{Conc^o. XV.

Jan. 7. 1693

1. Cor. 11. 28.

But let a man examine himself, & so let him eat of that bread, & drink of y^t cup. Doctr. In order to a partaking Worthily of the Lords Supper its absolutely needfull that Com̄unicants examine themselves. We showed before, what is meant by worthy partaking; & how in a Gosple sense we are said to partake worthily. Now we come

2. Secondly, to consider what examination is needfull in order to our worthy partaking?
1. An. We must examine our knowledge, whither by it we be able to discern the Lords body, which is represented by the bread & wine. 1. Cor. 11. 29. For he y^t eateth & drinketh unworthily, eateth & drinketh damnation to himself, not discerning the Lords body. i.e. not discerning this Sacramental bread & wine from that w^ch is common to every table: or not discerning y^e use & end of these elements: what they represent & hold forth; but of this we may speak more hereafter, in y^e following verse.
2. An: We must examine our Faith. Whither we can apply Christ to our souls & feed upon him, & so draw virtue & Spiritual nourishment from him thereby. 2. Cor. 13. 5. Examine your selves, whether ye be in the faith, prove your own selves: know ye not your own selves, how that Jesus Christ is in you, except ye be Reprobates. We must examine whither Christ be ours &c. So that we may say this is my broken Saviour, whose body was broken for me, & whose blood was poured out for me.
3. An: We must examine our Repentance whither it be the Repentance, never to be repented of: Whither it be the godly sorrow for sin, that causeth us to break off from all known sin. 2. Cor. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. For thô I made you sorry with a letter, I do not repent, thô I did repent: for I perceive y^t y^e same epistle made you sorry, thô it were but for a season. Now I rejoyce, not that ye were made sorry, but that ye sorrowed to repentance: for ye were made sorry after a godly manner, that ye might receive damage by us in nothing: For godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of: but the sorrow of y^e world worketh death. For behold, this self same thing that ye sorrowed after a godly sort, what carefulness it wrought in you, yea, what cleaning of yourselves, yea, what indignation, yea, what fear, yea, what vehement desire, yea, what zeal, yea what revenge. This is now a godly sorrow for sin, when it worketh in us carefulness to prevent sin, indignation against sin, fear of sin, & revenge unto sin, so as now we say to our sins, especially our heretofore beloved sins, as they somtimes did to their Idols. Hos. 14. 8. What have
1. I to do any more with Idols. Therefore (1) We must examine whither we have thorough88 conviction of sin. Are we convinced y^t we have been guilty of all sin, Original sin, & Actual sin, so as we cry out with David Ps. 40. 12. Innumerable evils have compassed me about, mine iniquities have taken hold upon me, so that I am not able to look up: they are more than the hairs of my head, therefore my heart faileth me. And are we also convinced of the odiousness, ugliness, & filthiness of sin. Is it the worst of evils, the abominable thing, the worst of evils, the greatest of abominations? Is it in our eyes, as it is in it self, & as the Apostle sets it forth? Jae. 1. 21. the Superfluity of naughtiness. This implys, that if all other evils were to have a Scum, a superfluity; ‘Tis sin must be it. Sin is the Devils vomit, the Souls excrement, the worse of all evils, the Scum, the Superfluity of evils, & so it ought to be in our eyes Jer. 2. 19. Know therefore & see, that it is an evil thing & bitter that thou hast forsaken the Lord thy God
2. (2) Again, We must examine our contrition for sin. Whither it be the burden of our souls, too heavy for us bear the guilt or the filth of. Ps. 38. 4. &c. Mine iniquities are gone over my head: as a heavy burden, they are too heavy for me. My wounds stink and are corrupt: because of my foolishness: & therfore they cause Soul sorrow for them. 18 ver I will be sorry for my sin. Its true, some men laugh at sin, make a mock at sin, & make a sport of sin, can laugh & sin, & sin & laugh. But who are they? Why the holy Ghost tells us, they are fools. Pro. 14. 9. Fools make a mock at sin Ay but the godly will never think of their sin but with sorrow. thô Fools mock, laugh & sport at sin, these will mourn & weep for sin, yea & that bitterly too, especially when their sins are more scandalous, more of offencive to God, & more dishonourable to Religion. As we see in Peter, after he had denyed his Lord, he went out, & wept bitterly. Luke. 22. 62. Sin is as a bodkin89 to the heart of a true penitent. Acts. 2. 37. Yea, the true penitent will not only abhorr & loath his vile sins, but also his vile & filthy self, the actor & committer of them. Ezek. 36. 31. Then shall ye remember your own evil ways, & your doings that were not good, and shall loath your selves in your own sight, for your iniquities, & for your abomina-
