FEBRUARY MEETING, 1901.

A Stated Meeting of the Society was held at No. 25 Beacon Street, Boston, on Thursday, 28 February, 1901, at three o’clock in the afternoon, President Kittredge in the chair.

The Records of the Stated Meeting in January were read and approved.

Mr. Worthington C. Ford communicated an unpublished Diary of Washington, kept at Mt. Vernon from the twenty-seventh of September, 1785, till the end of that year, and eleven letters of Washington, written the same year, which illustrate or explain entries in the Diary. In some brief remarks, Mr. Ford called attention to the most interesting matters contained in these documents, among them the popular clamor against the Cincinnati, and the arrival of Houdon for the purpose of making a bust of Washington. The Diary affords an interesting glimpse of Washington as the country gentleman, interested in agricultural pursuits, riding to hounds, attending fox hunts — his especial pleasure — and the races, and dispensing a generous hospitality not only to his kinsfolk, his neighbors and his former comrades-in-arms but also to titled foreigners and others from abroad. It also makes clear Washington’s minute attention to small matters of domestic concern.

DIARY OF GEORGE WASHINGTON.

27 September – 31 December, 1785.

SEPTEMBER — 1785.

Tuesday, 27^th.

Thermometer at 57 in the Morn’g. — 59 at noon — and 62 at Night. Wind fresh from the N^ọ West with flying clouds, and cold.

Doct^ṛ [James] Craik who came here last Night, returned this Morning to Maryland.

Wednesday, 28^th.

Thermometer at 58 in the Morn’g. — 60 at Noon and 62 at Night. Morning lowering, with appearances of rain, but evening clear, wind still to the N^ọward.

Doct^ṛ [Walter] Jenifer and his wife came here to Dinner and went away after it, to Col^ọ M^c̣Carty’s.

Mr. Taylor having finished the business which brought him here, I sent him up to Alexandria to take a passage in the Stage, for New York.132

Thursday, 29^th.

Thermometer at 60 in the Morning — 65 at noon — and 66 at night. Day clear, and not much wind, especially in the Afternoon.

Mr. Sanders, an undertaker in Alexandria, came dawn between breakfast & Dinner to advise a proper mode of shingling, putting Copper in the Gutters between the Pediments & Dormants, and the Roof and to conduct the water along the Eves to Spouts, & promised to be dawn again on Tuesday next to see the work properly begun: —

Friday, 30^th.

Thermometer at 60 in the Morn’g. — 68 at noon — and 70 at night. Day clear, wind pretty brisk from the South ward — till the evening when it veered more to the Eastward.

Mr. Hunter, and the right Hon^blẹ Fred: von Walder, Cap^tṇ in the Swedish Navy — introduced by M^ṛ Rich^ḍ Sódarstrom133 came here to Dinner and returned to Alexandria Afterwards, — in the evening a M^ṛ Tarte, introduced by a letter from M^ṛ Lowry of Black river came in to request my sentiments respecting some entry’s they, in Partnership, had made in the Great Dismal Swamp, which I gave unreservedly, that they had no right to.

One of the Howard Bitches W^cḥ was sent to me from France134 brought forth 15 puppies this day; 7 of which (the rest being as many as I thought she could rear) I had drowned. Run round the ground which I designed for the Paddock for Deer & find it contains, 18a 3r 20P. Began again to smooth the Face of the Lawn, or Bolling Green on the West front of My House — what I had done before the Rains proving abortive.

OCTOBER.

Saturday, first.

Thermometer at 66 in the morning — 70 at noon — and 72 at night. Southerly wind and clear.

Began to raise a scaffold for shingling the Front side of my House, next the Court Yard. Rid to my River, Muddy hole, and Dogue run Plantations.

Doct^ṛ [David] Stuart135 came in whilst we were at Dinner & stayed all night.136

Sunday, 2^d.

Thermometer at 70 in the Morning — 76 at noon — and at night. Weather warm — forenoon clear, afternoon lowering.

Went with Fanny Bassett, Burwell Bassett, Doct^ṛ [David] Stuart, G[eorge] A[ugustine] Washington, M^ṛ [William] Shaw137 & Nelly Custis to Pohick Church; to hear a M^ṛ Thompson preach, who returned home with us to Dinner where I found the Rev^ḍ M^ṛ Jones,138 formerly a Chaplain in one of the Pennsylvania Regiments.

After we were in Bed (about eleven o’clock in the evening) M^ṛ Houdon, sent from Paris by Doct^ṛ Franklin and Mr. Jefferson to take my Bust, in behalf of the State of Virginia, with three young men assistants, introduced by a M^ṛ Perin a French Gentleman of Alexandria, arrived here by water from the latter place.139

Monday, 3^d.

Thermometer at 70 in the Morning — 68 at noon — and 66 at night. Wind at S^ọ West, weather variable until noon when it became more cloudy & dripping towards evening it began to Rain and the night was wet.

The two Reverend Gentlemen who dined and lodged here, went away after breakfast.140

Tuesday, 4^th.

Thermometer at 63 in the Morning — 62 at noon. — and 66 at night. Wind at S^ọ West, veering more Westerly. Morning, wet, and till noon dripping clear afterwards, and wind fresh.

Wednesday, 5.

Thermometer at 60 in the morn’g. — at noon — and 68 at night. Brisk wind from the Southward all day. Weather clear.

Stripped the Shingles of the South Side of the Pediment of the West front of the House, in expectation of Mr. Sanders’s coming to direct the shingling of it, but he never appeared.

Col^ọ Ramsay introducing a M^ṛ M^cComb, & a M^ṛ Lowry; dined here and went away afterwards. Mr. Perin went from this after Breakfast.

Thursday, 6^th.

Thermometer at 65 in the morning — 65 at noon — and 66 at night. Flying Clouds and a Rainhow, in the Morning with but little Wind; drippings of rain, more or less all day.

M^ṛ Burwell Bassett, and M^ṛ [William] Shaw set out after Breakfast for Dumfries.

The appearance of the day and the impracticability of giving on acc^ṭ of the clammyness of the Earth an even face to any more of my lawn, until the gr^d, should get dryer of which there is no immediate prospect, I sowed what was levelled & smoothed of it, with English grass seeds; — and as soon as the top was so dry, as not to stick to the Roller, I rolled and cross rolled it; — first with a light wooden roller, and then with a heavy wooden roller, with a view of compressing the ground — smoothing the Surface of it, & to bury the seeds.

M^ṛ Sanders not coming according to expectation I began with my own people to shingle that part of the Roof of the House w^ch was stripped yesterday, & to copper the Gutters, &c^c

Friday, 7^th.

Thermometer at 62 in the morning — 64 at noon — and — at night Wind Southwardly all day, and weather clear, warm & pleasant.

Sat today, as I had done yesterday, for M^ṛ Houdon to form my bust.

M^rṣ Jenifer, wife of Doct^ṛ Walter Jenifer, dined here and returned afterwards; and Doct^ṛ [James] Craik came here in the afternoon, and stayed all night.

M^ṛ [William] Shaw and M^ṛ Bassett returned from Dumfries about noon. — & Doct^ṛ Brown came in the afternoon to visit a sick servant of the M^ṛ Bassetts, & returned.

Finished trenching my Lawn the spading of which had rec^ḍ several interruptions by odd Jobs intervening. the ground getting a little drier I began again to level & smooth it. Plowed up a Cow pen in order to sow the ground with orchard grass seeds.

Saturday, 8^th.

Thermometer at 63 in the Morning — 66 at Noon. — and 68 at night. But little wind — weather clear and exceedingly pleasant.

Sowed the ground which was plowed yesterday, and which might amount to about a quarter of an acre, with near half a Bushel of the Orchard grass seeds, which was neither very clean nor I fear not very good. Also sowed with English grass seeds, as much more of the Lawn as I could get levelled & smoothed and rolled it in the same manner as that on Thursday last was done.

Sunday, 9^th.

Thermometer at 64 in the Morn’g. — 70 at noon — and 70 at night. Morning and Evening lowering. Midday tolerably clear, warm & pleasant.

Accompanied by M^ṛ Houdon and the two Mr. Bassetts attended the Funeral of M^ṛ Manley at the Plantation of M^ṛ Will^ṃ Triplett and returned to Dinner.

Monday, 10^th.

Thermometer at 68 in the morn’g. — 70 at noon — and 74 at night. Thunder about day. Morning threatening, but clear & pleasant afterwards.

A M^ṛ Jn^ọ Lowe, on his way to Bishop Seabury for ordination called and dined here. Could not give him more than a general certificate founded on information, respecting his character; — having no acquaintance with him; nor any desire to open a correspondence with the new ordained Bishop.

Observed the process for preparing the Plaister of Paris & mixing of it, according to M^ṛ Houdon. The oven being made hotter than it is usually heated for Bread. The Plaister which had been previously broken into lumps — that which was hard, to about the size of a pullets egg; and that which was soft, and could be broken with the hands larger; was put in about Noon, and remained until night; where, upon examination, it was further continued until the morning without any removal of the heat in the oven, which was close stopped. Having been sufficiently calcined by this operation, it was pulverized (in an iron Mortar) & sifted for use through a fine lawn sieve, & kept from wet. When used, it is put into a Bason, or other vessel with water sifted through the fingers, ’till the water is made as thick as Loblolly — or very thick cream. as soon as the plaister is thus put into the water, it is beat with an Iron spoon (almost flat) until it is well mixed, and must be immediately applied to the purpose for which it is intended, with a Brush or whatever else best answers, as it begins to turn hard in, four or five minutes, and in seven or ten cannot be used, & is fit for no purpose afterwards, as it will not bear wetting a second time. for this reason no more must be mixed at a time than can be used within the space just mentioned. The brush (common painters) must be put into water as soon as it is used, and the plaister well squeezed out, or this also becomes very hard. in this case to clear it, it must be beaten till the plaister is reduced to a powder, & then washed.

Tuesday, 11^th.

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning — 70 at Noon — and 71 at night. A very heavy fog until near 10 O clock, with very little wind from the east ward. from thence till five P. M. it was tolerably clear; when it clouded again, & looked like rain.

Sowed more English grass seed on all the ground that had been levelled, & smoothed on the Lawn.

Began the foundation of the House at the Southwest corner of the South Garden.

M^ṛ Dulany, M^ṛ Sanderson and M^ṛ Potts dined here and returned afterwards to Alexandria.

After dark it began to rain and continued to do so fast more or less, all night — which appeared to have washed all the seeds (at least all the Chaff with its contents) which had been just sowed from the ground, and carried it to the lowest parts of it.

Wednesday, 12^th.

Thermometer at 66 in the Morning — 64 at noon — and 62 at night.

The Rain which fell last night had made the ground so wet that I could neither level, or in any manner work it. I was obliged therefore to employ the labourers thereon in other Jobs.

Mr. Livingston (son of Peter Vonbrugh Livingston of New York) came to Dinner & stayed all night. and in the evening M^ṛ [James] Madison arrived.

Wind at N^ọ E^ṭ and thick weather all day; and fine rain with intervals.

Thursday, 13^th.

Thermometer at 62 in the Morning — 62 at Noon — and 62 at Night. Wind at N^ọ E^ṭ all day and raining more or less, sometimes hard.

