Thomas Paine (H. C. 1792), who afterwards (March 8, 1803) changed his name to Robert Treat Paine, was the son of Robert Treat Paine (H. C. 1749) the Signer.

724 See p. 310 note, above.

725 Massachusetts Mercury, December 28, 1798, p. 4/1.

726 The Boston celebration perhaps received this name (see p. 347, below) in allusion to the shell-fish so often mentioned in early days. It should be pointed out, however, that the expressions “the shells of the feast,” “the shells of joy,” “the shell of feasts,” “to rejoice in the shell,” “the hall of shells,” “the feast of shells,” occur in the Ossianic poems; Macpherson explaining that “To rejoice in the shell, is a phrase for feasting sumptuously, and drinking freely;” and further says: “The ancient Scots, as well as the present Highlanders, drunk in shells; hence it is that we so often meet, in the old poetry, with the chief of shells, and the halls of shells.” See Poems of Ossian, London, 1805, ii. 154, 161 note, 201 note, 235 and note, 297 and note, iii. 6–7. Cf. Notes and Queries, 11th Series, ix. 108, 175. Oscar and Malvina, a pantomime “taken from the Poems of Ossian,” was given at the Boston Theatre on March 14, 1796. “At the opening of the Piece the Theatre represents the Hall of Fingal at the Feast of Shells” (Oscar & Malvina, Hamburg, 1795, p. 6).

At all events, the Boston celebration was not called the Feast of Shells in reference to the scallop-shell as a pilgrim’s badge. In 1896 W. T. Davis said:

The corner stone of the canopy over the Rock was laid on the 2d of August, 1859, and the structure was completed in 1867. . . .The use of scallop shells on its top was suggested by the fact that this shell was the emblem worn by the Pilgrims on their way to the Holy Land. . . . The first use of the scallop shell associated with the Plymouth Pilgrims was at the anniversary celebration in 1820, when at the ball in the evening some young ladies hung a shell suitably decorated on the breast of Mr. Webster, the orator of the day (Plymouth Memories of an Octogenarian, pp. 27, 28).

727 In E. C. Stedman and Ellen M. Hutchinson’s Library of American Literature (1888, iii. 185) are quoted, under the heading “To the Heirs of the Pilgrims,” twenty-six lines from a poem written by Dr. Benjamin Church in 1765. The lines are correctly quoted from pp. 7–8 of “The Times. A Poem. By an American” (1765), but the heading under which they appear in the work cited is of course due to the editors.

728 In a letter to Sir Robert Naunton dated November 28, 1619, Sir Dudley Carleton, referring to Thomas Brewer, who had charge of the Pilgrim press (cf. p. 384 note 1, below) at Leyden (though he did not come to this country), said:

The states fleet now prepared against the pirates could not possibly put to sea until this day; which is the first easterly wind we have had for these six weeks past. I hope it will carry over sir William Zouche with mr. Brewer to your honour, who have lain long together at Flushing; and his fellow Brownists at Leyden are somewhat scandalized, because they hear sir William hath taught him to drink healths (Letters from and to Sir Dudley Carleton, 1775, p. 423).

729 The reference is to Hamilton’s Observations on Certain Documents, etc., 1797, usually known as the “Reynolds Pamphlet,” in which he explained his public conduct at the expense of his private character. In the Independent Chronicle of January 27, 1803, there is an allusion to “Maria’s financier” (p. 2/4).

730 In the same paper of January 10, 1799, “Propriety” again wrote: “The Salem Gazette contains the celebration of the Feast of shells, and the printer has honoured himself by shewing his regard to Propriety, in leaving out the exceptionable toasts, given at that feast” (p. 2/4).

731 Born November 28, 1743; died November 22, 1828. In his Life and Letters of Stephen Higginson (1907), the late Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson gave a brief account (pp. 219–229) of the celebrations in 1801–1804, drawn from notes furnished by the present writer. Oddly enough, “No allusions to these festive occasions are apparently to be found in Stephen Higginson’s correspondence” (p. 229).

732 Mr. Grenville H. Norcross writes me: “When the Massachusetts Historical Society began, it had a Natural History attachment, the remains of which, consisting of two pairs of horns and two big ‘oyster’ shells, remained down to my time as Cabinet Keeper. We offered the horns and shells to the Boston Society of Natural History, but they were declined.” Later, they were all given to Dr. Edwin H. Brigham, who informs me that they are at his house at South Hanover, that “one shell is much the larger,” that it weighs two hundred pounds, and that its capacity is “at least a bushel, perhaps more.”

733 An error for 1794: see p. 306 note 3, above.

734 See p. 326, above.

735 Columbian Centinel, December 25, 1799, p. 3.

736 For a memoir of Samuel Davis, who was a brother of Judge John Davis, see 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, v. 253–255. As there has been confusion in regard to Judge Davis’s ode of 1794, so too has there been with respect to Samuel Davis’s ode of 1799. An account of the 1845 celebration at Plymouth, written by the Rev. John Pierce, is printed in 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 393–403. “Then the choir,” wrote Mr. Pierce, “sung the ode by Judge Davis, written in 1799” (p. 396). An editorial note says, “Here follows the well-known ode, written by the Hon. Judge Davis, third President of the Historical Society, beginning ‘Sons of renowned sires.’” This editorial statement is correct, though Mr. Pierce gave the year 1799 instead of 1794 (see p. 306 note 3, above). Mr. Pierce continued: “The hymn then for 22 December, written by Judge Davis, was sung to Old 100.” An editorial note says, “Here follows Judge Davis’s scarcely less familiar hymn, beginning ‘Hail, pilgrim fathers of our race!’” The attribution of this hymn to Judge Davis was a mistake.

737 Increase Sumner died while in office June 7, 1799.

738 William Vans Murray, Oliver Ellsworth, and William Richardson Davie.

739 Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee had been admitted into the Union in 1791, 1792, and 1796 respectively.

740 Columbian Centinel, December 24, 1800, p. 2/3. In the presidential election of 1800, Jefferson and Burr received each 73 electoral votes, the election thus being thrown into the House of Representatives, where Jefferson was successful.

741 Possibly Stephen Higginson.

742 Columbian Centinel, December 23, 1801, p. 2/4. Broadsides containing songs to be sung at the Boston celebrations were sometimes printed. Professor Kittredge calls my attention to one (owned by the Massachusetts Historical Society) that was evidently prepared for the celebration in 1801. It is headed “FESTIVAL of the SONS of the PILGRIMS,” and contains four songs: that of Judge Davis in 1794 (wrongly dated 1793), that of Samuel Davis in 1799 (without date or name of the author), that of Paine in 1798 (wrongly dated 1800), and that “Composed for the Festival at Plymouth, 1800.” The last was printed in the New England Palladium of January 27, 1801, p. 3/2, and is stated in W. S. Russell’s Airs of the Pilgrims (1846, p. 39) to have been written by Samuel Davis. The Boston Public Library also owns a mutilated copy of the same broadside, on which is written in pencil “Four odes and hymns for the anniv. festival at Plymouth.” But clearly the broadside was printed for the Boston celebration. The Boston Public Library also owns a broadside that was evidently prepared for the celebration in 1802. It is headed “FESTIVAL of the SONS of the PILGRIMS,” and contains five songs: the above four, and in addition an ode “Composed for the Anniversary Festival of the Sons of the PILGRIMS, 1801.” This last was printed in the New England Palladium of December 29, 1801, p. 1/2.

743 In later years John Adams was also called Duke of Braintree and Old Brimborion (Columbian Centinel, November 4, 1812, p. 2/4; October 28, 1812, p. 1/4). In a former communication to the Society I inadvertently stated that “the sobriquet of ‘the Duke of Quincy’ was sometimes applied to John Adams” (Publications, x. 180). For a curious collection of nicknames current early in the nineteenth century, see Proceedings American Antiquarian Society, xix. 23–29.

744 Edward Hutchinson Robbins.

745 Probably Thomas Dwight (H. C. 1778), and Elijah Brigham (Dartmouth College 1778).

746 This is the earliest allusion I have found to Henry Sargent’s painting, now called The Landing of the Pilgrims. A very long advertisement appeared in the Columbian Centinel of March 4, 1815 (p. 3/1), which begins as follows:

Landing of the Fathers.

THIS celebrated Painting by H. Sargent, Esq. is now exhibiting near the corner of Walnut and Beacon Streets, back of the unfurnished buildings belonging to Mr. Cotting. The doors will be open every day for a few weeks, Sundays excepted, from the hour of 9 in the morning, until 4 in the afternoon. — ☞ Admittance 25 Cents. Free Tickets of Admission, ($1 each,) will admit the bearer at all times when exhibiting; to be had at the room. . . .