3. tions. Again (3) We must examine our Confession of sin, whither that be of the right kind. There is a Confession, which is counterfeit & unacceptable, & there is a Confession, which is sincere, genuine & acceptable to God: Now
1. its our duty to examine of w^ch. kind ours is (1) Then, there is a counterfeit, false, & unacceptable confession: And we read of three Sorts of them in Scripture. As
1. There is a meer verbal confession, a meer mouth confession, but altogether heartless. Such a one was impenitent, & hard hearted Pharaohs Confession. Ex. 9. 27. Pharaoh sent & called for Moses & Aaron, & said unto them, I have sinned this time: the Lord is righteous, & I & my people are wicked. And. Chap. 10. 16. Then Pharaoh called for Moses & Aaron in haste; & he said, I have sinned against the Lord your God, & against you. Here is Pharaohs Confession of sin againe, & againe, & yet all was but verbal, & heartless, he persisted in his sins of Tyranny & oppression, notwithstanding all. His heart still was far from God: His case was like theirs. Ezek. 33. 31—With their mouth they shew much love, but their heart goeth after their Covetousness: So Pharaohs heart
2. still went after his lust & oppression (2) There is also an enforced Confession, as in Saul. 1. Sam. 15. 24. And Saul said unto Samuel, I have sinned: for I have transgressed the word of the Lord, & thy words: because I feared the people, & obeyed their voice. And yet compare this verse with. ver. 12. &c. & you may see Saul stands much upon his own justification, & when he is brought to a Confession it is from enforcem̄t & Compulsion of Samuels arguing with him. Saul stood it out as long as he could, & when his conviction was undeniable & past all disputes, you see he lays it upon the people. Thus he counterfeitly & hypocritically confesseth his sin, but it
3. was because he was enforced to it (3. Last) There is also a desperate Confession, as we see in Judas. Matth. 27. 3. 4. Then Judas w^ch had betrayed him, when he saw that he was condemned, repented himself, & brought again the thirty pieces of Silver, to the chief Priests & Elders, Saying, I have sinned, in that I have betrayed the innocent blood. Here was confession, but it was joyned with desperation, for in the next verse, we read that he went & hanged himself. Thus we see there is a false & unacceptable confession.
2. There is a confession w^ch is sincere, genuine & acceptable: And to such a confession these two things are Required
1. (1) It must be open & naked, & without all covering or hiding. Pro. 28. 13. He that covereth his sins shall not
1. prosper. He y^t covereth his sins & that is (1) Either by
2. denying the evil that a man has done Or (2) By extenuating the sin he has done, making a light matter of it, or not
3. looking upon it, in its own colours (3) Or by hiding it from God, so as not to acknowledge it with godly grief &
4. sorrow (4) Or by living still in it, & continuing therein impenitently. All this is a covering of sin, which must not be, nor will not be, where the confession is right. Indeed in the commission of sin, it is better to conceal & hide it, than to declare & publish, Isa. 3. 9. The Shew of their Countenance doth witness against them, & they declare thier Sin as Sodom, they hide it not. Compared with. Gen. 13 13. & 19. 5. O to sin, & that as Sodomites, openly, & in ye sight of the Sun, this is to sin with an high hand, & presumptuously indeed: So that (I say) as to the commission of sin, it is better to sin secretly than openly: But now as to the confession of Sin, it is better to spread all before God, & to hide nothing. Ps. 32.3. 4.5. When I kept Silence, my bones waxed old; thrô my roring all the day long. For day & night thy hand was heavy upon me: my moisture is turned into the drought of Summer. Selah. I acknowledged my sin unto thee, & mine iniquity have I not hid: I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord; & thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. Selah. Here we see, whilst David kept Silence i.e. hid his sin, was silent as to Confession, he rored thrô pangs of Conscience: but now he no sooner comes to a full, free & open confession, but he finds the Sweet of it, in Gods speaking
2. peace to his soul. Again (2) Our confession of sin must be most humble, & with submission of our Souls to the judgment of God, w^ch. is due to our Sins. And so it must be w^th grief for, & detestation of our sins, as it were in dust & ashes. Job. 42. 6. I abhor my self, & repent in dust & ashes. Dan. 9. 7. 8. O Lord, righteousness belongeth unto thee, but unto us confusion of Faces &c. If this be wanting, our declaration of sin, is rather a profession, than a confession of sin. Thus (I say) we must examine our confession of sin, whither it be of the right kind.