M^ṛ Livingston, notwithstanding the Rain, returned to Alexandria after dinner A Suspension of all out doors work.

Friday, 14^th.

Thermometer at 62 in the Morning — 65 at noon — and 66 at night. Lowering most of the day, but no wind.

Mr. Madison went away after Breakfast, My Chariot which went up for, brought down Miss Sally Ramsay & Miss Kitty Washington, to be Bridesmaid to-morrow at the wedding of Miss [Frances] Bassett.

M^ṛ George [Augustine] Washington & M^ṛ Burwell Bassett, went to the Clerk’s office & thence to Col^ọ Mason’s for a license & returned to Dinner, having accomplished their business.

The ground being too wet, I employed the labourers who had been leveling the Lawn in cleaning & weeding the Shrubberies.

Saturday, 15^th.

Thermometer at 66 in the Morn’g. — 68 at noon — and 68 at night. A Heavy lowering Morning with the wind at South — clear afternoon and fine evening.

The Reverend Mr. Grayson, and Doct^ṛ Griffith, Lund Washington, his wife, & Miss Stuart carne to Dinner, all of whom, remained the evening except^g L. W. After the candies were lighted George Aug. Washington and Frances Bassett were married by Mr. Grayson.

The ground continuing too wet to level, the labourers worked in the Shrubberies. Put two thousand of the Common Chestnuts into a box with dry Sand, a layer of each — & two hundred of the Spanish Chestnuts in like manner to plant out in the Spring. These were put into Sand in a day or two after they were taken from the trees.

Sunday, 16^th.

Thermometer at 66 in the Morn’g. — 68 at noon — and 72 at night. Morning thick and lowering, with appearances of rain which vanished about noon, after which it was clear and very pleasant — wind continuing at South.

Mr. Grayson went away very early in the morning, & Mr. Griffith, M^ṛ Lund Washington and Miss Stuart after Dinner.

Monday, 17^th.

Thermometer at 68 in the Morning — at Noon — and — at Night. Foggy and lowering Morning with but little wind — clear afterwards, and wind at N^ọ West & Cool.

Set out to meet the Directors of the Potomack Navigation141 at George Town. Where having all assembled, we proceeded towards the Great Falls, and dispersing for the convenience of obtaining quarters, Gov^ṛ [Thomas] Johnson and I went to M^ṛ Bryan Fairfax. Gov^ṛ [Thomas S.] Lee, Col^ọ [John] Fitzgerald, Mr. Potts the Secretary, Mr. Rumsay142 the Manager, & M^ṛ Stuart the assistant, went to a M^ṛ Wheelers near the G^t Falls. Col^ọ [George] Gilpin — I should have said before had proceeded on to prepare the way for levelling &c^r. at that place, in the Morning.

Tuesday, 18^th.

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and — at night.

After an early breakfast at M^ṛ Fairfax’s, Gov^ṛ [Thomas] Johnson & I set out for the Falls (accompanied by Mr. Fairfax) where we met the other Directors and Col^ọ [George] Gilpin in the operation of levelling the ground for the proposed cut or canal from the place where it is proposed to take the water out to the other where it will be let into the river again. In the highest of which, and for near 70 rod, it is between five & seven feet higher than the surface of the water at the head. After which it descends, & for at least 300 yards, at the lower end rapidly — this cut upon the whole, does not appear to be attended with more difficulty than was apprehended, for tho’ the ground is higher than was expected, it appears from some experiments of sticking a spiked stake down in those parts, that there is two or 3 feet of soft earth at Top, & the lower end of the canal well calculated to receive locks to Advantage; as also to dam the water to throw it back into the canal & thereby reduce the digging w^cḥ may also be done at the head by loose stones being thrown into the River to a Rocky Island. The length of the cut from the work of today, is found to be about 2400 yards, a little more or less upon exact measure west.

Took a view of the River from the Spout, or Cateract to the proposed en trance of the canal below, to see if I could discover (as some supposed there was) the advantage of a canal on the Maryland side in preference to one on this, — but saw no likely appearances of it. About 400 y^ds below the Cateract, there is a cove into which emptys a small part of the river, tho’ deep & steep rocks on both sides which is a good defence to it, and some little distance below this again, is another cove but how a canal was to be brought thither I could not (having the river between) discover — however at and below both — is rapid water, one little, if any inferior to the Spout at Shanondoah. Having taken a rough level of the proposed cut, — formed general ideas for the Canal, determined to go on with it this winter, as soon as our operations on the water on acc^ṭ of the season must cease & come to some resolutions respecting the hire^g of negros, we broke up after dark & I returned to M^ṛ Fairfax’s.

Wednesday, 19^th.

Thermometer at — in the Morn^’g. at noon — and — at night. Wind which had been at N^ọ W^t yesterday, & clear — had now shifted to the S^ọ E^ṭ and lowered till night, when it began to rain, which it did more or less through the night, the wind blowing fresh.

Immediately after breakfast I sat out for my return home at which I arrived a little after noon. and found my Brother Jn^ọ his Wife,143 Daughter Milly,144 & Sons Bushrod145 & Corbin,146 & the wife of the first. M^ṛ Will^ṃ Washington147 & his wife & 4 children, & Col^ọ [Thomas] Blackburn, to whom was added in the evening M^ṛ Will^m Craik. M^ṛ Houdon having finished the business which bro^ṭ him hither, went up on Monday with his People, work, and impliments in My Barge to Alexandria, to take a Passage in the stage for Philadelphia the next morning.

Sowed (after making good the vacancies of the former) about a pint of the Cape of Good Hope wheat sent me by M^ṛ [Samuel] Powell of Philadelphia, in 14 rows alongside of the other in the enclosure behind the stables. Also, sowed about a table spoonful of the Buffaloe or Kentucke River sent me by Doct^ṛ [David] Stuart alongside of the Guinea grass at the foot of the above wheat & continuance of the rows thereof.

Thursday, 20^th.

Thermometer at 67 in the Morn^’g. 66 at noon — and 65 at night. Wind fresh at South east and weather threatening, with Showers of rain (some pretty heavy) through the day.

George [Augustine] Washington & his wife, Bushrod Washington his wife, Sister & Brother, the two M^ṛ Bassetts,148 M^ṛ [William] Craik and M^ṛ [William] Shaw notwithstanding the weather set out for the races at Alexandria, and were disappointed of seeing them, as they were put off they did not return.

Friday, 21^st.

Thermometer at 57 in the morning — 55 at noon — and 53 at night. Flying Clouds and cold with appearances of snow, wind being at N^ọ West.

My Brother, M^ṛ Will^ṃ Washington and his wife went up with me to this days races at Alexandria — We dined at Col^ọ Ramsays & returned in the evening with the company who went from here the day before, except M^ṛ W^ṃ Washington the two Mr. Bassetts and M^ṛ Shaw.

Saturday 22^d.

Thermometer at 52 in the Morning — 52 at Noon — and 52 at night. Wind at N^ọ West and fresh, & cold with appearances of unsettled weather.

Went up again today, with My Brother and the rest of the Gentlemen to the Race & dined at M^ṛ Herberts. all returned except M^ṛ Jn^ọ Bassett who got hurt in the race field, & M^ṛ Shaw. Mr. Will^ṃ Scott came here in the evening, from Alexandria.

Sunday, 23^d.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn^’g. 56 at Noon — and 59 at Night. Fine & pleasant all day with the wind at South. no frost as was expected.

My Brother, his wife, Daughter and son; M^ṛ Will^m Washington his wife & 4 Children; M^ṛ Bushrod Washington & wife; and M^ṛ [William] Scott all went away after Breakfast. M^ṛ Jn^ọ Bassett & M^ṛ Shaw came home in the forenoon, and Mr. Fitzhugh of Chatham, Gen^ḷ [Alexander] Spotswood, M^ṛ McCarty of Pope Creek, and a Col^ọ Middleton of South Carolina came here to dinner, & went away afterwards.

Perceived the Orchard Grass seeds which I sowed on the 8^tḥ̣ Instt. in the same inclosure of the Turnips, to be coming up thick and well.

Monday, 24^th.

Thermometer at 56 in the Morning — 58 at noon — and 58 at night. Variable & squally — with a little rain — wind at South in the Morning and Westerly afterwards.

The two M^ṛ Bassetts (Burwell and John) left this after breakfast to return home. In the Afternoon Doct^ṛ [James] Craik came in, and stayed all night.

I rid to my Plantations at the Ferry, Dogue run, and Muddy hole, found the orchard grass seeds which had been sowed at Dogue run come up very well — as — the Timothy also had — and that my cornfield now that the Fodder was taken off, looked miserably bad. the wheat on the other hand very good.

Tuesday, 25th.

Thermometer at 54 in the Morn^’g. 58 at noon — and 56 at night. Forenoon clear and serene and pleasant; but the afternoon windy & cold, with flying clouds — wind about West.

Doct^ṛ [James] Craik went away before Breakfast — he intended to Alex^ạ but was to call upon John Alton.

Rid to my Plantation in the neck — found my corn & Wheat there similar with those at the other plantations as described yesterday. Finding the seeds of the Honey locust had come nearly or quite to a state of maturity although the thick part of the pod still retained its green colour I had them gathered lest when ripe they should be gathered by others, to eat.

Wednesday, 26^th.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn^’g — 56 at noon — and 56 at Night. A large white frost this morning Wind brisk and cold from the N^oWest all the day, after 9 ^o’clock.

Took the cover off my dry well to see if I could not fix it better for the purpose of an ice House, by arching the Top, and planking the sides.

Having received by the last Northern Mail advice of the arrival at Boston of one of the Jack Asses presented to me by His Catholic Majesty, I sent my overseer, John Fairfax, to conduct him, and his keeper, a Spaniard home safe, addressing him to Leiut^ṭ Governor [Thomas] Cushing, from whom I received the information.

Sent to Morris (Overseer of My Dogue run Plantation) a Bushel of clover seed (reserving, six pounds to sow as fast as he could get the ground which is intended for the reception of it, in order. Yesterday I transplanted a carnation cherry tree, an apricot tree, which were within the Lawn before the door into the North Garden, little ex pee ting that either will live, the first being 33 inches in circumference the latter 21 inches and a good deal decayed.

Finished the shingling on the West front of the House.

Thursday, 27th.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn^’g. 56 at noon — and 58 at night. A remarkably great white frost and the ground a little frozen Wind Southerly all day, after it rose in the morning, but not very fresh. forenoon clear — but the afternoon, especially toward the Suns setting a little hazy & lowering.

M^ṛ Battaile Muse came here before dinner but would not stay to it. After finishing some business with me respecting my Tenants — and my agreeing to allow him Six p^r C^t for collecting my Rents, he went up to Alexandria. Purchased 1000 Bushels of Wheat of him, to be delivered as fast as he could have it bro^t down, at My Mill — for which I am to give six shillings in March next, or when he comes here in April.

Began to put up my Hogs at the different Plantations, to fatten for Porke.

Friday, 28^th.

Thermometer at 54 in the Morning — 60 at Noon — and 62 at Night. Wind Southerly; clear and pleasant all day.