In the same paper of June 21, 1815 (p. 2/3) was advertised —

Col. Sargent’s New Painting.

Our FATHERS intend speedily, we are informed, to visit the Southern States. — They hold their levee however, at the accustomed dwelling for a few days. . . .

In the same paper of July 8, 1815 (p. 2/1) is an advertisement headed “Close of the Exhibition of the Fathers.” But in September following the picture was here again. In his Discourse on December 22 of that year, the Rev. James Flint suggested that the picture should be bought and placed in Plymouth, adding, “It would gratify many sons of the pilgrims, to see measures taking to carry this suggestion into effect” (p. 22). Presumably Sargent was unable to sell his picture, for in 1834 he himself presented it to the Pilgrim Society (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1850, iv. 193). For notices of the picture, taken from Boston newspapers of 1815, see 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 225–232. Mr. Lord calls my attention to a letter written March 9, 1830, by G. C. Verplanck to Washington Allston: “But does our ante-revolutionary history present no subject? The ‘Landing of the Pilgrims,’ a threadbare subject in some respects, has never been viewed with a poet’s and painter’s eye.” On March 29th Allston replied: “To the first subject you propose, ‘The Landing of the Pilgrims’ (not unpicturesque), I have a personal objection. It has already been painted by an old friend of mine, Colonel Sargent, a high-minded, honorable man, to whom I would on no account give pain; which I could not avoid doing were I to encroach on what, at the expense of several years’ labor, he has a fair right to consider as his ground. I do not like rivalry in any shape, and my picture on the same subject would seem like it” (J. B. Flagg’s Life and Letters of W. Allston, pp. 235, 236).

747 Elder William Brewster of Plymouth; Rev. John Cotton, Rev. John Norton of Boston; Rev. Francis Higginson of Salem; Rev. John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians.

748 The framers of the Constitution avoided the use of the word slaves. Hence Article i, section 2, reads: “Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the Number of Free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.”

749 Robert Treat Paine, the Signer: cf. p. 326 note 2, above.

750 Independent Chronicle, December 27, 1802, p. 3/1.

751 Ibid. January 6, 1803, p. 1/4.

752 Ibid. January 6, 1803, p. 2/1.

753 National Ægis, quoted in the Independent Chronicle of January 27, 1803 p. 2/1.

754 An allusion to the Writings of Laco, attacking John Hancock, attributed to Stephen Higginson. They appeared in the Massachusetts Centinel in February and March, 1789, and were reprinted in a pamphlet in the same year.

755 Rev. Samuel Parker, rector of Trinity Church, later Bishop.

756 Rev. John Sylvester John Gardiner, then assistant of Dr. Parker at Trinity Church.

757 Independent Chronicle, December 30, 1802, pp. 1–2.

758 New England Palladium, December 27, 1803, p. 1/5.

759 January 9, 1804, p. 4/1. In the same paper of December 26, 1803, a writer remarked (p. 2/4):

Among the guests who attended the feast of shells are said to be, the judges of the Supreme Court! — Quere, if they can find time to attend at Vila’s, why cannot they fulfil the duties of their office? . . . Oh! the rare sons of the pilgrims! eating and carousing to celebrate the hardships, toils, and dangers of their forefathers! Carver and Standish, we believe, were more respected by these young pilgrims for their appropriate names to a dissected wild fowle, and a haunch of venison than for their political principles. . . .

760 The two volumes of Belknap’s American Biography (1794, 1798) contain the lives of many early explorers and settlers, among the latter Carver, Bradford, Brewster, Cushman, Winslow, Standish, John Winthrop, and John Winthrop, Jr.

761 Gilbert Fox and John Bernard, the noted English actor. The latter had made his first appearance in Boston a year before, as appears from an advertisement in the Columbian Centinel of November 5, 1805:

On Monday Evening, Nov. 7, will be presented for the first time these four years, a Play in 3 acts, (interspersed with Singing,) called, The Battle of Hexham;— or Days of Old. Written by Colman, the Younger. Gondibert, Mr. Barratt; Gregory Gubbins, Mr. Bernard; (his first appearance in Boston) From the Theatres of Philadelphia and Baltimore (p. 3/1).

Of the twelve who formed the Old Colony Club in 1769, five were graduates of Harvard College: Oakes Angier, 1764; John Thomas and Edward Winslow, Jr., 1765; John Watson, 1766; and Alexander Scammell, 1769. Plays were acted by the students, sometimes with the sanction of the college authorities, as early as 1758 (Nation, March 19, 1914, xcviii. 295); and some if not all of the above five may well have taken part in them. At all events, though the Boston Theatre was first opened on February 3, 1794, it is interesting to note that on February 8, 1770, “This evening was read at the Hall the ‘Provoked Husband,’ a comedy, by M^r M. A. Warwel, to a company of about forty gentlemen and ladies, by invitation of the Club” (Records, p. 407). Among the guests of the Club present on July 29 and August 5, 1772, was Joseph Croswell, “a shop-keeper in Plymouth” (Records, pp. 430–431, 431 note). In later years Croswell wrote a play entitled: “A New World Planted; or, the Adventures of the Forefathers of New-England; who landed in Plymouth, December 22, 1620. An Historical Drama — in Five Acts. By Joseph Croswell. Boston: . . . 1802.” A notice in the Boston Weekly Magazine of Saturday, December 18, states that “On Monday next, will be published . . . an Historical Drama, . . . By Joseph Croswell” (i. 31). The play, which is the earliest known to me on the subject of the Pilgrims, deals chiefly with the conspiracy of John Lyford and John Oldham; but among the characters are Pocahonte, a daughter of Massasoit, and “Hampden, a young gentleman, who came to view the country, in love with Pocahonte.” So far as I am aware, Croswell’s play was never acted.

It was stated in the Columbian Centinel of December 21, 1808, that “A new Melo Drama, entitled ‘The Pilgrims,’ is in rehearsal, and will speedily be brought forward” (p. 3/3) at the Boston Theatre. It was given on December 23d, 1808; on December 26th “for the second time;” and on January 2, 1809, “for the 3d and last time this season. . . (with alterations).” Among the Indians are Massasoit, Squanto, Samoset, Chickatawbut, and “Yankee, an Indian Woman;” and among the “English Pilgrims” are Governor Carver, Capt. Standish, “Boatswain Blunder,” Mr. Winslow, Mr. Cushman, and Juliana. Also, the “Genius of Columbia.” Among the performers who played “Other Pilgrims” occurs the name of “Mrs Poe,” who, seventeen days after the last performance, became the mother of Edgar Allan Poe. I have been unable to ascertain who the author of this play was, or whether it was ever published. The following description is taken from a copy of the play-bill owned by the Boston Public Library:

The Pilgrims, a new Melo Drama, never performed.

On FRIDAY EVENING, Dec. 23, 1808,

Will be presented, Tobin’s celebrated Play, in 3 Acts, called the

CURFEW:

OR, THE DANISH BANDITTI.

To which will be added, a new Melo Drama, written by a gentleman of Boston, in 3 acts, called

THE PILGRIMS,

Or, the Landing of our Forefathers at

PLYMOUTH ROCK.

In the course of the Melo Drama, the following Scenery, Incidents, &c.

A View of the Rock and Plymouth Bay, and the landing of the Pilgrims. The whole scene represents Winter, with a snow storm. After returning thanks; to Heaven for their safe arrival, Carver orders one of the Pilgrims to cut on the Rock, DECEMBER 22d, 1620, the day of their landing.

An alarm of Indians; the Pilgrims place themselves in an attitude of defence; Squanto and Samoset enter, and by the friendly disposition of the former, an arrangement is made; the Indians are loaded with presents and depart well satisfied.

A comic scene between an Irish Boatswain and an Indian Woman. The perilous situation of Juliana through the treachery of one of the Pilgrims. The act concludes with a GLEE and CHORUS.

In act II — Scene 1st Represents, several half finished Houses, at the end the Store House, with the Standard fixed — a shell sounds to announce the arrival of Massasoit. A Grand INDIAN MARCH. A Treaty of Peace and Amity made and confirmed between Carver and Massasoit. The treachery of Samoset, who attempts to carry off the person of Juliana. She struggles and seizes his Tomahawk and pursues him — he implores her pardon –– which she grants — he wrests the Tomahawk from her and aims a dreadful blow, when Winslow rushes in to her rescue — his gun misses fire he draws his sword and a combat ensues — in the mean time Juliana takes the gun and fires at Samoset without effect — Winslow is wounded, and Samoset pursues Juliana — who is seen ascending a rock — she reaches the summit, and as Samoset is following, she strikes him with the fuzee, and he falls headlong down the precipice. Juliana is at length rescued by Massasoit.