1 Samuel Parris, Sermon Notebook, Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford, Connecticut. See below pp. 196, 202. Henceforth, references to the Notebook will be made parenthetically in the text.

2 Paul Boyer and Paul Nissenbaum, ed., Salem-Village Witchcraft: A Documentary Record of Local Conflict in Colonial New England (Belmont, Cal., Wadsworth Pub., 1972), p. 266.

3 Charles W. Upham, Salem Witchcraft (2 vols., New York, Ungar Pub., 1867), i, 312; George Bancroft, The History of the United States of America (1887; rep. Boston, 1962), pp. 394–95; Arther Miller, The Crucible (1954); Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft (Cambridge, Harvard Univ. Press, 1974); Larry Gragg, The Quest for Security: The Life of Samuel Parris, 1653–1720 (New York, Greenwood Press, 1990). Readers of SP’s sermons should consult Gragg’s biography for detailed accounts of the circumstances surrounding the individual texts.

4 Gragg, Quest for Security, p. 116.

5 Important studies include Harry S. Stout, The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in Colonial New England (New York, Oxford Univ. Press, 1986); Donald Weber, Rhetoric and History in Revolutionary New England (New York, Oxford Univ. Press, 1988); and Teresa Toulouse, The Art of Prophesying: New England Sermons and the Shaping of Belief (Athens, Univ. of Georgia Press, 1987).

6 The book presented here is inscribed “Lib. 3.” At one point SP refers to “Lib. 21.”

7 Gragg, Quest for Security, p. xviii.

8 See Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, pp. 60–65.

9 Willey, The Seventeenth-Century Background: Studies in the Thought of the Age in Relation to Poetry and Religion (New York, Columbia Univ. Press, 1934), p. 195.

10 The information in the next two paragraphs is taken largely from Michael Winship, “Satan, Cotton Mather, and Transatlantic Puritan Evangelism in the 1690s,” paper read at the Salem Conference on Witchcraft, Salem, Massachusetts, June 1992. The editors would like to thank Dr. Winship for sharing the results of his research with them.

11 See Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England (Harmondsworth, England, Penguin Books, 1978), pp. 576–83; Paul H. Kocher, Science and Religion in Elizabethan England (San Marino, Huntingdon Library, 1953), pp. 127–45.

12 Observing the similarities between the symptoms of the Goodwin children and the afflicted young women of Salem, Kenneth Silverman notes that Mather’s works were widely available and read. The Life and Times of Cotton Mather (New York, Columbia Univ. Press, 1085), p. 87.

13 Larry Gragg (Quest for Security, p. 125) makes the important point that SP did not use isolation therapy, as Cotton Mather had on Martha Goodwin.

14 See, for example, Willey, Seventeenth-Century Background, pp. 194–99, 160–68; Thomas Goddard Wright, Literary Culture in Early New England, 1620–1730 (New Haven, Yale Univ. Press, 1920), pp. 107, 142–43, 160–61; and Norman Fiering, Moral Philosophy at Seventeenth-Century Harvard (Chapel Hill, Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1981), pp. 219–20. Among the authors of the five major texts consulted by the Salem judges in their deliberations were Joseph Glanvill, Richard Baxter, and Cotton Mather. Samuel G. Drake, ed., The Witchcraft Delusion in New England (3 vols., New York, Burt Franklin, 1866), 3, 361.

15 Gragg, Quest for Security, p. 134.

16 On the long history of witchcraft proceedings in the colonial period, see John Putnam Demos, Entertaining Satan: Witchcraft and the Culture of Early New England (New York, Oxford Univ. Press, 1982), esp. ch. 12; for SP’s language, see, for example, below pp. 149–52, and Gragg, Quest for Security, pp. 123–25.