Finished levelling and Sowing the lawn in front of the H^o intended for a Bolling Green as far as the Garden Houses. Also began to sow Clover seeds at Dogue Run Plantation.

Saturday, 29th.

Thermometer at 59 in the Morning 64 at noon — and 65 at night. Morning clear, calm, and very pleasant — about noon it began to lower a little, and continued to do so all the afternoon.

Rid to the Plantations at the Ferry and Dogue run — at the last of which finished sowing the Clover seed which I sent there the 26^th. With this I mixed 9 Bushels of the pounded Plaister of Paris; and sowed the whole on about 4¼ acres of Ground (on the side of the run along the old mill race.) as near as I could judge from stepping it.

Sunk the inner well in the Dry well now fitting up for an ice house, about 8 feet untill I came to a pure sand.

M^rṣ [David] Stuart & Child Naney, & Miss. Allan came here this evening.

Sunday, 30th.

Thermometer at 64 in the Morning — 63 at noon — and 60 at night. Thunder and lightning about day Break and Raining More or less all day, attended in the forenoon with very high wind from the Westward.

M^ṛ [William] Shaw went up to Alexandria after Breakfast, & stayed all night.

Monday, 31^st.

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn^’g. 54 at noon — and 56 at Night. A raw and moist air, with a Westerly wind — & lowering Sun.

M^ṛ Shaw returned to Breakfast & M^rṣ [David] Stuart, Miss. Allan &c^c went away after it.

A Cap^ṭ [Richard] Fullerton came here to Dinner on business, of the State Society of the Cincinnati of Pensylvania, for whom I signed 250 Diplomas as President. Went away after.

Sent half a Bushel of Clover Timothy seed to Morris — to sow at Doeg run Plantation.

NOVEMBER.

Tuesday, 1^st.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morning — 56 at Noon — and 56 at night. A white frost. — and damp kind of a Morning, with but little wind. rather hazy all day & towards evening lowering.

Rid to my Plantations at Dogue run and Muddy hole — at the former preparing, & sowing Ground with Timothy seed.

M^rṣ Fendall, M^rṣ Lee & Miss Flora Lee, daughter of the former with Doct^ṛ Skinner came here to Dinner, and stayed all night.

A M^ṛ Sacket from Tygers Valley on the monongahela, and another person came here before Dinner and showed me some propositions they had to make to Congress for a large territory of Country West of the Ohio, which I discouraged them from offering, as I was sure they never would be acceded to by that body.

Wednesday, 2^d.

Thermometer at 58 in the Morn^’g̣ 58 at Noon — and — at night. A very thick, damp morning & heavy Fog until about 9 O’clock when it began to Rain; & continued to do so until noon, when it thinned and looked as if it would be fair, but soon recommenced raining, which last^ed, until near Night.

Perceived the wheat from the Cape, which had been sent to me by M^ṛ [Samuel] Powell of Philad^ạ & which I sowed on the 19^tḥ of last Month had come up very well. The Guinea Grass in my Botanical garden was as much injured by the frosts which we have had, and the colour of the blade as much changed, as those of Indian corn would have been from the same cause. Could perceive none of the Guinea Grass up which I sowed in the Inclosure behind Stable (old vine yard) on the 1^sṭ day of Sep^r.

Thursday, 3^d.

Thermometer at 54, in the Morning — 60 at Noon — and 58 at night. Morning clear, calm, and very pleasant; but the wind springing up about 10 O Clock in the N^ọ West, & blowing pretty fresh, it turned cool towards evening.

Borrowed a scow from Col^ọ [George] Gilpin, with which to raise mud from the Bed of the river or Creek, to try the efficacy of it as a Manure, and sent it to the river Plantation for that purpose, went over there Myself to mark off a piece of ground to spread it on after it should get mellowed by frosts of y^e winter.

Mrs. Fendal, Mr^ṣ & Miss [Flora] Lee & Doct^ṛ Skinner went away breakfasting, first.

Took up 11. Pines of a large size & planted them in the green brier hedge & circle at the extremity of the Lawn within the Gate.

Friday, 4th

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn^’g. at noon — and 60 at night. Lowering, and the wind very brisk from the S^o West in the Morning; but clear, calm warm, and very pleasant afterwards.

Raised the heavy frame in my House today — and planted 16 Pines in the avenues on my Serpentine Walks.

Rid to my Dogue run Plantation, where they were still preparing ground for, & sowing of Timothy seed — went from thence to M^ṛ Lund Washingtons, on a visit to M^ṛ Rob^ṭ Washington who was gone up to Alexandria. Returned home by the way of Muddy hole.

In the evening a M^ṛ Jn^ọ Fitch came in, to propose a draft & model of a Machine for promoting navigation, by means of a Steam.

Saturday, 5^th.

Thermometer at 60 in the Morn^’g. 64 at noon — and 65 at Night. Morning a little lowering with the wind pretty brisk from the Southward until about noon when it became calm & clear.

Went over the Creek to see bow my people went on in raising mud from the bed of the Creek — their progress but slow.

M^ṛ Robert Washington of Chotanck — M^ṛ Lund Washington & Mr. Lawrence Washington dined here, as did Col^ọ [George] Gilpin and M^r Noah Webster — the 4 first went away afterwards — the last stayed all night — in the afternoon a M^ṛ Lee came here to sollicit Charity for his Mother who represented herself as having nine Children, a had husband, and no support. He also stayed the evening.

Sunday, 6^th.

Thermometer at 64 in the morning — 68 at noon — and 68 at night. Clear, Calm, and remarkably pleasant all day — Sun set in Bank.

M^ṛ Webster and M^ṛ Lee went away after breakfast. M^ṛ Geo. [Augustine] Washington & wife went to Church at Alexandria, as did M^ṛ [William] Shaw — the two first, returned to dinner. The other not till some time in the night, after the family were in bed altho’ it was omitted in the occurrences of Yesterday.

I tried 2 quarts of the pulverized plaister of Paris; one of them burned, the other unburnt, upon two sections of the circle in front of the House, from the Dial Post to the Center post opposite to the pavem^ṭ leading to the gate by the quarter. The section nearest the House was sprinkled with the burned Plaister. These sections are only from one post to another in the circle, and do not contain more than about 145 square ft. A quart therefore on each is at the rate of 8 Bushels to the Acre. This was the poorest part of the circle.

Monday, 7^th.

Thermometer at 66 in the Morn’g. 69 at noon — and 69 at night. Clear, calm, and remarkably pleasant all day, but rather too warm for the season.

M^rṣ [William?] Peake and Miss Eagland dined here and returned in the even^’g.

Employed since I first began to supply the dead Trees in the Serpentine walks which I compleated this day except with the lime (or powder) and horse chestnut, neither of W^cḥ have or could easily get at. The number represented are as follows — of Pine 19 — of Elm 2 of Poplar 18 — of the black Gum 17 — of the Aspan 2, — of the Mulberry 5 — Ash 2 — and of the Maple none.

Tuesday, 8^th.

Thermometer at 60 in the Morning — 66 at noon — and 66 at night. A very heavy fog (with little or no wind) until near noon when it dispelled, became clear, warm & pleasant.

Rid to Dogue run & Muddy hole Plantations — the first preparing ground, & sowing Timothy seed. Began to replace the dead Trees in my Shubberies.

Doct^ṛ [James] Craik first, and a Cap^ṭ Lewis Little page afterwards came here to Dinner; the first went away after it — The other stayed all night. This Capt^ṇ Littlepage has been Aid de Camp to the Duke de Crillen — was at the sieges of Fort S^t Phillip (or the Island of Minorca) and Gibralter, and is an extraordinary character.

In the Evening Doct^ṛ Griffith came, & stayed all night.

Wednesday, 9^th.

Thermometer at 64 in the morning — 66 at noon — and 66 at night. A red & watery sun in the morning, which about noon was obscured, slow rain afterw^dṣ. Wind Southerly, all day; and at night appeared to be getting to the West ward

Mr. Griffith went away after Breakfast, and Cap^ṭ Littlepage after Dinner.

Having put in the heavy frame into my Ice House I began this day to seal it with Boards, and to ram straw between these boards and the wall — all imaginable pains was taken to prevent the straw from getting wet or even damp but the moisture in the air is very unfavourable.

Thursday, 10^th.

Thermometer at 59 in the Morning — at noon — and — at night.

There having fallen so much rain in the night as to convince me that the straw which I had placed between the Ceiling & the wall of My Ice House, must have got wet, and being in some doubt before of the propriety of the measure lest it should get damp, heat, & rot, I had it all taken out, leaving the space between unfilled with anything.

Went up to Alexandria to meet the Directors of the Potomack Company. Dined at M^ṛ Fendalls (who was from home) and returned in the evening with M^rṣ Washington. M^ṛ George [Augustine] Washington & his wife — who accompanied us remaining to a Ball.

Planted 8 of the Hemlock Pine which were brought from Neabsco in my Shrubberies — more still wanting to make up the deficiencies.

Friday, 11^th.

Thermometer at 56 in the Morn^’g. 54 at noon — and 55 at night. Wind at N^ọ E^t and fresh all day — very cloudy. and sometimes dripping. at Night it began to fall a little more seriously, but in no great q’^tỵ.

Sent My carriage up for and brought George [Augustine] Washington & his wife down after dinner.

Saturday, 12.

Thermometer at 54 in the Morn^’g. 58 at noon — and 60 at night. Wind a little West of the N^ọ and pretty fresh all the forenoon, and Cloudy. Afterwards clear, still & very pleasant.

Received 215 apple trees (red strick) from Major Jenifer wh^ḥ I sent to the river plantation in the neck, to be planted. At the same time and from the same place received two New Town — & 2 Golden Pippin Trees — two of the Bury, & two S^ṭ Germain Pea[ch] Trees. and two duke Cherry Trees.

Rid to my Plantations at the Ferry — Dogue run and Muddy hole, at the second of which they were yet preparing ground, & sowing grass Seeds — at the last gathering corn.

Covered my exotic plants in that section of my Botanical Garden between the Salt House & the House next the circle, & began to cover the Guinea grass, which two days before I had cut of near the crown. but did not finish it.

Sunday, 13^th.

Thermometer at 59 in the Morning — 65 at noon — 65 at night. Clear all day — Morning calm & very pleasant, but windy afterwards from the No. West.

M^ṛ Sam^ḷ Hanson and his wife, M^ṛ Tho^ṣ Hanson and their two Sisters, & M^rṣ Dulany wife to Walt^ṛ Dulany, lately from England came to Dinner & stayed all night.

Monday, 14^th.

Thermometer at 58 in the morning 64 at noon — and 62 at night Calm, clear & pleasant Morning Wind pretty brisk afterwards from the N^o W^ṭ, but fine notwithstanding.

The company who came to din^ṇ yesterday, & lodged here last night went away after breakfast — upon which I went to my neck Plantation in y^e Neck with intention to take a descriptive list of My Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Working Tools &c^c̣ but the forenoon being far spent I could only do it of the Horses & Tools.

Began to plant the apple Trees which were brought from Major Jenifers on Saturday. Finished covering the Guinea grass in my Botanical garden except 6 Rows of it which I left uncovered, — and uncut — to try the effect of the Winters frosts & snows upon it.