THE INDIAN METHOD OF LYING IN AMBUSH.

And the act concludes with a Procession of Indians, carrying

Winslow and Juliana on their boughs.

In act 3, The Indians preparing to sacrifice one of the Pilgrims. Scene 2d, A dreadful Combat with Clubs and Shields, between Samoset and Squanto.

Scene last — A View of an Indian Encampment. A Marriage and Nuptial Dance.

after which,

The Genius of Columbia descends in a Magnificent Temple, surrounded with Clouds.

762 New England Palladium, December 25, 1804, p. 2/5; Columbian Centinel, December 26, 1804, pp. 1–2.

763 Independent Chronicle, December 24, 1804, p. 3/1.

764 Ibid. December 27, 1804, p. 2/4. Cf. p. 301 note 1, above.

765 Columbian Centinel, December 25, 1805, p. 2/3.

766 Battle of Trafalgar, October 21, 1805.

767 Perhaps an allusion to Stephen Higginson.

768 “Q. What is the chief end of Federalism? A. Federalism’s chief end is to glorify the Pope and enjoy him in a free land” (The Federal Catechism Metamorphosed: or, the Natural Spirit of Federalism Exposed, from the Works of their Federal Holiness, 1805, p. 3. On the same page is an allusion to “the reign of John Adams”).

769 Columbian Centinel, January 4, 1806, p. 2/4.

770 In 1806 the celebration was duly recorded in the Columbian Centinel of December 24, p. 2/3. The same paper of December 19, 1807, contented itself with remarking that “The anniversary will also be noticed in this town by the Descendants of the Pilgrim fathers” (p. 2/3). There is no notice of a celebration in 1808. The Centinel of December 27, 1809, merely stated that “The above anniversary was respectfully noticed by a number of the Sons of the Pilgrims, in this town: — who partook of an excellent dinner in the Exchange Coffee-House” (p. 2/3). This was apparently the last of the Boston celebrations, except that in 1813. The following advertisement appeared in the Columbian Centinel of December 22, 1824:

LANDING of the PILGRIMS.

THE Columbian and City-Museum, Common-street, (late Tremont) will be brilliantly illuminated in good style, in commemoration of this Anniversary, THIS EVENING. Music on different Instruments (p. 3/4).

771 Columbian Centinel, December 22, 1813, p. 2/4. A proposal to make the anniversary permanent failed (1 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 235–236, 237, 239). Judge Davis’s oration was printed in 1814 in 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. i. pp. i–xxxi; and also separately with the following title: “A Discourse before the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, December 22, 1813. At their anniversary commemoration of the first Landing of our Ancestors at Plymouth, in 1620 . . . Boston: . . . 1814.”

772 Probably Rev. John Rodgers (1727–1811), and Rev. Abraham Beach (1740–1828).

773 Independent Chronicle, January 2, 1806, p. 2/1. The New England Society of Charleston was founded January 6, 1819, and incorporated December 20, 1820; and discourses were annually delivered from 1819 to 1835, both included (p. 61 of “An Oration delivered on the anniversary of the New-England Society, Charleston, S. C. December 22. 1835; in commemoration of the Landing of the Pilgrims upon the Rock of Plymouth, December 22d. 1620. By Joshua Barker Whitridge, A.M., M.D. . . . Charleston: . . . 1836.”) Apparently the third New England Society to be formed outside of New England was that in Philadelphia. (Discourse before the Society of the Sons of New England of the City and County of Philadelphia, on the History of the early settlement of their country; being their first anniversary. Delivered December 21, 1844, by their President, Samuel Breck. Philadelphia: . . . 1845.) The “Address delivered before the New England Society of Michigan, December 22, 1848,” by Lewis Cass, was printed at Detroit in 1849. The “Address delivered before the New England Society of San Francisco, at the American Theatre, on the twenty-second day of December, A. D. 1852. By Rev. T. Dwight Hunt. Pastor of the New England Church,” was printed at San Francisco in 1853.

774 Though not recorded at Plymouth until 1800, it is possible that the word Pilgrim was employed in the “spirited song composed by B. Seymour” in 1797 (p. 308, above), which does not appear to have been printed. Previous to 1798, apparently the only poems written for these occasions were those by A. Scammell in 1770 (p. 301, above), by J. Davis in 1794 (p. 306, above), and by B. Seymour in 1797. A poem entitled “Thanksgiving Hymn. Deo Optim. Maxim. Composed for December 11th,” and dated “Boston, December, 1783,” was printed in the Boston Magazine for December, 1783, i. 70–71. Poems on the subject of the Pilgrims will be found in Thacher’s History of the Town of Plymouth (pp. 373–382 of the 1832 edition, pp. 341–352 of the 1835 edition); in Airs of the Pilgrims, appended to W. S. Russell’s Guide to Plymouth (1846); and in Zilpha H. Spooner’s Poems of the Pilgrims (1881). The most famous of these poems is of course that written by Mrs. Hemans, about which Moncure D. Conway related the following anecdote in his Autobiography (1904):

“When the elder Channing visited Europe he went to see Mrs. Hemans, whose poems were popular in America, in her home near Windermere. He spoke of her hymn on ‘The Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers in New England,’ and told her that he had heard it sung by a great multitude on the spot where the Pilgrims landed. But when, in answer to her questions, he was compelled to inform her that the coast described in her hymn as ‘stern and rock-bound’ was without any rocks, she burst into tears” (i. 161). The following advertisment was printed in the Columbian Centinel of December 20, 1826 (p. 3/4):

PILGRIM FATHERS.

A SONG written by Mrs. Hemans, and set to Music by her sister, Miss Browne — is This Day published by C. BRADLEE, and for sale by S. H. PARKER, 164, Washington-street.

The profits arising from the sale of the above will be appropriated for the benefit of the author, Mrs. Hemans.

775 These definitions, and the dates of early use, are taken (except in sense 4) from the Oxford English Dictionary.

776 The present investigation was undertaken for the Dictionary at the request of Sir James Murray in 1905. At the meeting held in December of that year, the tentative results then reached were placed before the Society (Publications, x. 180).

777 Marked “U. S. and Colonial,” the two earliest extracts (1851, 1865) being from New Zealand sources. The third extract is the following from L. Swinburne’s article on The Bucolic Dialect of the Plains in Scribner’s Magazine for October, 1887:

“Pilgrim” and “tenderfoot” were formerly applied almost exclusively to newly imported cattle, but by a natural transference they are usually used to designate all new-comers, tourists and business-men (ii. 508).

This is putting the cart before the horse as regards pilgrim certainly, and probably as regards tenderfoot also. At all events, the example is a belated one, and so a few other extracts are cited. In 1841 the Rev. William L. McCalla probably meant by the word a wanderer, but as his use of the word is the earliest known to me in the West, I give his sentence:

After such an address from a citizen of that calumniated country [Texas] to a shattered old pilgrim, I took the liberty of withdrawing to another apartment, to enjoy in secret the luxury of weeping, and communing with home and with heaven (Adventures in Texas, p. 46).

In 1852 Captain Howard Stansbury, speaking of Salt Lake City, but not referring to the Mormons in particular, wrote:

The studding, therefore, of this beautiful city with noble trees, will render it, by contrast with the surrounding regions, a second “Diamond of the Desert,” in whose welcome shade, like the solitary Sir Kenneth and the princely Ilderim, the pilgrim, wayworn and faint, may repose his jaded limbs and dream of the purling brooks and waving woodlands he has left a thousand miles behind him (Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah, p. 129).

In a letter dated Fort Kearney, Nebraska Territory, June 11, 1866, Col. James F. Meline said he had “ascertained from the officer on duty there that since May 15, emigrant trains have gone west from Kearney City at the rate of eighty wagons and one hundred and sixty people (men, women, and children) per day,” and inserted “an extract from the Kearney City paper giving the departures for two days,” June 5 and 6. This is headed “list of freighters’ and pilgrims’ trains organized at and PASSING west of Kearney.” Meline adds this note:

The term Pilgrims for emigrants first came into use at the period of the heavy Mormon travel — the Mormons styling themselves “Pilgrims to the promised land of Utah.” The word has been retained on the Plains, and applied indiscriminately to all emigrants (Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, Santa Fé and Back, 1867, p. 22 and note).