17 Another book that SP made some use of was Richard Bernard’s The Bibles Abstract and Epitomie. The Capital Heads, Examples, Sentences and Precepts of all the Principall Matters in Theologie (London, 1642), bound with Thesaurus Biblicus seu Promptuarium (London, 1644). The Abstract and Epitomie was an alphabetical listing of important theological and pastoral topics, with their major proofs and doctrines, biblical examples, and even uses, in effect providing ready-made sermon outlines for the parish minister.

18 Stout, New England Soul, p. 33.

19 Boyer and Nissenbaum, ed., Salem-Village Witchcraft, p. 280.

20 See E. Brooks Holifield, The Covenant Sealed: The development of Puritan Sacramental Theology in Old and New England, 1570–1720 (New Haven, Yale Univ. Press, 1974).

21 Upham, Salem Witchcraft, 3, 316.

22 Boyer and Nissenbaum, ed., Salem-Village Witchcraft, pp. 278, 280.

23 Of the 38 males cited for delinquent payments in Dec. 1689, none was listed as a member in full covenant as of May 1690, indicating that SP’s supporters were joining the church while his opponents were not. Ibid., pp. 350, 269–72.

24 Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, pp. 169–70.

25 Boyer and Nissenbaum, ed., Salem-Village Witchcraft, p. 271. The Salem Village church joined a minority of churches in eastern Massachusetts in refusing to adopt the Half-Way Covenant.

26 Gragg, Quest for Security, pp. 98–100.

27 Boyer and Nissenbaum, ed., Salem-Village Witchcraft, p. 307.

28 Gragg, Quest for Security, p. 135. The confessions came mostly from Andover inhabitants.

29 Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed, pp. 176–77.

30 Gragg, Quest for Security, pp. 158–60.

31 See below p. 276. SP may refer, at least in part, to testimonies from the trials that speak of witches’s sabbaths and the observance of a “Bloody Sacrament.” Several witnesses stated that they had heard of or partaken in the sinister parody of the Lord’s Supper. For example, Mary Lacy noted that “The bread was brownish & the wine Red. They had also a table and Erthen Cups & there was so many that there was not bread Enough for them all. Some of them Stole bread and some brought bread with them and some of the bred look’t of a Reddish Color.” Other witnesses confirmed that the “Bloody Sacrament” had been administered on several occasions in SP’s own pasture. Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, ed., The Salem Witchcraft Papers (3 vols., New York, Da Capo Press, 1977), p. 523; see also pp. 66, 363, 504, 624, 647. On the perpetuation of occult beliefs in early American popular piety, see David D. Hall, Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England (New York, Knopf, 1989); Jon Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American People (Cambridge, Harvard Univ. Press, 1990); and Richard Godbeer, The Devil’s Dominion: Magic and Religion in Early New England (New York, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992).

32 Boyer and Nissenbaum, Salem-Village Witchcraft, p. 297.

33 Ibid., p. 296.

34 See, for example, Perry Miller, The New England Mind: From Colony to Province (Cambridge, Harvard Univ. Press, 1953); Robert G. Pope, The Half-Way Covenant: Church Membership in Puritan New England (Princeton, Princeton Univ. Press, 1969); and Stephen Foster, Their Solitary Way: The Puritan Social Ethic in the First Century of Settlement (New Haven, Yale Univ. Press, 1971).

35 Holifield, The Covenant Sealed; Charles Hambrick-Stowe, The Practice of Piety: Puritan Devotional Practices in Seventeenth-Century New England (Chapel Hill, Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1982); and Leigh Eric Schmidt, Holy Fairs: Scottish Communions and American Revivals in the Early Modern Period (Princeton, Princeton Univ. Press, 1989).

36 Hall, Worlds of Wonder, pp. 154–61. The fact that the Salem Village brethren voted to limit baptism amidst the first flurry of opposition to SP in Feb. 1689/90 suggests that sacramental privileges became a political weapon in the intra-village struggle, effectively closing out SP’s opponents. The number of baptisms dropped as precipitously after Aug. 1691 as did the number of admissions to full communion. Gragg, Quest for Security, p. 89.

37 However, most of the 62 members admitted during that period were SP’s supporters and remained sympathetic to him. For admissions, see the Salem Church Records in Boyer and Nissenbaum, eds., Salem-Village Witchcraft, pp. 269–76.