In the Evening M^ṛ Will^m Craik returned from his trip over the Alligany Mountains having effected no business for his father or me, being disappointed of seeing those with whom he had it to transact.

Tuesday, 15.

Thermometer at 54 in the Morning — 56 at noon — and 60 at night. Wind southerly and pretty fresh — weather somewhat hazy and smoaky.

Went to my Neck Plantation and compleated the acc^ṭ of My Stock there except that of the Hogs. Which stand thus.

Horses.

A grey dray Stallion

Working Horses.

Buck, a sorrel

16 y^ṛ Old

Gilbert, a black

17 " Do

Randolph, a grey

7. " do.

Doct^r, a grey

7 " Do

Prentice, a Bay

10 " D^o

Jolly, a Black

9 " Do.

Dick, a White

12 " Do

Grunt, a Bay

9 " D^o.

Pompey, a Bay

14 " Do.

Diamond, White

9 " Do.

Possum, Grey

10 " Do.

Jack — Black

10 " Do

Kit a black mare

5 " Do

Works’^g̣ Mares.

Fly, Dark brown

Patience

Betty — White Stock^gṣ

9 " Do.

Punch grey flea bitt^ṇ

Jenny light grey

9 " Do.

Brown

11 " Do.

Fanny — Black

9 " D^o.

Overs^ṛ — Black

A Brown Horse

Unbroke Hors

Bright Bay rising

Black

Do.

Brown mealy co^d

Do.

Black

Do.

Back

small Do.

Ditto

Iron Grey

Do.

Black bold Pan.

A grey spring colt

Dark bay

Sorrel

Brown

Black — rising

Dark brown

Grey

Black rising

Black spring colt

In all

Cattle.

Bulls. y^g						3
Working Oxen						7
Fatting Steers in cornfield						5
Cows						41
Heifers		6 y^rṣ old	6
		3 y^rṣ old	15
		2 y^rs. old	11
		1 y^ṛ old	7
Spring — cow — calves			19		58
Steers — full grown			18
	4 y^rṣ old		2
	3 y^rs. old		4
	2 y^rs. old		7
	1 y^ṛ old		3
Spring Bull calves			11		45
					159
Cows bro^ṭ to the House for milk & to go back				— 8
Total cattle				167.

Sheep.

Rams	7
Ewes	92
Weathers	12
Ditto in cornfield	16
	127
Weathers bro^ṭ to H^ẹ H^ẹ	42
Total	169

Tools & Implim^ts.

A Wagon Saddle and Gier for 4 Horses.		1
An Oxe Cart — good	1
Ditto not good	1	2
Oxe Chains		2
Bolts for Tongues		2
Yokes, Rings &^c̣
Bar Shear Plows		9
Two p^ṛ Iron traces to each		18
Old bridles for ditto		18
N. B. These Traces serve the wagon
Hitting Hoes helved	20
Unhelved pretty g^ḍ	3
indifferent	2
At the Smiths shop	2	27
Mattocks but indiff^t	6
Ditto said to have come to the home H^ọ	7	13
Grubbing Hoes indiff^t		3
Axes	7
Ditto at Smiths shop	1
Ditto old Iron	1	9
Iron Wedges — pairs		3
Open iron wire sieve	1
Sand Sieve	1	2
Note these to be sent to the home H^ọ
Harvest Rakes — 5 only g^d		13
Pitch forks		1
Half Bushels — new	1
Old — D^o	1	2
Plantation Gun		1

Wednesday, 16^th.

Thermometer at 58 in the Morn^’g. 66 at noon — and — at night. A large circle round the moon last night. a red & angry looking sky at the Suns rising and a brisk Southerly Wind all day with rain in the evening and night.

Finished the arch over my Ice House today.

Went early in the morning to take an acc^ṭ of my stocks &c^c̣ at Dogue run & Muddy hole Plan^ṭ

AT THE FIRST.

Horses.

			Height	age.				Workers
Dabster	a grey		14¼	8				Workers
Buck	Bay		14	6				2
Nancy	Bay		14	old		Work’^g̣ Mares
From Camp	Ditto		14¼
Fly	Ditto		13	8
Brandy	Ditto		13½
Fancy	Black		13	old
Carried over			5					2
brought over		5			Work’^g Mares		2
Sorrel		13. old 1
Ditto		13 " 1
Bonny — Bay — very old		1					8
Engl^ḥ Hunter Brown		15 old			Old m.		3
Grey Mare bo^ṭ at Bristol		D^o.
Dray — Black		Camp. D^o.
Bay. likely in foal		14.6			Unbroke mares.
Bay. Roan — white face		14.5
Sorrel		14½
Black-snip on y^ẹ nose		13.
Iron grey — dark		14.3
Black from Husten		2
Black-star & snip likely		2
Bay — White face		1
Black — long star		1
Bay near hind foot wh		1
Bay small star		1
Bay, (blood) near hind fw^ḷ		1
Bay. star & snip		1					13
A Grey	snip		14	3		Unbroke horses
*Bay Roan	wh. face			1
*Sorrel	snip			1
*Dark Grey				1
Grey Colt. fr^ṃ Bus^ḳ̣ m.				sp^g̣
* It is not certain whether these are horses or mares not having distinguished them on the spot at the time.								5
In all								31

Cattle.

Working Oxen				7
Fatting Steers in Meadow				2
Cows				15
Heifers		4 — y^rṣ old		5
		3 y^rṣ old		3
		2 y^rṣ old		6
		1 y^ṛ old		2
Spring Calves				6		22.
Steers — full grown			7
	3 y^rṣ old		1
	2 y^rṣ old		2
	1 y^ṛ old		7
Spring Calves			5		22
Bulls					1
Total					69.

Sheep.

Rams			7
Ewes			32
Weathers	7
Ditto in meadow fat^g̣	7		14
Total			53
Old cows in ye. Mead^ṣ		2
N. B. The Tools, not being got up no acc^ṭ was taken of them at this time.

MUDDY HOLE PLANTATION.

Horses.

				Height		Age.
Jockey —		a black		13½		14						2
Diamond		Ditto		14		10						2
Rankins —				14		10				Work’^g̣ Mares
Fly		a Grey		14¼		8
Jenny — Brown				13¼		8
Finwick Dan Sorrel				13½		7
Fancy — Grey				13¼		9						5
White					13		7		Unbroke Mares				9
Bay — small star &c^c̣					13		5
Bay — long blaze					13		5
Bay — very small star					13		5
Dark Bay sm^ḷ Star &^r Sr.					13
Dark Brown Simson					13½		3
Bay	midl^’g̣ likely						1
Bay. small star spring
Black, sm^ḷ star — spring
Brown Bay, crook^ḍ blaze								Unbroke Hor^ṣ.
13 hands high 5 y^rṣ old
Grey — unlikely			2
Bay — sm^ḷ star unlikely
Grey natural pacan. sp^g̣											4
											20.

Cattle.

Working Oxen			4
Cows			10
Heifers	1 y^ṛ old		1
Cow Calves — this Spring			1
Stress, full grown		8
2 years old		2
1 year old		1	11
Male Calves			4
Total			31

Sheep.

Rams	5
Ewes	39
Lambs	11
Total	50

Tools & Impliments.

A good oxe Cart — 2 Oxe Yokes & Iron Rings — Compleat		1
Oxe Chain		1
Bar shear plows		3
Iron Traces	pairs	6
Haims, Collars, Bridles &c^c Comp^ṛ
2 spare Colters		2
Mattoxs		5
Axes, includ’^g̣ 1 at the Home H^ọ		4
Iron Wedges — pairs		1
Hilling Hoes		11
Pitch fork		1
A Wheat Fan		1
Half Bushel		1
The Hogs at all the Plantations running in the Woods after the mast, no acct. could be taken of them.

Richard Henry Lee, lately President of Congress; his son Ludwell, Col^ọ [John] Fitzgerald, and a M^ṛ Hunter (Merch^ṭ) of Louden came here to Dinner & stayed all night.

The Stock at the Ferry not being got up Postponed taking the acc^ṭ of them until they sho^ḍ be got together.

Thursday, 17^th.

Thermometer at 58 in the morning 60 at noon — and 62 at night.

Col^ọ Lee & all the company went away after Breakfast. M^ṛ [William] Shaw went up to the assembly in the afternoon at Alexandria.

Morning a little foggy & thick but clear afterwards with the Wind at N^ọ West and Cool.

Friday, 18^th.

Thermometer at 49 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and 50 at night. Morning clear & severe — a white Frost and ground froze — Ice an eighth of an Inch thick — Wind at No. W^ṭ & pretty fresh until the after noon when it was almost calm.

Began to take up a number of small Pines to replace the dead ones in my wildernesses got them with much dirt about the Roots. Took an account of the Horses, Cattle & Sheep at Home. viz.

Horses.

Magnolia — an Arabian												1
Nelson — Riding Horse									1
Blue skin		Ditto							1			2
	Carried over											3
	Brought over											3
				Height			age									For the Chariot
Partner — A Bay				15			12
Ajax — light Bay				15			11
Chatham, dull Bay				15			8
Valiant, Yellow Bay				14¾			16
English	Bay			15 very			old
M^cIntosh	Bay			14½			9
Careless.	Bay			14½			5
Young	Bay																8
Dragon	Black				15			6					Wagg^ṇ Hors^ṣ
Jolly	Ditto				15			14
Chichester Bay					14½
Jock — Grey					14½			5										4
Black — Mare Dray			15			old					Cart. H.				2
Black. Horse Ditto			14			old
Used in Tumblers
			H			y.
A Brown Bay			14			6				Hacks.
Chevalier — dull bay			14½
Brown Bay, Muddy hole
Columbus, br: D^ọ			14											4
Total														21.

Cattle.

Working Oxen		old	2
Ditto — D^ọ		Young	2	4
Brought over				4
Cows. from Camp			4
Riv^ṛ Plant^ṇ			8
Dogue run	D^ọ		6
Ferry		D^ọ	3	21
Bull				1
In all				26.

Note. One of the cows that came from the River Plant^ṇ (making the above 9) got mired this Fall and died, and of the above, the 4 cows from Camp — two from the Ferry — three from Dogue run — and one from the neck are ordered to be detained here, and all the rest to be sent to their respective places.

Sheep.

Weathers			40
Ewes.	Sucking Lambs		4
Lambs		for killing	4	48.

Began to take up my summer Turnips at the House, got ab^ṭ half up to day. Sent to Mr. [Dudley] Digges for Papaw Bushes to replace the dead ones in my Shrubberies. Coming late I had not time to plant them but put the Roots in the ground until tomorrow. Planted the two duke cherries — sent me by Major Jenifer in the two gardens — one under each wall, ab^ṭ 30 feet from the Garden Houses — and planted the Bury & 2 S^ṭ Germain Pairs also sent me by him in the N^ọ Garden, new part thereof one of each kind on the Circular walk and the other two on the strait walk. Put the Box with the Magnolia, & other exotics from S^ọ Carolina — and that with the Kentucke Coffee tree under a bush cover in the open part of the Green H^ọ — and began to cover the Palmetto Royal at the Front gate with Brush with the leaf on — but got a small part only south of the gate & South part thereof done before night.

Saturday, 19^th.