In 1869 Dr. Ferdinand V. Hayden wrote:

During the gold excitement in the San Juan Mountains, west of the Rio Grade del Norte, in 1862, a large number of miners, or, as they were called in those days, “pilgrims,” crossed the Sangre de Christo Pass, and camped for rest after a long journey from Idaho, Montana, and Northern Colorado, on Placiere Creek (Preliminary Field Report of the United States Geological Survey of Colorado and New Mexico, p. 73).

In 1873 the Rev. James D. Butler remarked:

Many pioneers leave their families in the old home, until they have prepared the new ones. Few can leave their farms and go for them, but westward trains are full of wives carrying children to their husbands. Sixteen babies have been counted in a single car on this pilgrimage — Japhets in search of their Fathers (Nebraska: its Characteristics and Prospects, p. 17).

In a letter to the writer dated Unity, Montana, December 27, 1905, Mr. C. W. Cook said:

In 1868 I was interested in placer mining in Diamond City, at that time quite a noted mining camp. A gentleman from Chicago spent a few days with me. He was quite an extensive traveler and a writer of some standing. To him I expressed a great desire to explore the upper valley of the Yellowstone. It seemed to interest him as something new in the line of travel, and he proposed to join me. But after due deliberation I decided it was too late in the season to take a trip into unexplored mountains with a “pilgrim” not inured to hardship, so the matter was dropped.

Mention should also be made of the fact that there once existed in this country a fanatical sect called the Pilgrims. The only allusion I have found to them occurs under date of January 21, 1820, when Thomas Nuttall, then at the junction of the Arkansas and Mississippi Rivers, wrote:

Not far from this place, a few days ago were encamped, the miserable remnant of what are called the Pilgrims, a band of fanatics, originally about 60 in number. They commenced their pilgrimage from the borders of Canada, and wandered about with their wives and children through the vast wilderness of the western states, like vagabonds, without ever fixing upon any residence. They looked up to accident and charity alone for support; imposed upon themselves rigid fasts, never washed their skin, or cut or combed their hair, and like the Dunkards wore their beards. Settling nowhere, they were consequently deprived of every comfort which arises from the efforts of industry. Desertion, famine, and sickness, soon reduced their numbers, and they were every where treated with harshness and neglect, as the gypsies of modern civilized society. Passing through Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, they at length found their way down the Mississippi to the outlet of White river and the Arkansa. Thus ever flying from society by whom they were despised, and by whom they had been punished as vagabonds, blinded by fanatic zeal, they lingered out their miserable lives in famine and wretchedness, and have now nearly all perished or disappeared. Two days after my arrival in the territory, one of them was found dead in the road which leads from the Mississippi to Arkansas. If I am correctly informed, there now exists of them only one man, three women, and two children. Two other children were taken from them in compassion for their miserable situation, and the man was but the other day seized by a boat’s crew descending the river, and forcibly shaved, washed, and dressed (Journal of Travels into the Arkansa Territory, 1821, pp. 226–227).

778 The English Hexapla (1841). It will be of interest to give, from the same source, five other versions previous to 1620:

Wiclif, 1380: bi feith alle these ben deed, whanne the biheestis weren not takun but thei behilden hem afer, and gretynge hem wel: and knowlechiden that thei weren pilgryms, & herborid men on the erthe.

Tyndale, 1534: And they all dyed in fayth and receaved not the promyses: but sawe them a farre of and beleved them and saluted them: and confessed that they were straungers and pilgrems on the erthe.

Cranmer, 1539: These all dyed accordynge to fayth, whan they had not receaued the promyses: but sawe them a farre of, and beleued them, and saluted them, and confessed, that they were straungers and pilgrems on the erthe.

Rheims, 1582: According to faith died al these, not hauing receiued the promises, but beholding them a farre of, and saluting them, and confessing that they are pilgrimes and strangers vpon the earth.

Authorized, 1611: These all died in faith, not hauing receiued the promises, but hauing seene them afarre off, and were perswaded of them, and embraced them, and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth.

As printed in the 1856 edition of Bradford’s History (p. 59), the marginal reference to “Heb. 11” was placed in a footnote and so easily overlooked. Some writers have apparently not been aware that Bradford was quoting from the Bible. Thus John A. Goodwin, remarking that “Bradford never wrote a finer sentence than this, which ends his story of the departure,” quotes the passage in the text (Pilgrim Republic, 1888, p. 49).

779 “And beyond that place they were enioyned not to goe, whereupon, a Company was chosen to goe out vppon a third discoverie: whilest some were imployed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistris White was brought to bed of a Sonne, which was called Peregrine” (Mourt’s Relation, 1622, p. 15). The exact date of his birth on the Mayflower is not known, but the late Dr. Dexter (in his edition of Mourt’s Relation, 1865, p. 42 note) put it between December 7 and 10, 1620 (New Style). He was the son of William and Susanna (Fuller) White; was brought up by Edward Winslow, who married his mother Susanna; and died July 20, 1704. In the Massachusetts Magazine for September, 1790, appeared the following:

Newengland, for salubrity of air and temperature of climate, has been much and very justly celebrated. Frequent instances of longevity confirm this opinion. There is a woman now living in Marshfield, County of Plymouth, in the ninety fifth year of her age. Although Newengland has been settled almost an hundred and seventy years, yet she perfectly remembers Peregrine White, the first child born after the arrival of our ancestors, and has several times attended publick worship with him. This woman is now in very good health (ii. 575).

780 History of the Plimoth Plantation (facsimile edition, 1896), p. 36; Ford’s edition, i. 124. In his New England’s Memorial (1669, pp. 144–145), Morton printed “Certain Verses left by the Honoured William Bradford Esq; . . . penned by his own hand.” These begin as follows:

FROM my years young in dayes of Youth,

God did make known to me his Truth,

And call’d me from my Native place

For to enjoy the Means of Grace.

In Wilderness he did me guide,

And in strange Lands for me provide.

In Fears and Wants, through Weal and Woe,

As Pilgrim past I to and fro.

781 New England’s Memorial (1669), p. 5. In his Epistle Dedicatory “To the Right Worshipful, Thomas Prince Esq;” Morton declares that the Governor’s acceptance “shall ever oblige me to answerable returning of gratitude, and administer to me further cause of thankfulness, That God hath given me an Habitation under your just and prudent Administrations; and wish for a Succession of such as may be skilfull to lead our Israel in this their peregrination.”

782 Magnalia, bk. i. ch. ii. § 4, p. 6.

783 Ibid. bk. i. ch. ii. § 10, p. 9.

784 Ibid. bk. ii. ch. i. § 1, p. 3.

785 History of Massachusetts, Boston, ii. 451–452 and note.

786 Sermon (1776), pp. 9–11, 16, 21–22.

787 Sermon (1794), pp. 17–18, 29–30.

788 Collections concerning the Early History of the Founders of New Plymouth, the First Colonists of New England, London, 1849, p. 1.

789 Collections concerning the Founders of New-Plymouth, London, 1854, p. 5 and note.

790 Daily Evening Traveller, November 21, 1870, p. 1/4–5. The article is without signature, but was attributed to Mr. Hazewell, the editor of the Traveller, by John Ward Dean (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1871, xxv. 90).

791 Pp. 352–359, above.

792 After quoting the passage from Bradford, J. A. Goodwin says: “The hypercritics who query why these people should be called ‘Pilgrims’ will see that they applied it to themselves” (Pilgrim Republic, p. 49 note). This statement is misleading.

793 About 1800, too, while the term Pilgrim Fathers was of course applied only to the early settlers, the meaning of the word Pilgrims was extended to include living persons who participated in the celebrations. This special meaning is now rarely encountered.

794 In the following passages the term is applied either to the Massachusetts settlers only, or to the Plymouth and the Massachusetts settlers jointly (it often being difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish between the two): 1820, Rev. G. Spring, A Tribute to New England, in New England Society Orations (1901), i. 18, 21; 1822, Rev. P. M. Whelpley, The Memory of the Just is Blessed, in New England Society Orations, i. 133, 135 (William Stoughton); 1828, Rev. S. Green, Discourse (1829), pp. 14, 16; 1830, “The Pilgrim Fathers, or the Lives of some of the First Settlers of New England. Designed for Sabbath School Libraries” (contains lives of Robinson, Carver, Bradford, Winslow, and John Winthrop); 1836, Rev. J. Hawes, A Tribute to the Memory of the Pilgrims (second edition), pp. 93–118, 175; 1841, C. B. Hadduck, The Elements of National Greatness, in New England Society Orations, i. 280; 1844, Rev. J. A. Albro, The Fathers of New England (1845), p. 20; 1845, Rev. J. Pierce, 2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, x. 398; 1846, C. W. Upham, The Spirit of the Day and its Lessons, in New England Society Orations, i. 446 (Roger Clap); 1856, T. Bridgman, The Pilgrims of Boston and their Descendants (title); 1867, Rev. S. G. Buckingham, Memorial of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 35; 1874, W. Winters, The Pilgrim Fathers of Nazing, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxviii. 140; 1881, Epochs and Episodes of History, p. 591 (Roger Williams); 1882, W. Winters, “Memorials of the Pilgrim Fathers. John Eliot and his Friends, of Nazing and Waltham Abbey” (title); 1893, J. P. Rylands, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxix. 39 (Richard Mather); 1909, Rev. A. Whyte, Thomas Shepard, Pilgrim Father and Founder of Harvard (title); 1913, W. E. A. Axon, in Nation, xcvi. 149 (John Endicott).