38 Ibid., pp. 275–76.

39 See Edmund S. Morgan, “New England Puritanism: Another Approach,” William and Mary Quarterly XVIII (1966), 241; James Hoopes, “Art as History: Perry Miller’s New England Mind,” American Quarterly (1982), 21–22; and Theodore Dwight Bozeman, To Live Ancient Lives: The Primitivist Dimension in Puritanism (Chapel Hill, Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1988), appendix.

40 Edward Taylor, A Treatise Concerning the Lord’s Supper, ed. Norman S. Grabo (East Lansing, Univ. of Michigan Press, 1966).

41 Years later, seven members voted against removing the sentence of excommunication from Martha Kory, demonstrating continuing support for SP’s interpretation of the events.

42 “As to the AUTHOR of this Book, it is better to suspend our judgment than to make random assertions. Those who think that it was JOSHUA, because his name stands on the title page, rest on weak and insufficient grounds.” John Calvin, Commentaries on the Book of Joshua, trans. Henry Beveridge (Grand Rapids, Michigan, Eerdmans, 1949), p. xvii.

43 At this point SP wrote “1. Prop: Vide pag. 8. latter part*” to cue him to the statement of the first proposition that he neglected to include here and wrote on the next page. The proposition has been shifted in accordance with his directions.

44 SP writes “Vide pag. 7. the last words” to instruct him where to place the misplaced proposition.

45 “It was a memorative, introduttive, demonstrative, prefigurative, and distinctive sign.”

46 SP seems to be referring to Calvin (possibly directly or more likely through a commentary) on the issue of the wicked partaking of the sacraments. In the Institutes of the Christian Religion (1536), bk. IV, ch. xiv, §7 (ed. John T. McNeill [Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1977], pp. 1281–82), Calvin argues, “They are not reasoning closely enough when they argue that the sacraments are not testimonies of God’s grace because they are offered to the wicked, who, however, do not find God more favorable but rather incur a heavier condemnation. For by the same argument, because the gospel is heard but rejected by many, and because Christ was seen and recognized by many but very few of them accepted him, nether gospel nor Christ would be a testimony of God’s grace.”

47 A reference to Richard Bernard (c. 1567–1641), an English divine who briefly espoused Separatism and then returned to the Church of England. On SP’s use of Bernard’s works, see above p. 8, n. 17 and below p. 150, n. 31 and p. 321, n. 52; see also Gragg, Quest for Security, p. 58.

48 John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition Upon All of the Books of the New Testament (London, 1656; rep. 1865), pp. 715–16. “Not for filthy lucre] As your church-choppers and money changers, that take up the ministry only as a trade to pick a living out of it. We preach the gospel amongst us, saith a Popish writer, tantum ut nos pascat et vestiat, merely for food and raiment.” As seen throughout the notebook, SP relied heavily on the works of John Trapp (1601–1669), a minister in the Church of England. Trapp’s commentaries, studded with references to the church fathers and Reformation writers, as well as arcane quotes from a variety of sources, provided the parish minister with manifold anecdotes and appropriate citations. This acquisition of knowledge at second- and third-hand is an illustration of the Puritan penchant for anthologization.

49 SP writes: “Se the. 2^d sermon on this subject in page the. 30.” See below, p. 66.

50 John Trapp, A Commentary or exposition upon all the Epistles and the Revelation of John the Divine (London, 1647), p. 35. The Latin phrase, which translates as, “Touch the mountains and they will smoke,” is from the Vulgate, Ps. 103:32: “Qui respicit terram, et faciteam fremere; qui tanget montes, et fumigant.”

51 By “it is noted,” SP is referring to the marginal commentaries that appeared in the KJV of the times. For the significance of such commentary, see Harry S. Stout, “The Word and Order in Colonial New England,” in Nathan O. Hatch and Mark A. Noll, ed., The Bible in America: Essays in Cultural History (New York, Oxford, 1982), pp. 19–38.

52 “Before or preferably during the meal.”

53 “After the meal.”

54 SP writes: “Se the first sermon in page. 16.” See above, p. 52.

55 SP writes: “Se the 1^st sermon on Page. 21.” See above, p. 57.

56 Commenting on the portion of the verse that reads, “To be tempted of the devil,” Trapp writes, “No sooner was Christ out of the water of Baptisme, then in the fire of Temptation.” John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon The four Evangelists, And The Acts of the Apostles (London, 1647), p. 56.