Thermometer at 46 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and — at night. Wind at N^ọ West and cold all day, with clouds which threatened snow in the evening. Ground very hard frozen.

Finished digging my Summer Turnips and putting them in a cellar. Also finished covering the Palmetto royal at the front gate, except a small piece on the South side, nearest the gate for which brush could not be got in time.

My Ice House Walls except the Pediment over the outer door and the inner walls of the arch were compleated this day likewise.

Doct^ṛ [James] Craik whom I had sent for to visit York George (in the neck) who is much afflicted with the gravel came here about sundown and stayed all night.

Sunday, 20^th.

Thermometer at 48 in the Morning 54 at noon — and 54 at night. Clear and calm all day, but the air keen notwithstanding.

George [Augustine] Washington & wife & M^ṛ [William] Shaw went to Lund Washingtons to Dinner & returned in the afternoon. Col^ọ [Robert Hanson] Harrison (Judge) came here to Dinner — and Doct^ṛ [James] Craik (who went away early this Morning) at night.

My Nephew Law^c̣ Washington came here with a letter to day from M^ṛ Bailey respecting their Board, &c^c̣149

Monday, 21^st.

Thermometer at 48 in the Morning. at noon — and — at N. Lowering Morning, with the wind at N^ọ E^ṭ — about half after ten A. M. it began to snow & continued to do so (of a wet kind) until night, when it ceased tho’ the ground was not covered more than an Inch thick.

Col^ọ [Robert Hanson] Harrison & Doct^ṛ [James] Craik left this after Breakfast, and I went up to Alexandria with G. [Augustine] Washington to meet the Directors of the Potomack Com^ạ and to a Turtle feast (the Turtle given by myself to the Gentlemen of Alex^ạ)

Returned in the evening and found the Count Doradour recommended by, & related to the Marq^s de la Fayette here as also the Rev^ḍ Mr. [Walter] Magowan.

Tuesday, 22^d.

Thermometer at 40 in the Morning 46 at noon — and 52 at night. Clear and cold Wind at N^o West all day — the snow except on the N^ọ side of Hills & Houses had dissolved.

The Count Doradour and M^ṛ [Walter] Magowan went away after Breakfast. The Re^ṿ M^ṛ Keith of Alexandria and a M^ṛ Bowie of Philadelphia came to Dinner and returned to Alexandria in the evening.

Gave my people their cloathing p^ṛ list taken.

Removing earth today as Yesterday, to cover my Ice H^ọ

Wednesday, 23^d.

Thermometer at 48 in the Morn^’g. 54 at noon — and — at night. Clear, warm, and pleasant, with the wind at South.

Finished all the Brick work of My Ice House today.

Miss Kitty Washington, Gen^ḷ [Benjamin] Lincoln, Colonels Hooe & Lyles M^ṛ Porter, Capt^ṇ Goodwin, Doct^ṛ Swift, M^ṛ Potts, M^ṛ Dalby, M^ṛ Morshur, M^ṛ Williams, M^ṛ Philips & a M^ṛ Cramer or Cranmur, came here to Dinner, and all of them returned in the evening except Kitty Washington.

Sent Mr. [William] Shaw through Alexandria to agree for the schooling & Board of my nephews George and Lawrence Washington now at the Acadamy at George Town — & thence to the latter place to conduct them to the former for the purpose of going to School at the Alexandria Academy.

Thursday, 24th.

Thermometer at 48, in the Morn^’g. 56 at noon — and 55 at night Clear, warm & pleasant, wind being still Southerly.

Immediately after Breakfast rid to my Plantation at the Ferry & took the following acct. of my Stock. Viz.

Horses.

	hand^ṣ	age		W. H.
Price a black Horse.	14	20
Ditto — a Sorrel Do.	14¼	old				2
Jenny, bla. Mare	14¼	old		Working Mares
Peggy — White D^o.	14	10
Fly — Dark grey Do.	13½	8
Kitty, Small bay Do.	13	15
Bonny — Sorrel Do.	14	10
Nancy — black Do.	sm^ḷ	12				6
A Black Mare. Steady	13½	4		unb. M.
A Sorrel Ditto Leonidas Do.		1
A bay — D. very small		Spring
A bla. Horse unlikely		4
A Small bay — Leonedas — likely		1	Un. H.
A black — bald face		Spi^ḍ			3
Total					14

Cattle.

		age
Darling — a red & W. Ox		6
Bembo, white & red ox		9
Mark black & White Do.		11
Duke red brindle — very old			4
Cows			14
Heifers	4 years old	1
	3 ^yrs.	2
	2 ^yrs.	2
	calves this sp^g̣	5	10
Steers — full grown		2
4 years old		2
3 years old		5
2 years old		3
1 years old		1
Spring calves		7	20
Bulls — 2 years old			1
Beeves in Corn field			2
Total			51

Sheep.

Rams	1
Ewes	9
Weathers	5
Total	15

Tools & implements.

A good Cart —
2 Yokes with Rings.
A Cain
Wheat Fans				1
Wire Riddles — coarse			4
Sand Sieves			1
Coarser size			1	6
Plows Bar Shears				4
Iron Traces	pairs			8
Haims, C’lars, Bridle &c. Compleat for them
Weeding Hoes				1
Hilling — Ditto				13
Grubbing — Ditto				1
Mattock,				4
Axes				5
Iron Wedge		1½ pairs

From the Ferry I went to the Plantation at Dogue run and took the following account of the Tools there — being omitted when I was there last: Viz: —

Oxe Carts		1
At the H^ọ for repairs		1	2
Oxe Yokes with rings		4
Oxe Chains		2
Wheat Fans		1
Riddles — viz
1 open & tolerable good
1 Sand sieve & much worn
Axes		9
Mattocks		6
Grubbing Hoes		6
Hilling, Ditto		16
Iron Wedges — pairs		4
Spades — good		1
Bar Shear Plows		4
Iron Traces		8
Haims, C’lars, Bridles &c^c Complete
Spare Colters		3
Adze,	1
Drawing knife	1
Hand Saws	1
Froes —	1
Broad Chissels	1
Narrow D^ọ	1
Guage	1
Auger — ¾ Inch	1

Recapitulation of all my Stocks of Horses, Cattle & Sheep.

Horses.

Stud Horse — Magnolia									1
Ditto							Dray		1		2
Riding Horses											2
Chariot Horses											8
Hack Horses											4
Waggon Horses							Home H^ọ		4
Cart	Ditto						D^o D^o		1		5
Plow		Ditto					Plant^ns				18
Cart		Mare				Home H^ọ		1
Plow		Ditto				Plan^tọ		28	29
					11
Broke Ditto not worked										5
Unbroke D^ọ ove. 4 y^rṣ old										13
Ditto				3 yrs						5
Ditto				2 yrs						3
Ditto				1						8
Ditto.				Colts						3		— 68.
Unbroke Horses 4 & upw^ds										3
Ditto	Ditto		3 yrs.							6
Ditto	D^o		2 Ditto							4
Ditto	D^o		1 Ditto							4
Ditto	D^ọ		Spring Colt							6		23
In all												130

Note. In the above acc^t; are included 2 English mares and their colts, the one a Horse and the other a mare which by being at a meadow had not been included in any of the foregoing lists. Of the above mares 16 may go to Magnolia, and 33 to the Jack-Ass if he should arrive safe, and both of them be in order at the proper Season for covering.

Cattle.

Bulls	aged	2
	2 y^rs. old	2
	1 y^r. old	2	6
Drought oxen			26
Steers — full grown		35
	4 y^rṣ old	4
	3 y^rs old	10
	2 y^rs. Old	14
	1 y^ṛ old	12
	Calves	27	102
Cows			101
Heifers	6 yrs. old	6
	4 y^rs. old	6
	3 yrs. D^ọ	20
	2 yrs D^o	19
	1 yr. D^o.	10
Calves		31	92
			327
Beeves fatting			9
In all			336

Sheep.

Rams		19
Ewes		167
Lambs		15
Weathers	59
Ditto — fatting	23	82
In all		283.

Friday, 25^th.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn^’g. — at noon — and — at night. Wind Westerly & Cooler than it had been the two days proceeding about noon a black cloud arose to the Westward out of which came a mixture of Snow and Rain — this disappearing the sun shone but the day upon the whole was variable & unpleasant.

Set out after breakfast, accompanied by Mr. G. [Augustine] Washington, to make M^ṛ Masan at Colchester a visit, but hearing on the road that he had removed from thence I turned into Gunston Hall150 where we dined and returned in the evening & found Col^ọ Henry Lee his & lady here.

M^ṛ [William] Shaw returned having removed George & Law^ẹ Washington to the Alexandria Academy & fixed them at the Widow Dade.151

Saturday, 26^th.

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 57 at noon — and 50 at night. Wind Westerly and rather Cool in the Morning but less of it & warmer afterwards — day variable — Clouds & sunshine.

Col^ọ Lee & his Lady went away after breakfast — crossing to Maryland on their way home.

Sunday, 27^th.

Thermometer at 46 in the Morn^’g̣ — 52 at noon — and 50 at night. Very little wind all day but smoaky with some clouds and rather chilly.

General [Benjamin] Lincoln and Col^ọ [David] Henley Dined here & returned in the afternoon.

Monday, 28^th.

Thermometer at 46 in the Morning 50 at noon — and — at Night. Thick Smoak and clouds in the Morning & great appearances of snow until one O clock, when the Sun came out and was more pleasant but cold notwithstanding.

Went with G. [Augustine] Washington to dine with Col^ọ Lyles in Alexandria returned in the evening.

Tuesday, 29^th.

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and 54 at night. A large hoar from frost followed by southerly wind and some clouds — but upon the whole tolerably clear & pleasant.

Sent my Boat to Alexandria for a Hhd. of Common Rum and some articles brought from Boston for me by General Lincoln — Maj^ṛ G. [Augustine] Washington were [? went] up to receive them.

Went out after Breakfast with my hounds from France, & two which were lent me, yesterday by young M^ṛ Mason, found a Fox which was run tolerably well by two of the Fr^ḥ Bitches & one of Mason’s dogs. the other French Dogs showed but little disposition to follow, and with the second dog of Mason’s got upon another Fox which was followed slow and indifferently by some & not at all by the rest until the eve: became so cold that it c^ḍ not be followed at all.

Wednesday, 30^th.

Thermometer at 45 in the Morning — 52 at noon — and 55 at night. Morning very thick with clouds & smoak — about 9 O’clock it began to snow very moderately which neither continued long, nor lay on the ground — at one the sun came out, and the afternoon became clear and pleasant, the wind though not much of it, being Southerly all day.

On the Wheat which was given to me by Col^ọ Spaight from the Cape of Good hope and which having been sowed forward had become very forward — full half leg high and jointed I determined to try an experiment and accordingly on three Rows next the fencing on the East side the Inclosure I cut it within four Inches of the ground just above the crown of the plant from whence the shutes had issued, the remainder I suffered to remain in its exuberant state to try the difference.152

DECEMBER.

Thursday, 1^st.

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and 52 at night. White frost and clear Morning — very little wind all day and that Southerly.