795 Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 88 note.

796 Discourse (Boston, 1849), p. 6 and note. In the first edition of the Discourse (Salem, 1849) the footnote reads: “Those who came to Plymouth are properly called ‘The Pilgrims’; — because they had sojourned in Holland” (p. 6 note).

797 The Memory of John Robinson: A Discourse (1852), p. 16.

798 The Pilgrim Fathers neither Puritans nor Persecutors (second edition, 1869), p. 5.

799 Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 352 note.

800 The Pilgrim Fathers, in History of the Puritans in England, and the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 441.

801 Pilgrim Republic (1888), p. 244.

802 Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 355–356.

803 The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 161.

804 Hakluyt’s Voyages (1904), xi. 46.

805 R. G. Marsden, English Ships in the Reign of James I, in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (1905), New Series, xix. 328.

806 Suffolk Deeds, iii. 245.

807 Hakluyt’s Voyages (1904), vii. 44, 49.

808 Purchas His Pilgrimes (1906), xvi. 18.

809 R. G. Marsden: cf. note 2, above.

810 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 400, 404. Late in the eighteenth century there is mention of several ships of this name. “We hear the Pilgrim has taken a ship of upwards of 500 tons burthen, laden with dry goods” (Independent Chronicle, August 20, 1781, p. 2/3). On November 5, 1781, Franklin wrote: “The Admiralty there will not accept any English [prisoners] in exchange, but such as have been taken by Americans, and absolutely refuse to allow any of the paroles given to our privateers by English prisoners discharged at sea, except in one instance, that of fifty-three men taken in the Snake sloop, by the Pilgrim and Rambler, which was a case attended, as they say, with some particular circumstances” (Works, 1888, vii. 306). “Last Monday,” said the Boston Gazette of June 24, 1782, “the Prize Brig Neptune, of about 100 tons burthen, laden with Lumber, arrived in a safe Port. She was taken on her passage from Halifax to Antigua, by the Privateer Ship Pilgrim, Capt. Robinson, of Beverly” (p. 3/2). The sloop Filgrim was among the port entries noted in the Massachusetts Centinel of December 8, 1784 (p. 3/3). And in the same paper of December 22, 1784 (p. 4/2), is this advertisement:

To be SOLD,

(If applied for immediately),

THE good Sloop PILGRIM, British built, burthen about 90 tons, as she now lies at the south side of the Long-Wharf. She is a fast sailing vessel, well found, and exceedingly well calculated for the Southern Trade

811 Wonder-working Providence (1654), pp. 60–61, 193, 216. The references in the first two paragraphs are to the church gathered at Cambridge in 1633 and to Harvard College.

812 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vii. 518. There are allusions (1666–1687) to Pilgrims’ Harbor in the Connecticut Colonial Records (ii. 53, 127, iii. 235), and also (1660–1742) in C. H. S. Davis’s History of Wallingford, etc. (1870), pp. 128–130. Referring to the regicides Whalley and Goffe, on July 18, 1785, President Stiles wrote: “After the Restor^a of Charles II. 1660 these holy Pilgrims came first to Boston. But being hunted there they fled to New Haven, . . . It being still dangerous here, they removed to & resided near a Rivulet in Meriden 20 M. fr. N. Haven at a place known to this day by the name of Pilgrims Harbor;” and on May 8, 1793: “To Hartfd, . . . Tradition at Meriden & about here Pilgrim’s Harbor so named from two men stopt here till could make a float. Afterw^ds Public built a shed for Pilgrims caught here by high Freshes” (Literary Diary, iii. 170, 494). In the next year (1794) Stiles published his History of Three of the Judges of King Charles I, and then, after stating that Whalley and Goffe arrived at Boston on July 27, 1660, and at New Haven on March 7, 1661, said: “On the 13th of October, 1664, they left Milford, and proceeded in this excursion. I shall suppose that the first night they came over to New-Haven to their friend Jones, though of this there is no tradition, as there is of their making a lodgment at Pilgrims Harbor, so called from them, being twenty miles from New-Haven, at a place since called Meriden, half-way between New-Haven and Hartford. . . . But of this I find no tradition, saving only, that in their rout to Hadley they made one station at Pilgrims Harbor” (pp. 22, 44, 108). As the letter quoted in the text was written four years before the regicides are alleged to have taken shelter at Pilgrims’ Harbor, obviously Stiles’s theory that it received its name from that fact is erroneous. “If the regicides ever made use of it,” says E. E. Atwater, “it was after this letter was written. It was not, as President Stiles suggests, called Pilgrims’ Harbor because the regicides lodged in it” (History of the Colony of New Haven, 1881, p. 447 note).

I am indebted to our associate Professor Franklin B. Dexter for the references to Atwater, to Davis, and to Stiles’s History.

813 E. E. Atwater, History of the Colony of New Haven, p. 447 note.

814 New England’s Vindication (Gorges Society, 1884), p. 37.

815 Narrative, 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 297.

816 Magnalia, bk. i. ch. iv. § 4, pp. 16–17. In his Discourse delivered at Plymouth in 1828, the Rev. Samuel Green said:

Sons of the Pilgrims, look at these beacons, as they rise around you, and beware of forsaking the God of your fathers. Their graves are before you. This occasion rolls back the light of then doctrines, and the light of their example. “It is reported of the Scythians,” says Cotton Mather, “that in battles, when they came to stand upon the graves of their dead fathers, they would stand there immoveable till they died on the spot: and, thought I, why may not such a method now engage the children of the Pilgrims, to stand fast in their faith, and their order, and in the power of godliness? I will show them the graves of their dead fathers; and if any of them do retreat unto the errors of another Gospel, they shall undergo the irresistible rebukes of their progenitors, here brought from the dead for their admonition” (pp. 31–32).

No reference for this quotation is given. It is conceivable that Mather might have used the expression “children of the Pilgrims,” and if so it would be interesting to know whether in reference to the Plymouth or to the Massachusetts settlers. It turns out, however, that Mr. Green’s memory was at fault. On the few occasions when Mather quoted Paradise Lost, he did so inaccurately, once changing Milton’s “Chariot and charioteer” to “Salvage and Sagamore.” In the present instance the tables were turned against Mather, for what he actually wrote is as follows:

It is reported of the Scythians, who were, doubtless, the Ancestors of the Indians first inhabiting these Regions, that in Battels, when they came to stand upon the Graves of their dead Fathers, they would there stand immovable, ’till they dy’d upon the spot: And, thought I, why may not such a Method now effectually engage the English in these Regions, to stand fast in their Faith and their Order, and in the Power of Godliness? I’ll shew them, the Graves of their dead Fathers; and if any of them do retreat unto a Contempt or Neglect of Learning, or unto the Errors of another Gospel, or unto the Superstitions of Will-Worship, or unto a worldly, a selfish, a little Conversation, they shall undergo the irresistible Rebukes of their Progenitors, here fetch’d from the dead, for their Admonition; and I’ll therewithal advertise my New-Englanders, that if a Grand-child of a Moses becomes an Idolater, he shall, [as the Jews remark upon Judg. 18. 30.] be destroy’d, as if not a Moses, but a Manasseh, had been his Father. Besides, Plus Vivitur Exemplis quam Prœceptis! (Magnalia, 1702, bk. iii. pt. i., To the Reader, § 2, p. 11.)