57 MS: “Annas.”

58 “He who does not know how to dissimulate, does not know how to live.”

59 “During the meal.”

60 “The faithfulness of a friend is tested in a disputed matter.”

61 “Do not boast of anything that is your own, unless you keep your own eyes on the crucified one.” This seems to be a paraphrase of Gal. 6:14.

62 John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon the four Evangelists, And The Acts of the Apostles, p. 55: “Luther observed of himself, that when God was about to set him upon any speciall service, he either laid some fit of sicknesse upon him before-hand, or turned Satan loose upon him . . . Hence also it was that in his Sermons, God have him such a grace . . . that when he preached, they that heard him thought, every one, his own temptations to be severally touched and noted. Whereof when signification was given unto him by his friends, and he demanded how that could be? Mine own manifold temptations (saith he) and experiences are the cause thereof. For from his tender years he was much beaten and exercised with spirituall conflicts.”

63 “See sermons following for more sustained treatment.”

64 Trapp, Commentary or Exposition Upon All of the Epistles and the Revelation of John the Divine, p. 245. “Became obedient unto death] That is, to his dying day, saith Beza. He went thorow many a little death all his life long, and at length underwent that cursed and painful death of the Crosse, his soul also being heavy to the death, Mat. 26.” The revised ed. (Commentary or Exposition Upon All of the Books of the Old Testament, p. 606) adds, “He suffered the insufferable wrath of God for a season. Ne perderet obedientiam, perdidit vitam, saith Bernard.”

65 Here again SP draws on Trapp, Commentary on the four Evangelists, And The Acts of the Apostles, p. 136: “Possumus etiam hinc asseverare ex latere Christi Fluxisse nostra Sacramenta, saith Calvin, We may safely say that our Sacraments issued out of Christ’s side.” In Commentary on the Gospel According to John (trans. William Pringle [Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 1949], p. 133), Calvin discusses how the blood and water symbolize the sacrifice for and the washing away of sin. The sacraments, he argues, have the same design of purification and sanctification. “For this reason, I do not object to what Augustine says, that our sacraments flowed from Christ’s side.”

66 I.e. Job 1:21.

67 SP does not specify whether he omitted merely the preceding sentence or the whole use. He probably decided to leave out part or all of this point because of its confrontational tone. At this time, a portion of the congregation was behind in paying its ministerial rate, and SP was involved in a struggle to obtain parsonage lands. See Gragg, Quest for Security, pp. 87–88, 91–92.

68 “May we follow you, Lord, through you, to you, because you are truth: through you, you are the way; to you, because you are the life.” SP once more uses Trapp, Commentary Upon the four Evangelists, And The Acts of the Apostles, p. 88. Expounding on John 14:6, where Christ says “I am the way, the truth, and the life,” Trapp states, “As if he should say, Thou hast no whither to go but to me, nor which way to go but by me, that thou mayest attain eternall life. Which made Bernard say, Sequemur, Domine, te, per te, ad te: Te, quia veritas, per te, quia via, ad te, quia vita. And this was one ofthose sweet sayings, that old Beza had much in his mouth, a little afore his death.”

69 Trapp, Commentary or Exposition Upon All of the Books of the New Testament, p. 680, on Heb. 10:20: “By a new] Fresh, and as effectual at all times, as if Christ were but newly sacrificed for us. Tarns recens mihi nunc Christus est, ac si hac hora fudisset sanguinem, saith Luther. Christ is even now as fresh to me as if this very hour he had shed his precious blood.”

70 MS: “arisise.”

71 “The Master’s victory is the slave’s triumph.” Hieronymus is better known as St. Jerome (d. 420), a biblical translator and commentator and monastic theologian most known for his condemnation of Pelagianism, an early heretical movement that posited that with the resurrection of Christ, humankind was capable of attaining perfect righteousness while yet on earth.

72 SP apparently drew the structure for the remainder of this sermon from Bernard, The Bibles Abstract and Epitomie, p. 13, where the author lists and considers “Christs apparitions after his Resurrection.”

73 MS: “Exhortation.”

74 “Place your faith in heaven and you shall have touched.” SP in all likelihood found this reference to Augustine, Bishop of Hippo (d. 604), in a commentary.