Took the hounds out before sunrise — and about 8 O clock after being upon several drags, or the same drag several times put up a Fox which the dogs run very indifferently — being very much dispersed, and often at cold Hunting until about 12 or between that and one when the Scent had got so cold that they could follow it no longer 3 or 4 of the French H^dṣ discovered no greater disposition for Hunting to day than they did on Tuesday last.

Miss Kitty Washington went from this after Breakfast, to Alexandria — and M^ṛ [William] Shaw who with G. [Augustine] Washington went out a Hunting with me meeting her in the Road accompanied her to that place.

In order to try the difference between burning Spermacite and Tallow Candies — I took one of each.

The 1^st weighing			3 oz:	10 pwt:	6g:
2	Ditto		5.	2

and lighted them at the same instant — the first burnt 8 hours and 21 minutes; when of the latter their remained 14 penny weight, which continued to burn one hour and a quarter longer, making in all 9 hours and 36 minutes. By which it appears (as both burnt with out flairing) that, estimating Spirmeciti candies at 3/ p^ṛ ℔. & Tallow candies at 1/. p^ṛ ℔. the former is dearer than the latter as 30 is to nearly 13. In other words more than 2¼ dearer.153

Friday, 2^d.

Thermometer at — in the Morning 56 at noon — and 56 at night.

Col^ọ & M^rṣ M^ccarty came here to Dinner — as did Colonels [John] Fitzgerald and [George] Gilpin — and M^ṛ Cha^s Lee & Doct^ṛ Baker.

Wind Southerly all day — clear & pleasant.

Saturday, 3^d.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morning 56 at noon — and 61 at night. The day very pleasant until the afternoon when it began to lower — the Wind in the Morning was Westerly, & in the Evening Easterly but not much of it.

Employed all day at my writing Table on business of the Potomack company — bro^ṭ 2 Hounds fr^m Col^ọ M^cCarty.

George Washington & wife went up to Abingdon after Breakfast Doct^ṛ Brown dined here and went away afterwards.

Finished covering My Ice House with dirt & sodding of it.

Sunday, 4^th.

Thermometer at 53 in the Morn^’g. 56 at noon — and 59 at night. A thick fog, or rather mist in the Morning, with out any wind until about 10 O’clock, when it turned to a slow rain, which ceased about noon and assumed the appearance of fair weather, but about 4 O’clock it began to drip again.

Last night Jn^ọ Alton, an Overseer of mine in the neck an old and faithful servant who had lived with me 30 odd years died of an imposthumus in his thigh after lingering for more than four months with it, and being reduced to a mere skeleton and this evening the wife of Tho^ṣ Bishop, another old servant who had lived with me an equal number of years also died.

Monday, 5th.

Thermometer at — in the Morning — 58 at noon & 58 at night. Lowering all day — with very little wind and that Northerly.

It being a good scenting morning I went out with the Hounds (carrying the two had from Col^ọ M^cCarty, run at different two foxes but caught neither — my French Rounds performed better to day, and have afforded hopes of their performing well, when they come to be a little more used to Hunting, and understand more fully the kind of game they are intended to run.

When I returned home w^cḥ was not until past three O’clock found a Doct^r Baynham here recommended to me by Col^o [George William] Fairfax of England.

George [Augustine] Washington and his wife returned in the Evening from Abingdon.

My Overseer [John] Fairfax also returned this Evening with Jack Ass, and his Keeper a Spaniard from Boston.

Tuesday, 6^th.

Thermometer at 52 in the Morn^’g. 57 at noon — and 59 at night. Morning clear and very pleasant with but little wind — before noon it sprang up from the West ward, and afterwards became cloudy but the sun set clear.

Finished getting in the Wood the Posts & railing for the fencing of my paddock.

Made another experiment of the difference in expense between burning Spirmaciti & Tallow candles which showed that a Tallow candle weighing 3oz 11p^ṇ W^t burned 5 H^ṛ 48 M. A Spirmaciti D^ọ weighing 3 oz.9 P. W. 18 gr^nṣ burned 7 H^rṣ & 28 M. which is an hour and forty mint^s longer than the Tallow candle & of which when the latter was burned out there remained 14 penny W^t 6 gr^nṣ Hence, reckoning as in the former instance, Tallow at 1/ p^ṛ ℔, & Spurmaciti at 3/. p^ṛ ℔. the latter is dearer than the former as 31 is to ten & an half or154

Wednesday, 7th.

Thermometer at 52 in the Morning & 59 at noon — but removing it afterwards out of the room where the fire was, into the East Entry leading into my study, this circumstance with the encrease of the cold fell the Mercury to 42. Morning clear calm & pleas^ṭ but the wind coming out violently from the N^ọ West about half after eight O’clock, it turned cold & uncomfortable.

Doc^ṛ Baynham went away after Breakfast.

Sent M^ṛ [William] Shaw to Alexandria to discharge Lieu^ṭ Governor [Thomas] Cushings draft on me for 300 silver Dollars in favor of M^ṛ ! the order being in the hands of M^ṛ Taylor and to do other business.

Took away the supports to the Arch over my Ice house.

Thursday, 8^th.

Thermometer at 30 in the Morning 38 at noon — and — at night. Wind to the eastward of North in the Morning, and cold — ground hard frozen — afterwards it died away in a great measure and shifted more to the Westward backing.

Finished removing the earth for covering of, and the way in to My Ice House. and again set the people to taking up and planting small Pines in the Wilderness on the Right of the lawn.

Also sent to Col^ọ Mason’s Quarter and got young Crab trees for the shrubberies — but not getting them home in time to plant, the Roots were buried until they could be planted in the places designed for them tomorrow or &c^c̣

Capt^ṇ Sullivan, of a ship at Alexandria, agreeably to my request came here to dinner, to interpret between me & the Spaniard who had the care of the Jackass sent me — My questions, and his answers respecting the Jack are committed to writing — Capt^ṇ Sullivan returned after dinner & Captⁿ Fairley155 of New York came here in the Afternoon.

Friday, 9^th.

Thermometer at 36 in the Morning 39 at noon — and — at night. Not much wind — thick and misting all day — toward night it began to rain & continued to do so until day.

Planted the Crab trees which were brought here yesterday and more young pines.

Saturday, 10th.

Thermometer at 36 in the Morning 38 at Noon — and 40 at night. Little or no wind all day but thick and Mizling as yesterday till night when it began to rain fast again.

Opened a drain into the that goes from the cellars to receive the water from the gutters and spout from the House top that it may be carried of under ground.

Flooring the Ice House. Preparing with the Negros for Killing Hogs on Monday.

Sunday, 11th.

Thermometer at 38 in the Morn^’g. 50 at noon — and 58 at night. A heavy mist all day with little or no wind — at or before dusk it began to rain fast, and about 9 at night it cleared with a puff of wind from the South ward and the moon & stars appeared.

M^ṛ Wilson, M^ṛ Sanderson and a M^ṛ Hugh Mitchel dined here and went away in the afternoon.156

Monday, 12th.

Thermometer at — in the morning — at noon — and 58 at night. Morning cloudy and soft with out any wind. In the evening it began to mizzle and after dark to rain fast and continued to do so until I went to bed and how much longer I know not.

Maj^ṛ [James] Farlie went away before breakfast, with 251 Diplomas which I had signed for the Members of the Cincinnati of the State of New York, at the request of General [Alexander] M^c̣ Dougall, President of that Society.

After an early breakfast George [Augustine] Washington M^ṛ [William] Shaw & Myself went in to the woods back of muddy hole Plantation a hunting and were joined by Mr. Lund Washington and Mr. William Peake. About half after ten Oclock (being first plagued with the dogs running Hogs) we found a fox near Col^ọ Masons Plantation on little Hunting Creek (west fork) having followed on his Drag more than half a mile, and run him with eight Dogs (the other 4 getting, as was supposed after a second Fox) close and well for an hour — when the Dogs came to a fence and to cold Hunting until 20 minutes after 12 when being joined by the missing Dogs they put him up a fresh and in about 50 minutes killed up in an open field of Col^ọ Mason’s. every rider and every Dog being present at the Death. Two Rounds which were lent, and sent to me yesterday by M^ṛ Chichester — viz — a Dog named Rattler, & a Bitch named June, behaved very well. My French Dogs also came on — all except the Bitch which raized Puppies running constantly whilst the Scent was hot —

Mr. [William] Peak & Lund Washington came home to dinner as with us.

Tuesday, 13^th.

Thermometer at — in the Morn^’g. 47 at noon — and — at night. Wind Westerly — fresh, & air turning cold. flying clouds all day, but clear at night and still.

Finished killing My Hogs — the number & weight of which are as follow.

		No.	W^ṭ
River Plant^ṇ		44	6814
Dogue run.	D^ọ	28	4003
Muddy Hole	Do.	30	3638
Ferry	“ Do.	26	2930
Total		128	17385

out of the above Tho^ṣ Bishop & Tho^ṣ Green are each to have 500 Hesikiah Fairfax has had 480 & Morris 416 — and Davy 414. leaving for family use 15075℔ which with 4 Hogs killed for early Bacon (in October) weighing 810℔ make in all 15,885℔ laid up for the consumption of my table — use of my people and the poor who are distressed for it.

M^ṛ [Abraham] Baldwin formerly a Chaplain in the Army from Connecticut — now a Lawyer in the State of Georgia called here on his way to the last but would not stay dinner.

A M^ṛ Douglas came here to rent my Laud on Difficult run for which I asked him £58 p^ṛ ann. and to which he is to give an answer after consulting his Brother in Alexandria.

Wednesday, 14th.

Thermometer at 36 in the Morn^’g. at noon — and 42 at night. Morning and day clear & pleasant — Wind at S^ọ East Ground a little froze in the Morning.

M^ṛ George [Augustine] Washington and his wife set off to visit her friend in New Kent &c^c̣ M^ṛ Bassett’s carriage & Horses having come up for them on Sunday night last.

Rid to the Ferry Planta^ṭ the Mill, and Dogue run Plantation and went & came by the place (in front of the H^o) where Muddy hole were at work.

Thursday, 15th.

Thermometer at 40 in the Morn^’g. 45 at noon — and — at night. Moderate & clear all the forepart of the day with the wind at S^ọ East, but not fresh — In the Afternoon it began to lower at Dusk turned very cloudy — and in the night set in to a constant rain.

M^ṛ [William] Shaw went up to Alexandria after dinner, to a Ball I presume, and in the evening Joseph Winzor & Will^ṃ Kirchewall 2 of my tenants from Frederick came in & stayed all night.

Friday, 16^th.

Thermometer at 50 in the Morn^’g 56 at noon — and 56 at night Rainy Morning and an Easterly wind but not much of it Drizzling all day — and towards night it began to rain again and threatened a wet night. very light wind all day.

Before dinner Joseph Hickman, another of my Tenants from Frederick came in to whom and those that came yesterday and — Williams, I passed Leases for the Land on which they live. all went away after it. M^ṛ [William] Shaw returned before dinner from Alexandria.

Saturday, 17th.

Thermometer at 56 in the Morn^’g. at noon — and — at night. Rainy Morning, wind though not fresh at N^o West which afterwards more to the N^ọ & East & continued raining off & on all day.