817 Boston Magazine, 1786, iii. 397.

818 P. 4/1. Presumably it was at Concord, Massachusetts, that this Pilgrim Society existed; but no other allusion to it has been found. John Richardson was born at Watertown July 11, 1758; went to Concord in 1778, opened an inn there in 1789, but moved away in 1804; became a member of the Social Circle in 1782; on March 7, 1790, was married to Anna Bemis of Watertown, who died July 14, 1796; on December 29, 1801, was married to Hannah Bemis of Watertown, a sister of his first wife; had several children by both wives; and died at Newton May 3, 1837. (Memoirs of the Social Circle in Concord, i. 52, 159, 163, ii. p. ix; Concord Registers, pp. 323, 387; Watertown Records, iii. 140, 178, 230, iv, 159; H. Bond, Genealogies of Watertown, pp. 25, 412; Newton Vital Records, p. 495.) The early history of the Social Circle in Concord is somewhat obscure, but apparently there was no connection between it and the Pilgrim Society. In “A Topographical Description of the Town of Concord, August 20th, 1792. Presented by Mr. William Jones, student of Harvard College,” it is stated that “An association is established called the Social Club, who meet once a week at each other’s houses. The club is founded upon principles, and governed by rules, that are admirably promotive of the social affections and useful improvements” (1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 239).

819 See p. 366 note 2, above. This use of the word pilgrim, without reference to the Pilgrims of Plymouth, is of course occasionally met with after 1798. Thus a poem printed in the Independent Chronicle of January 21, 1799 (p. 4/1), began as follows:

Wachusett’s true can boast of many trees

Who patriot like, display their niches:

But the pilgrim as he’s passing, sees

Contemptuous thorns and ugly bushes.

A novel entitled “Love’s Pilgrimage; A Story founded on facts” was advertised in the Columbian Centinel of January 8, 1800 (p. 4/1); but whether English or American, I do not know. The following lines occur in a political skit published in 1820 entitled “The Pilgrims of Hope: An Oratorio For the Clintonian celebration of the New Year” (p. 19):

See from the shores of subjugated France,

G*n*t and Adancourt, lead up the dance

Of foreign Pilgrims, who, in devious maze,

Like Shaking Quakers, rigadoon their praise.

820 The following appeared in the Columbian Centinel of January 20, 1802 (p. 4/1):

mr. russell.

sir — THE following lines were addressed to our late excellent fellow-citizen, G. R. MINOT, Esquire, while he was composing the 1st Volume of his History of Massachusetts, by a sincere admirer of his character — ANALASKI.

Then follows a poem in sixteen stanzas, the last reading:

Yes, ere the fabled Tale is wrought,

While yet the features are imprest,

Shall thy discriminating thought,

Pourtray the Pilgrims of the West.

The first volume of Minot’s Continuation of the History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay bears on its title-page the date “Feb. 1798.” If the above lines were written before that date, then their author probably was not influenced by the Plymouth and Boston celebrations.

821 Historical View of the Government of Maryland, i. 195, 197, 198 note.

822 Uncas and Miantonomoh, p. 143.

823 “Civic and Religious Equality. An Oration delivered at the fourth commemoration of the Pilgrims of Maryland, celebrated May 15, 1855. Under the auspices of the Philodemic Society of Georgetown College. . . . To which is prefixed a notice of the proceedings at the Celebration. Philadelphia: . . . 1855,” pp. 5, 23, 30, 42, 45, 53, 54. Mr. Chandler’s “Address . . . at the celebration of the Landing of the Pilgrims of Maryland, at the site of St. Mary’s City, May 15th, 1855,” was also printed at Baltimore. The same use of the terms will be found in New England Historical and Genealogical Register (1877), xxxi. 224; J. W. Thomas, Chronicles of Colonial Maryland (1900), p. 19; Rev. W. T. Russell, Maryland; the Land of Sanctuary (1907), pp. 76–77, 84, 197 note.

824 Complete Poetical Works (Cambridge edition, 1894), pp. 103–112, 519–520. The term is also occasionally used in a figurative sense. Thus on October 18, 1906, Life said: “The early efforts of Josh Billings and Artemus Ward, the Pilgrim Fathers of Phonetics, to introduce their Sound System of Spelling were not taken seriously; these fanatics of funetics were laughed at, and in time spelling as a branch of humor died out” (xlviii. 431). At the Boston celebration in 1804 was sung a song called New-England, “written for the occasion, (by a gentleman in a neighbouring State),” which contained the following lines (Columbian Centinel, December 26, 1804, p. 4/1):

From Discord, oppression, injustice and strife,

Here FREEDOM, the PILGRIM a refuge shall find,

A covert secure from the tempest of life

The Wonder, Example, and Pride of Mankind.

825 Anniversary Sermon (1777), pp. 14–15.

826 Anniversary Sermon (1778), p. 38.

827 American Biography, i. 46: cf. ii. 151. The following is taken from the Massachusetts Magazine for May, 1794:

Account of an Ancient and Curious Staff.

DEACON Joseph White, of Yarmouth, in the County of Barnstable, great grandson of Peregrine,* has in his possession a Staff, which is valuable for its great antiquity. It had conveyance, agreeably to well authenticated tradition, in the first ship which came to New England in 1620. When those venerable puritanic sages landed at Plymouth, one of their company walked with this Staff. It is three feet in length; and is a striking instance of that noble simplicity, which so eminently dignified the character of those primitive, and justly celebrated fathers of this country.

* Peregrine White was the first born of English parents in New England (vi. 288).

828 Sermon (1820), p. 6. The term “Puritan Pilgrims” occurs again on p. 7 of this Sermon, and is also employed by the following writers: 1835, P. Sprague, Speech (1836), pp. 5, 32; 1849, D. Wilson, in History of the Puritans in England, and the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 480; 1851, J. Banvard, Plymouth and the Pilgrims, pp. 25, 33; 1885, G. W. Curtis, Oration, in New England Society Orations, ii. 417–418.

829 Discourse (1821), p. 23.

830 Discourse (1829), p. 12: cf. pp. 28, p. 32 note.

831 The Age of the Pilgrims the heroic period of our History, in New England Society Orations (1901), i. 346: cf. i. 332, 338.

832 Niles’ Register (1844), lxv. 295; New England Society Orations, i. 361, 366.

833 Address delivered before the New England Society of Michigan (1849), p. 33. The term “Pilgrim Puritans” was also employed in 1849 by the Rev. N. Cleaveland in his Address (1850), p. 22.

834 Plymouth and the Pilgrims, p. 273.

835 Ecclesiastical History of New England, i. 38.

836 Sermon (1865), p. 8.

837 Among the writers who maintain that the early Plymouth settlers were Puritans are the following: 1801, Rev. J. Allyn, Sermon (1802), pp. 9–10; 1803, Rev. J. Strong, Sermon (1804), p. 5; 1804, Rev. J. Morse and Rev. E. Parish, Compendious History of New England, pp. 24, 36; 1806, Rev. A. Holmes, Discourse, pp. 9, 12, 19–20; 1809, Rev. A. Abbot, Discourse (1810), pp. 7, 8; 1815, Rev. J. Flint, Discourse (1816), p. 23; 1820, Rev. A. Holmes, Two Discourses (1821), p. 16; 1820, Rev. H. Humphrey, The character and sufferings of the Pilgrims (1821), pp. 7, 8, 10; 1820, Rev. G. Spring, Tribute to New England, in New England Society Orations, i. 14, 15 note; 1820, Rev. J. Woodbridge, The Jubilee of New England (1821), pp. 3, 4; 1829, S. L. Knapp, Address, in New England Society Orations, i. 150; 1829, W. Sullivan, Discourse (1830), p. 12; 1830, Rev. B. B. Wisner, Influence of Religion on Liberty (1831), pp. 24, 25; 1831, Rev. J. Codman, Faith of the Pilgrims (1832), pp. 7, 21; 1835, J. B. Whitridge, Oration (1836), p. 15; 1835, A. Bradford, History of Massachusetts, pp. 15, 16; 1836, Rev. J. Hawes, Tribute to the Memory of the Pilgrims (second edition), p. 57; 1842, Rev. G. B. Cheever, Elements of National Greatness, in New England Society Orations, i. 292, 293; 1844, G. P. Marsh, Address, in New England Society Orations, i. 387 and note; 1845, Rev. J. Dyer, Discourse (1846), p. 3; 1845, Rev. O. W. B. Peabody, Discourse (1846), p. 8; 1845, J. R. Chandler, The Pilgrims of the Rock (1846), p. 11; 1846, Rev. M. Hopkins, Sermon (1847), pp. 5, 31; 1846, Rev. M. A. H. Niles, Distinctive Characteristics of the Pilgrims, p. 3; 1846, C. W. Upham, The Spirit of the Day and its Lessons, in New England Society Orations, i. 433; 1847, W. H. Dillingham, Oration (1847), pp. 13, 22, 28; 1850, Rev. W. DeL. Love, Obedience in Rulers (1851), pp. 11, 12, 16; 1851, G. S. Hillard, The Past and the Future, in New England Society Orations, ii. 141, 145–146, 149; 1851, A. C. Spooner, Speech, pp. 3, 6; 1852, Rev. R. Ashton, 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 112; 1852, Rev. T. D. Hunt, Address (1853), p. 9; 1853, Rev. H. Brown, The Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 14, 46; 1853, Rev. T. Raffles, Lecture on the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 8; 1853, R. Yeadon, Speech, p. 2; 1854, W. M. Evarts, Heritage of the Pilgrims, in New England Society Orations, ii. 241, 245, 250; 1854, J. W. Thornton, The Landing at Cape Anne, p. 24; 1855, O. W. Holmes, Oration, in New England Society Orations, ii. 280; 1855, W. H. Seward, Oration (1856), pp. 7, 8; 1856, Rev. J. A. Copp, The Old Ways (1857), p. 11; 1856, Rev. J. Cordner, Vision of the Pilgrim Fathers (1857), p. 14; 1857, Rev. A. D. Smith, The Puritan Character (1858), pp. 7, 23; 1857, Rev. R. S. Storrs, The Puritan Scheme of National Growth, in New England Society Orations, ii. 334; 1859, Rev. J. Hawes, One Soweth and another Reapeth, pp. 3, 6, 7, 9, 18, 19; 1867, Rev. S. G. Buckingham, Memorial of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 5; 1883, J. T. Morse, Jr., Thomas Jefferson, p. 3; 1896, Rev. C. H. Pope, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1. 234; 1907, Rev. F. A. Noble, The Pilgrims, p. 3.