75 Thianthropos: “God-man.”

76 The passage to which SP is here referring is in William Ames’ Medulla Theologica (London, 1623), bk. I, ch. xxiii: “The place from which he ascended was the Mount of Olives, Acts 1:12. It was here also that he suffered his deepest humiliation, Luke 22:39. This occurred so that he might teach that his suffering and ascension pertained to the same thing.” SP, as with virtually all Puritan clergymen, would have had a strong grounding in the works of Ames (1576–1633), whose works were part of the curriculum of Harvard when SP attended. Indeed, he seems to have taken Ames’ structure in the Medulla for his series of sacrament sermons on Christ’s suffering, resurrection, ascension, and exaltation. Sections 21–24 of that book deal with the life of the humiliated Christ, his death, exaltation, and the application of his death and resurrection. In dealing with Christ’s life, for example, Ames divides his discussion of Christ’s humiliation into two parts: his conception and birth, and the period after his birth. SP uses the same organizing concepts, but where Ames treats the passive and active nature of Christ’s obedience, SP deals in great detail with Christ’s physical sufferings.

77 Theos: “God.”

78 Augustine asserted the co-eternality of the Father and Son in criticism of the teachings of Arius (250–336), a Greek-speaking African cleric who held that Christ was not divine, but rather was a super-angelic creature who shared neither the same essence nor nature with God the Father. The ultimate source of this reference may be Augustine’s essay on The Trinity, where, distinguishing between “Father” and “God,” he states, “The Arians, of course, understand these words as though the Son were not the true God. But setting them aside, let us see if, when he [the Lord] says to the Father: ‘that they may know thee, the one true God,’ we are to understand them in this sense, that the Father alone is also the true God, lest we should not understand any to be God except the three together, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Are we, therefore, from the Lord’s testimony to call the Father the one true God, the Son the one true God, and the Holy Spirit the one true God, and at the same time call the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, that is, the Trinity itself together, not three gods, but one true God?” The Writings of St. Augustine, in Fathers of the Church (New York, Fathers of the Church, 1959), 45, 211.

79 Here follows the equivalent of about eleven deleted, illegible lines.

80 “The corruption of the very best is the worst wickedness.”

81 Louis XIV ruled France from 1643–1715. In 1685, he revoked the Edict of Nantes, which had allowed free exercise of religion for French Protestants.

82 “Verse 44. Ye are of your father the devil.] . . . Satan is called the God of this world; because as God at first did but speake the word, and it was done: so if the divel do but hold up his finger, give the least hint, they obey him.” Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon The four Evangelists, And The Acts of the Apostles, p. 46.

83 These are quotes from Richard Baxter’s The Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits. Fully Evinced by unquestionable Histories of Apparitions and Witchcrafts, Operations, Voices, &c. (London, 1691). The first reference is to Joseph Hall, the Bishop of Norwich (1574–1656); SP then quotes practically verbatim from Baxter (pp. 122–23). The case Baxter cites about the “woman who pretended to have the holy Ghost” is, he tells us, taken from “the Epistle of Finnilianus to Cyprian, Ep. 75, Pag. 238.” It is interesting to note that in the next paragraph (pp. 123–24), Baxter goes on to describe the “case of Mrs. Hutchinson, and Mrs. Dyer in New England.” He concludes, “Though I find no proof of Witch-craft in their Case, there is much of Satanical Delusion, joined with Humane Self-conceit and Pride.”

84 Johann Heinrich Alsted (1588–1638) was a philosopher and theologian who taught at the universities of Herborn and Weissenburg, Germany. SP here refers to Alsted “on this topic,” which could possibly be in Triumphus Bibliorum Sacrorum; seu Encyclopedia Biblica (Frankfurt, 1625), one of Alsted’s many compendiums of philosophical, scientific, theological, and biblical knowledge.

85 MS: “keen”

86 MS: “inudued.”

87 SP deletes: “See farther on this subject Lib. 4. pag. 19.”

88 MS: “thro.”

89 In the margin appears the word “Dagger,” in a different, later hand.

90 SP deletes: “30.”

91 SP deletes: “For this cause many are weak & Sickly among you, & many sleep.”

92 This second notation is to a later repreaching.

93 Here SP draws from Bernard, The Bibles Abstract and Epitomie, p. 54, under the topic “Man what he is.”

{Conco. XV.

{Conc^o. XV.