Went to Alexandria to meet the Trustees of the Academy in that place, and offered to vest in the hands of the said Trustees, when they are permanently established by Charter, the sum of one thousand pounds, the interest of which only, to be applied towards the establishment of a charity school for the education of Orphan and other poor children. which offer was accepted, returned again in the evening157 — Roads remarkably wet and bad.

Sunday, 18^th.

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 54 at noon — and 52 at night. Morning perfectly clear & pleasant, with but little wind and continued so through the day, severe, moderate and pleasant.

Monday, 19^th.

Thermometer at 42 in the Morn^’g, 56 at noon — and 52 at night. Calm and pleasant all day especially in the morning, towards evening the wind, though very little of it, came from the Eastward & the weather lowered.

Rid to the Mill, and to Dogue Run Plantation — took the Hounds with me, and in the Pincushion found a fox which the Dogs runs very well for all hour — after which coming to a fault — they took (as I presume) the heel & in Muddy hole found a fresh Fox which was only run by part of the Dogs — the others did not seem inclined to hunt.

Davy a Mulatto man who has for many years looked after my Muddy hole Plantation, went into the neck to take charge of the River Plantation in the room of Jn^ọ Alton deceased, and Will (Son of Doll) was sent to Muddy hole as an overseer in his place.

Both My Mills stopped — & repairing.

Tuesday, 20^th.

Thermometer at 42 in the Morn^’g. 47 at night — and 45 at noon. Morning tolerably clear, but a red sky at the place of the suns rising (which is an indication of dirty weather) and the wind (tho’ not fresh) at N^o East The day continued tolerably clear and pleasant until the evening when it began to lower.158

Dispatched at his own req^ṭ the Spaniard who had the cha’e of my Jack from Spain, sent him with M^ṛ [William] Shaw to Alexandria to go in the Stage to New York.

Brought some Carts and Cutters from My Plantations to assist in laying in a Stock of Firewood for Christmas.

Mr. [William] Shaw returned in the evening accompanied by my Nephew Ferdinando Washington.159

Wednesday, 21^’st.

Thermometer at 44 in the Morning — 44 at noon — and 46 at night. Lowering all day with but little Wind and that easterly.

M^ṛ Dan^ḷ Dulany (son of Dan^ḷ) M^ṛ Benj^ṇ Dulany Mess. Sam^ḷ & Tho^ṣ Hanson, M^ṛ Phil^p̣ Alexander, and a M^ṛ Moursher came here to Dinner and stayed all Night.

Finished measuring my corn at the several Plantations, which stand thus.

River — Plantation. viz.	Barrels
Large end of Corn &^c	203
Small end of Ditto	135
Fatting Hogs have eat	44
For Mr. Alton	6	388
Muddy hole Plant^ṇ viz.
In the Corn House	112
Given to y^ẹ fatt’^g̣ Hogs.	28	140

Dogue Run Plant^ṇ viz.
In corn House	45
Given to the Hogs	30	75
Ferry Plantation — viz.
In the Corn House	85
Fatting Hogs	28
Overseers share	14	127
Total		730
Deduct.
Corn already exp^ḍ on Hogs,	130
Overseers shares	20	150
Remaining for all my purp^s, only		580.

Went a Fox hunting with the Gentlemen who came here yesterday together with Ferdinando Washington and Mr. [William] Shaw, after a very early breakfast. found a Fox just back of Muddy hole Plantation and after a chase of an hour and a quarter with my Dogs, & eight couple of Doctor Smiths (brought by M^ṛ Phil-Alexander) we put him into a hollow tree, in which we fastened him, and in the Pincushion put up another Fox which in an hour and 13 minutes was killed — we then after allowing the Fox in the hole half an hour put the Dogs upon his Track & in half a mile he took to another hollow tree and was again put out of it but he did not go 600 yards before he had recourse to the same shift-finding therefore that he was a conquered Fox we took the Dogs off and all came home to Dinner except M^ṛ Dan^ḷ Dulany who left us in the Field after the first Fox was treed — Lund Washington came home with us to dinner. Doct^ṛ Brown who had been sent for to Philip Bateman — came to Dinner and returned afterwards as did all the Gentlemen except the two M^ṛ Hansons & M^ṛ Alexander.

The Morning of this day indeed all the forenoon was very lowering but the evening was clear & very pleasant.

Friday, 23^d.

Thermometer at in the Morn^’g. 44 at noon — and 42 at night. Morning cloudy, with the wind at West, which shifting to the No. E^ṭ produced strong and encreasing appearances of falling weather before the evening.

Went out with the two M^ṛ Hansons & M^ṛ Alexander when they set out on their return after breakfast, with the Dogs; just to try if we could touch on a Fox as we went along the Road — they homeward and I to My Plantation in the neck, this we did, but the scent being Cold, and seeing no great prospect of making it out the Dogs were taking off and the Gentlemen went home — and I to Muddy hole Plantation instead of the neck — it being too late to go to, and return from the former before Dinner.

Saturday, 24th.

Thermometer at 38 in the Morn^’g. 34 at night — and 36 at noon. Wind at N^ọ East with rain in the Morning (a good deal of w^cḥ appeared to have fallen in the night.) About 10 O’clock it began to snow & continued to do so untill about 2 Oclock when it ceased just covering the Ground the snow being wet.

Sunday, 25th.

Thermometer at 34 in the Morn^’g — 42 at noon — and 42 at night. Morning perfectly clear and fine without wind — about 9 O’clock it sprang up from the Southward and blew fresh with various appearances of weather sometimes much like rain & then clearing at night the wind shifted to the Westward and before Morning got to N^ọ West blowing hard all the while.

Count Castiglioni, Col^ọ Ball and Mr. Will^ṃ Hunter came here to dinner — the last of whom returned to Alexandria afterwards.

Monday, 26^th.

Thermometer at 32 in the Morning — 40 at Noon — and 38 at Night. Clear and cold in the Morning with the wind high at N^ọ West which moderated a little towards Night.

Tuesday, 27^th.

Thermometer at 38 in the morning 44 at noon — and — at night Clear with the wind very high from the Southward until the evening when it shifted to the Westward & blew equally hard but did not get to be very cold.

Wednesday, 28^th.

Thermometer at 36 in the Morning 38 at noon — and — at night.

Col^ọ Ball went away yesterday, after breakfast, tho’ it was unnoticed in the occurrences of the day.

Wind exceedingly high from the N^ọ West & clear.

A Mr. Israel Jenny of Loudon County came here in the afternoon, respecting some land which he has been endeavouring to obtain under an idea of its being waste, but which he finds to be within the lines of my Chattin run tract in Fauquier County, though claimed by M^ṛ Robert Scott, who has put a tenant upon it of the name of Jesse Rite, who has now been upon it three years and thereafter to pay Rent. M^ṛ [Battaile] Muse my Collector to be written to on this subject as also concerning My land in Ashbys Bend part of w^cḥ is claimed by M^ṛ Landon Carter.

Thursday, 29^th.

Thermometer at 29 in the Morning — at Noon — and 40 at night. Morning clear with very little wind and that from the South — pleasant all day until the evening when it began to lower and about 8 at night set in to raining with a strong Southerly Wind w^c̣h continued through the night.

Count Castiglioni went away after breakfast, on his tour to the Southward. M^ṛ [Israel] Jenny also left this at the same time.

After which I went to My Dogue run Plantation to measure, with a view to new model, the Fields at that place — did not return until dark nor finish my survey.

M^ṛ [William] Shaw went to Alexandria to the Assembly.

Friday, 30^th.

Thermometer at 46 in the — at Noon — and — at night. A good deal of rain fell in the night which ceased about day break but the wind from the Southward continued to blow very hard all day with flying clouds.

Went to Dogue run again to compleat my surveys of the Fields which I did about 2 O’clock, and upon my return Found Miss Sally Ramsay, Miss Kitty Washington — M^ṛ Porter and Doct^ṛ Craik Jun^ṛ here. M^ṛ [William] Shaw also returned from Alexandria before Dinner.

Saturday, 31^st.

Thermometer at — in the Morning — at noon — and 37 at night. A Raw Wind from the Eastw^ḍ blew in the forenoon — afternoon calm, but chilly. with appearances now & then of a Change in the weather.

Rid to my Plantations in the neck Muddy hole, and Ferry. George Steptoe Washington came here to Dinner — and after it went away the Company that came yesterday.

Landed 230 Bushels of oats today from an Eastern shore vessel — and by her had brought from Alexandria the Picture drawn by Mr. [Robert Edge] Pine of Fanny Bassett now Washington and the young [George Washington Parke] Custis.

NOTES AND OBSERVATIONS.160

1785.