838 Of course, this difference had been remarked on much earlier. Thus about 1680 Hubbard spoke of “some religious and well affected persons, that were lately [about 1626] removed out of New Plymouth out of dislike of their principles of rigid separation” (History of New England, p. 106). In 1813 Judge Davis wrote: “The first planters of Massachusetts, though puritans, had not, like Mr. Robinson’s society, separated from the Church of England before their arrival in this country. As soon as they were at liberty to pursue, unimpeded, their own ideas of ecclesiastical order, they adopted, with little variation, the practice of the Plymouth settlers” (Discourse, 1814, p. 9). In 1908 Mr. Andrew McF. Davis called attention to the open letter which on April 7, 1630, Winthrop and others addressed “to the rest of their brethren in and of the Church of England,” and to what Winthrop said about the laying of hands on the Rev. John Wilson (Publications, xii. 11, 12).

839 Oration (1847), p. 22.

840 Discourse (1852), p. 16.

841 A Finger-Point from Plymouth Rock, p. 7.

842 Pictures of the Olden Time, as shown in the fortunes of a Family of the Pilgrims, p. 324. “It would be difficult to say,” the author well remarks, “to what class of literature the following work properly belongs. It is neither romance nor pure history” (p. v). Some will be disposed to see more romance than history in the work.

843 Track of the Hidden Church; or, the Springs of the Pilgrim Movement (1863), p. 38.

844 Obviously, confusion could not have arisen between two terms one of which did not come into existence until 1798. J. A. Goodwin asserted that “The Pilgrim Fathers, the founders of our Plymouth, the pioneer Colony of New England, were not Puritans. They never were called by that name, either by themselves or their contemporaries” (Pilgrim Republic, 1888, p. 1). Even if the Pilgrims did not call themselves by the name of Puritans, that fact would have no significance, since the word Puritan — like Quaker, Whig, Tory, and a host of other terms — was originally one of reproach, and so might have been objected to on that ground. Indeed, Bradford twice expresses his dislike to the word for that reason. “And to cast contempte the more upon the sincere servants of God,” he says in one place, “they opprobriously and most injuriously, gave unto, and imposed upon them, that name of Puritans; which [it] is said the Novatians (out of prid) did assume and take unto themselves” (History of Plymouth, ed. Ford, i. 12–13). And in another place he says: “The name of Brownists is but a nickname, as Puritan and Huguenot, &c., and therefore they do not amiss to decline the odium of it in what they may” (Dialogue, in Young’s Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, 1841, pp. 416–417).

845 The Pilgrim Fathers neither Puritans nor Persecutors (1869), pp. 5–6.

846 J. W. Dean, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register (1871), xxv. 301–303.

847 The Pilgrim Fathers (Rockford, Illinois), pp. 7, 8. In a note on p. 8 Scott’s lecture is referred to.

848 “Pilgrim Jubilee. Celebration in Providence, R. I., of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Congregationalism in this country, October 11th 1870,” pp. 34–35.

849 It is to be noted that Hunter himself made no such distinction between the Pilgrims of Plymouth and the Puritans of Massachusetts. “Those who followed Governor Winthrop,” he wrote in 1847, “from his own country may not improperly be designated the Second Puritan Emigration, — the First being formed of those who had been of Mr. Robinson’s church, and founded Plymouth, and the emigrants from Dorchester” (3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 171).

850 Oration (1871), pp. 10, 42–43, 45.

851 Genesis of the New England Churches, pp. ix–x.

852 The Pilgrim Fathers (1877), pp. 15, 16. See p. 377 note 2, above.

853 “The Pilgrims and Puritans: or, Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay,” in Collections of the Old Colony Historical Society (1879), No. 1, p. 28. Tarbox quotes Scott’s lecture at length.

854 Discourse (1887), p. 8.

855 In Proceedings, etc. (1896), pp. 14–15, 42.

856 Discourse (1814), p. 8.

857 Bradford’s History (1912), vol. i. p. xv.

858 Plymouth Colony Records, xi. 12, 95, 172. In the Book of the General Laws, etc., 1672, p. 4; and in the Book of the General Laws, etc., 1685, p. 10, the law read as follows:

8. If any Christian (so-called) be a Witch, that is, hath, or consulteth with a Familiar Spirit; he or they shall be put to Death.

Witchcraft.

859 Plymouth Colony Records, iii. 111, 123, 167, xi. 101, 121. Mr. Scott can acquit the Pilgrim Fathers of persecuting the Quakers only by strictly limiting that term to the Mayflower passengers (see p. 377, above) and then by killing them off before some of them actually died. “In 1656,” he says, “every leader of that party, whose name history has recorded, was in his grave” (p. 34), including Governor Bradford. As a matter of fact Bradford did not die until May 9, 1657. The first legislation against the Quakers was at a Court of Assistants on February 3, 1657, at which Bradford was himself present as Governor. At that time John Alden was Treasurer and also an Assistant, and John Cooke and John Howland were Deputies: hence four of the Mayflower passengers were concerned in the earliest legislation against the Quakers. It is not of course my intention to dispute the generally accepted view that the sway of Plymouth was milder and more tolerant than was that of Massachusetts, but clearly some of Mr. Scott’s statements are open to criticism. The popular notion as to the treatment of the Quakers by the Plymouth Colony is singularly at fault. Thus in 1870 Emerson said: “It is the honorable distinction of that first colony of Plymouth, of the Pilgrims, not of the Puritans, that they did not persecute; that those same persons who were driven out of Massachusetts then were received in Plymouth. They did not banish the Quakers” (in New England Society Orations, ii. 388). As a matter of fact, Quakers in the Plymouth Colony were not only, as stated in the text, apprehended, banished, and disfranchized, but were imprisoned, sent to the house of correction, put in stocks or cage, whipped, fined for attending their meetings, and others were fined for harboring or encouraging them, etc. (See Plymouth Colony Records, vols, iii, xi.)

860 An instance may be given. “I think the first Puritans,” wrote the Rev. Thomas Robbins on February 5, 1807, “discovered something of a separatical spirit” (Diary, i. 316). To this remark, the Rev. I. N. Tarbox, who edited the Diary, appends this note:

The Pilgrims who came to Plymouth in 1620 were open and avowed Separatists. Mr. Robbins seems to imply that some of the Puritans who came to the Massachusetts Bay in 1629 and 1630 had something of the same idea, though they disowned the name of Separatists. He grounds his remark probably on what took place at Salem in 1629, in the organization of the first church in the Massachusetts Bay.

Robbins’s remark stands by itself, without context. So obsessed was Dr. Tarbox with the notion that the word Pilgrims could be applied only to the early Plymouth settlers, while the word Puritans could mean only the early Massachusetts settlers, that, finding Robbins using the word Puritans, he inferred that Robbins must refer to the early Massachusetts settlers. Had he consulted Robbins’s Historical View of the First Planters of New-England, published in 1815, he would have seen that Robbins frequently speaks of the early Plymouth settlers as Puritans; and that the distinction between the Pilgrims and the Puritans, upon which he himself insisted so strongly (see p. 380, above), was quite unknown to Robbins. It is possible that when he made his remark, Robbins had in mind the early Massachusetts settlers; but it is far more probable that by “the first Puritans” he meant those who preceded both the Plymouth and the Massachusetts settlers.

An amusing episode, thoroughly characteristic of Boston, occurred in 1907, when certain persons petitioned for the incorporation of the Pilgrim Trust Company of Boston. Objection to the name was raised by the counsel for the Puritan Trust Company, a distinguished citizen of Massachusetts, who said: “The name ‘Puritan Trust Company’ is valuable. There is a confusion in the public mind as to the Puritans and Pilgrims, and there would be sure to be confusion if there were two trust companies bearing such similar designations. The Pilgrims were a tolerant people who were not addicted to the burning of witches.” To this the opposing counsel replied, “But the Puritans have been out of the witch burning business for some time.” The persistency with which the erroneous notion that persons were burned in Massachusetts for witchcraft is adhered to and repeated by those who ought to know better, is extraordinary. (See the Boston Evening Transcript of July 31, 1907, p. 1/6).

861 The expressions “Pilgrim martyr,” referring to John Penry, who was executed in 1593; “Pilgrim church,” meaning Robinson’s church at Scrooby, England, afterwards removed to Amsterdam and then to Leyden; “Pilgrim press,” in allusion to the press managed by Brewster and Brewer at Leyden; and other similar expressions are convenient and are now in frequent use, but are liable to misinterpretation unless the fact stated in the text is kept constantly in mind.

862 For the sake of completeness, list B includes the titles not only of all printed discourses, but also of the volumes containing the proceedings at various celebrations — those held on August 1 in commemoration of the embarkation from Delft Haven as well as those on Forefathers’ Day; and likewise of the Report, published in 1850, relating to the correct date of Forefathers’ Day.

863 Lists have been printed in Harris’s Discourse (1808), p. 32; in Webster’s Discourse (1821), pp. 10–104; in Thacher’s History of the Town of Plymouth, pp. 369–371 of the 1832 edition, pp. 339–340 of the 1835 edition; in W. S. Russell’s Guide to Plymouth (1846), pp. 280–283; and in W. T. Davis’s Plymouth Town Records (1903), iii. 457–458; and cf. Sullivan’s Discourse (1830), p. 42. None of these lists, however, is either complete or wholly accurate. The present lists owe what completeness and accuracy they may have largely to our associate Mr. Arthur Lord, who owns a complete set of the printed discourses and has furnished several titles that otherwise would have escaped me. I am also indebted to Mr. Lord for information derived from the records of the Pilgrim Society (p. 320 note 2, above).

It is curious that the word Pilgrims first occurs in these titles in 1826 (R. S. Storrs), and the term Pilgrim Fathers in 1828 (S. Green).

864 It was stated in the last note that the lists hitherto printed have not been wholly accurate. All such lists (except that of W. T. Davis, 1903) state that Alden Bradford’s Sermon was delivered in 1805. This is an error for 1804, in which year December 22d fell on Saturday and the celebration took place on the 21st: see p. 301 note 1, above. All such lists also contain this entry: “1804. (Lord’s day) Rev. Mr. Kendall preached from Heb. xi. 13*,” the asterisk denoting that the sermon was not printed. But it was in 1805 that December 22 fell on Sunday. Clearly, therefore, the previous lists have transposed the discourses delivered in 1804 and 1805.

865 See p. 388 note 2, below.

866 Mr. Lord informs me that the discourses of the Rev. B. B. Wisner in 1830 and the Rev. J. Codman in 1831 were delivered before the Third Church as well as the Pilgrim Association, and that the Pilgrim Association was apparently composed of members of the Third Church, though the Pilgrim Association only is mentioned in the discourses themselves. This notion is borne out by an entry made by the Rev. Thomas Robbins on December 22, 1831:

Anniversary. . . . Attended the exercises in Mr. Kendall’s meeting-house. Mr. Brazier, of Salem, had a very good sermon, excepting its Unitarianism. . . . Went to Mr. Freeman’s and sat awhile with the Pilgrim Association. Mr. Codman preached today in his meeting-house (Diary, 1887, ii. 247).

The Rev. Frederick Freeman was pastor of the Third Church. The sermon preached by the Rev. John Brazer in the First Church was not printed.

867 See p. 388 note 1, below.

868 The celebration on August 1, 1853, was to commemorate the embarkation from Delft Haven. At least three of the speeches then delivered were printed separately: see E. Everett, C. Sumner, R. Yeadon.

869 The celebration of August 1, 1889, was to commemorate the completion of the National Monument to the Pilgrims at Plymouth.

870 Of the speeches delivered on this occasion, at least three were printed separately: see E. Everett, C. Sumner, R. Yeadon.

871 On Dec. 22, 1831, the Rev. Thomas Robbins noted that “A new society has lately been formed here by the division of Mr. Freeman’s” (Diary, ii. 247), and W. T. Davis states that the Third Church was “the parent of three children,” one being the “Robinson Church organized in 1830” (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, 1883, pp. 102–103). The half-title of Mr. Cobb’s sermon reads: “Rev. Mr. Cobb’s Pilgrim Sermon.”

872 The date in the title-page is December 20. At the close of his Discourse Mr. Green says that “The little island on which they kept their first Sabbath, 208 years ago yesterday, still stands as a modest remembrancer of our fathers’ piety,” and adds this note:

A small Island in Plymouth harbor, called Clark’s Island, seen from the shore, on which an exploring party landed on Saturday evening, supposing it to be the main land. Here they rested on the holy Sabbath, devoting the day to the worship of God, and on Monday morning came on shore at Plymouth. This discourse was delivered on Monday, the same day of the week, as well as of the month, on which our fathers landed on the Plymouth rock (p. 36 and note).

It thus appears that Mr. Green’s Discourse was delivered Monday, but in 1828 Monday was December 22; hence the date December 20 in the title-page is a typographical error for December 22. Mr. Green was mistaken in supposing that his Discourse was delivered on the same day of the month, though it was the same day of the week, as that on which the Pilgrims landed, for that day was Monday, December 21, 1620: see p. 297 note 2, above.

873 Cf. p. 386 note 1, above.

874 In his Discourse (pp. 18–19) of 1848, the Rev. Samuel M. Worcester quoted “the late amiable and accomplished Dr. Kirkland, in his discourse delivered at Plymouth, forty-five years since.” The passage quoted occurs at p. 383 of the work cited in the text.

875 The oration delivered in 1870 was separately printed: see R. C. Winthrop.

876 The oration delivered in 1895 was separately printed: see G. F. Hoar.

877 This title is added for the sake of completeness.

878 In his sermon on December 23, 1776, the Rev. S. Conant said: “The most noted historical facts, relative to the coming over of our fore-fathers, have been named in the first public Sermon on this occasion, from Psalm lxxviii. 5, 6, 7” (Anniversary Sermon, 1777, p. 6). In 1815 a writer, referring to Robbins’s sermon of 1772, stated (2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 176–177) that “This discourse was printed at their request” — that is, at the request of the Old Colony Club. What the Old Colony Club did was to appoint a committee on January 6, 1773, to “write a letter of thanks to the rev^d M^r Robbins for his sermon on the 22d ult., and request a copy thereof.” Mr. Robbins took the matter under consideration, and, having decided to accede to the request, on February 23, 1773, wrote a letter in which he said, “I now present you a copy of said sermon, with liberty to make what use of it you shall think proper;” and this letter, “together with the Anniversary sermon in manuscript,” was received by the Club on February 24 (2 Proceedings Massachusetts Historical Society, iii. 435, 436–437, 439). But the sermon was never printed.

879 Seward’s Oration was also among the “Documents published by the Republican Association of Washington City,” 1856, it being issued in a sixteen-page pamphlet without title-page, the heading on p. 1 reading, “Oration by William H. Seward, at Plymouth, December 21, 1855”

880 Another edition has this title: “New England’s Glory and Crown. A Discourse, delivered at Plymouth, Mass., December 22, 1848. . . . Second Edition. Boston: . . . 1849.”

881 The corner-stone of the monument erected at Provincetown was laid August 20, 1907 (see p. 293, above), and the monument was dedicated August 20, 1910. The proceedings on both occasions were printed in a book bearing the following title: “The Pilgrims and their Monument By Edmund J. Carpenter, Litt.D. . . . Illustrated . . . New York MCMXI”

882 Publications, viii. 7–12.

883 viii. 326–333.

884 xiii. 273–277.

FEBRUARY MEETING, 1914

DIARY OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

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