Jan. 10^tḥ The white thorn full in berry.
20. Began to clear the undergrowth in the Pine grove.
Feb. 12. Renewed the Work in the Pine grove, it having been long interrupted by snow on the ground.
16. Transplanted Ivy under the wall of the N^ọ Gard. with as much dirt to the root as could be taken up.
18. Transplanted d^ọ [Ivy] under the wall of the S^ọ Garden, north side.
Mar. 2. Began to cart dung upon the ground adjoining the Pine graves intended for clover and orchard grass seeds.
7. Finished plowing the ground, adjoining the Pine graves, for claver and orchard grass seeds, which was begun in december last.
11. Planted Hemlock Pine from occoquan.
12. A Bushel of the Plaister of Paris pounded and sifted weighs 82 lbs.
April 6. Sowed holly berries back of and immediately adjoining to, the green brier hedge on the N^ọ side the gate in front of the house in 3 drills.
6. Sent the shad sein to the Ferry to commence fishing for shad.
7. Sowed half the lower semicircle with holly berries in drills as above.
7. Assembled a number of Plows to prepare for sowing the clover & orchard grass seeds by the Pine graves, but rain soon stopped them.
8. Hoed the ground back of the greenbrier hedges to prepare it for sowing grass seeds with diff^ṭ quantities of the Plaister of Paris, to try the efficacy of it as a manure.
8. Scattered 2½ Bushels of this plaister on ½ the circle in the C^ṭ yard, N^ọ side.
9. Laid off 4 acres of gr^ḍ at Muddy hole, & sp^ḍ Dung thick on it for clover from the farm yard and began to break it up and prepare it for sowing.
11. The Plows (tho’ the gr^ḍ was not in good order being too wet) were again set to work by the Pine grove, & the Hoes in the piece adjoining.
12. Sowed Holly berries in drills (3 rows) from the Kitchen to the ha! ha! — and from the servants Hall to the Smith’s shop [words illegible.]
12. Plowing, rolling, & harrowing the ground for grass seeds at home, by the Pine grove.
14. Sowed the above 4 acres at Muddy hole with clover seed, 40 lbs. — the ground had been twice plowed — once harrowed & gone over with Hoes to break the clods, a bush harrow and [illegible] followed.
14. Sowed 60 lbs. of clover seed in the ground by the Pine grove (upper side by ditch) —leaving a space of 6 feet — sowed half a Bushel of orchard grass seed and 5 pints of clover seed mixed together, in a breadth quite through the field — then leaving another interval of 6 feet, 4½ pecks of the orchard grass seed unmixed were sown and the whole harrowed in with a bush harrow. Note, the ground before it was sowed, had been 3 times plowed — twice harrowed, and twice rolled, upon the last of which the seed was sown — and considering the bad weather of the Winter & spring, was in tolerably good order.
14. Sowed 3 bushels of orchard grass seed on 3 acres of wheat at Muddy hole, adjoining the clover: & six bushels of the Plaister of Paris in powder along with it — both rolled in; but it was observed that the gr^ḍ had received very little benefit from the rolling; the seed not being buried at all, on acc^ṭ of the hardness & dryness thereof!
16. Sowed 1¾ Bush^lṣ of the Albany Pease behind the stable.
18. Sowed the point (after grubbing and taking the Tussocks and other trash off and burning it) below the clover & orchard grass from a d^blẹ chestnut tree downwards, with Barley had from Col^ọ Henry Lee — The East side of this was sprinkled with 2 bushels of Plaister of Paris (Powdered) and harrowed in along with the Barley — After w^cḥ orchard grass was sown thereon and harrowed in with a bush harrow. On the west side of this point, Barley was also sowed and barrowed in with the Iron harrow as on the east side, & the orchard grass seed harrowed with the bush — but the Plaister was sown last and not touched to try the difference betw^ṇ burying & letting it lye on the surface — and to try also the virtues of the Plaister as a manure. The gr^ḍ adjoining this point, along the fence of the hops, was also sowed with the same Barley & orchard grass seed this day, the gr^ḍ being first manured with stable & farm yard dung.
20. Again rolled the 3 acres of wheat at Muddy hole, on which the orchard grass seed were sown the 15^tḥ — This rolling (tho after rain) was but of little service, as the hills of the last year’s corn prevented much, if any good effect.
25. Having got the gr^ḍ on the N^ọ side of the gate, between the brier hedge & ditch in a good state of preparation for the grass seeds intended to be sown in it, for making experiments with the Plaister of Paris, it was divided into equal sections from the outer ditch, pointing to the center of the old gate, the outer part of which, at the ditch was 18½ feet (the inner at the edge of the holly berries 16 feet) — each of these sections contained 655 sq^ṛ feet — on the first of which, next the road, 5, on the next 4, on the next 3, on the next 2, & on the next 1 pint of the Plaister of Paris was sprinkled — the next section had none — Then 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 & nothing again — and so a third time, which made as it were 3 grand divisions — The first named of which the Plaister was harrowed in with a heavy harrow — The 2^ḍ with a bush. — and the 3^ḍ was only rolled without harrowing. This was done to try whether burying the Plaister deep, shallow, or not at all, was best, and to ascertain the qt^ỵ proper to an acre; — the above being at the rate of 1, 2, 3, 4 & 5 bushels to the acre. The whole, after the Plaister was treated in this manner, was sown with orchard grass seeds, about 8 quarts.
26. The circle on the south side of the gate, was treated in every respect as the other, beginning with the greatest quantity of the plaister next the road.
26. The Barley and Pease were perceived to be coming up. — the first very generally — the latter first making their appearance.
May 7. The Barley & Pease seem to have come on well. The clover had advanced but little — The first sown orchard grass seeds were making their appearance; — but none of the second were to be seen.
7. Discovered no benefit from the Plaister which was put on the circle in the C^ṭ yard — nor from that which had been spread on the wheat at Muddy hole.
10. Quitted fishing at the Ferry landing.
18. Finished planting corn at Muddy hole. — only began to plant it at the Ferry on 12^tḥ and at Dogue run the 18^tḥ inst^ṭ, owing to the constant wet & cold spring.
25 Pease were brought to Table for the first time in the season today.
June 3. Opened my Ice House.
17. Cut down (with scythes) the weeds which had shot up, very rank in the ground which had been sown with clover & orchard grass seeds at the Home House — as also those in the circles by the gate.
20. Began to gather seed from the blew or English grass.
July 27. Cut my Pease which grew from the Albany seed.
29. Again (for the 2^ḍ time) cut the weeds among the clover at the Home House & for the first time those in the clover field at Muddy hole.
Aug^ṭ 15. Obliged to discontinue sowing wheat in corn ground — the drought being so great that the existence of the corn was endangered by stirring the earth.
24 Measured round the ground intended for a deer paddock — find the fence will be about 1600 yards in length that incloses it.
27. Planted about 1000 grains of the cape wheat below my stables in 2 feet rows and 5 inches distant in the rows.
30. The latter rains had revived the corn and occasioned a number of fresh shoots — but it is apprehended that there was not of the farina suff^ṭ in the Tassel to impregnate the grain.
30. Remarked that corn and wheat grow as well under Persimon trees as in open exposures, which proves the value of them for shades, and for their fruit w^cḥ may be distilled &c^ạ
31. The Cape wheat was coming up today.
Sep. 1. Planted ab^ṭ 1400 more grains of the Cape wheat along side of the former in rows similar thereto — the 2 quantities about ½ a gill.
17. Transplanted turnips on a rod sq^ṛ 1 foot apart cutting the tap root.
Oct. 7. Plowed a cowpen in front of the House, containing about a quarter of an acre for orchard grass.
8. Sowed it with near half a bushel of seed, (which was neither clean, nor appeared to be good.)
19. Planted, after making good the deficiencies of the former about a pint of the cape of good hope wheat (sent me by M^ṛ Powell) in 14 rows along side of the other in the inclosure behind the stables.
23. The orchard grass seeds sowed on the 8^tḥ inst. was coming up thick and well.
24. A small spot of orchard grass seed, sown on low land at Dogue run the was coming up very well.
28. Put up Hogs to fatten.
Nov^ṛ 2. The Cape wheat (of M^ṛ Powell’s) was coming up very well.
5. Put powdered Plaister of Paris, 2 quarts, viz. 1 burnt; the other unburnt, on two sections of the circle in the court yard, from the deal post to the center post of the street to the Quarter, which is at the rate of 8 bush^lṣ to the acre, being the poorest part of the circle. The west section was spread with the unburnt.
30. The first sowed cape wheat having become very rank at least half leg high and jointed, I cut 3 rows on the East side within 4 Inches of the gr^ḍ just above the crown of the plant.
Dec. 1. Experiment on the difference between spirmaceti candies and Tallow related.
6. Another experiment for the same purpose
13. Killed my Hogs that had been put up to fatten.
21. Finished measuring Corn at all the Plantations — see acc^ṭ of it.

LETTERS OF WASHINGTON, 1785.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Mount Vernon, August 22, 1785.

Dear Sir — In my absence with the directors of the Potomac navigation, to examine the river, and fix a plan of operations, your favour begun on the 23^d, and ended the 31st of July, came to this place. I am sorry to hear of your late indisposition, but congratulate you on your recovery; hoping that tile re-establishment of your health will be of long continuance. The packet which you were so obliging as to send me, came safely, and I thank you for your care of it; but for want of knowledge of the language, I can form no opinion of my own of the dramatic performance of Monsieur Serviteur le Barbier.

The currency of my information from France is, that the dispute between the emperor and Holland, will be accommodated without bloodshed; but after the explicit declarations which have been made on both sides, I do not see how either (especially the first) can recede from his claims. To save appearances, and to let the contending parties down handsomely, say some of my letters, is now the greatest difficulty; but all agree, that a spark may set the whole in flames; indeed Bavaria, it is expected, will yet do this.

It is to be hoped that our minister at the court of London, will bring that government to an explanation respecting the Western posts, which it still retains on the American side of the line, contrary to the spirit, if not to the letter, of the treaty. My opinion from the first, and so I declared it, was, that these posts would be detained from us, so long as they changed it, though I wish for cause to do so, as it may ultimately become a serious matter. However singular the opinion may be, I cannot divest myself of it, that the navigation of the Mississippi, at this time, ought to be no object with us; on the contrary, till we have a little time allowed to open and make easy the ways between the Atlantic States and the western territory, the obstructions had better remain. There is nothing which binds one country, or one state, to another, but interest; without this cement, the western inhabitants (which more than probably will be composed in a great degree of foreigners) can have no predilection for us; and a commercial connexion is the only tie we can have upon them.

It is clear to me that the trade of the lakes and of the river Ohio, as low as the Great Kanhawa (if not to the falls) may be brought to the ports on the Atlantic, easier and cheaper, (taking the whole voyage together) than it can be carried to New Orleans; but once open the door to the latter, before the obstructions are removed from the former; let commercial connexions (which lead to others) be formed, and the habit of that trade be well established, and it will be found no easy matter to divert it; and vice versa.

When the settlements are stronger and more extended to the westward, the navigation of the river Mississippi will be an object of importance; and we shall be able then (reserving our claim) to speak a more efficacious language than policy, I think, should dictate at present.

I never have, and I hope never shall bear, any serious mention of a paper emission in this state, yet such a thing may be in agitation. Ignorance and design are productive of much mischief, (the first is the tool of the latter,) and are often set to work as suddenly as unexpectedly; those with whom I have conversed on this subject, in this part of the state, reprobate the idea. exceedingly.

We have lately had the pleasure of Miss Lee’s and Miss Hannah’s company at this place; they were both well five days ago. Mrs. Washington prays you to accept her compliments; and with sentiments &c &c &c &c

Geo. Washington.

P. S.

Your name, I well remember, stands amongst those of the subscribers for a share in the Potomac Company.

G.W.

II.

TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL.

Mount Vernon, 1 October, 1785.

My D^Ṛ Sir — It has so happened, that your letter of the first of last month did not reach me until Saturday’s post.

You know too well the sincere respect & regard I entertained for your venerable Father’s public & private character to require assurances of the concern I felt for his death; or of that sympathy in your feelings for the loss of him, which is prompted by friendship: — Under it however, great as your pangs may have been at the first shock, you have every thing to console you. A long & well spent life in the service of his Country, justly entitled him to the first place among patriots. In the social duties he yielded to none; & his lamp, from the common course of nature, being nearly extinguished — and worn down with age & cares; but retaining his mental faculties in full vigor; — are blessings which rarely attend advanced life: — all these combining have secured to him universal respect & Love here; & no doubt immeasurable happiness hereafter.

I am sensible that none of these observations can have escaped you, & that I can offer nothing which your own reason has not already suggested on this occasion; & being moreover of Sternes opinion that — “Before an affliction is digested, consolation ever comes too soon; — and after it is digested it comes too late: — there is but a mark between these two, as fine almost as a hair, for a comforter to take aim at.” I rarely attempt it — nor shall I add more on this subject to you; as it would only be a renewal of sorrow, by recalling afresh to your Remembrance things which had better be forgotten.

My principal pursuits are of a rural Nature, in which I have great delight; especially as I am blessed with the enjoyment of good health. M^rṣ Washington on the contrary is scarcely ever well, but thankful for your Kind remembrance of her, & joins me in every good wish for you, Mrs. Trumbull & your family — Be assured that, with sentiments of the purest esteem & regard,

I am &^c̣

G: Washington.

III.

TO JOHN PAGE

Mount Vernon, 3 October, 1785.

Soon after 1 returned from Richmond in May last, I spoke to a Dutch merchant in Alexandria on the subject of importing Germans; but not receiving any satisfactory information from him, tho’ he was perfectly willing to oblige, I requested him, as he was on the eve of a journey thro’ Baltimore to Boston, at both which Dutch Houses are established, & in the last he is concerned; to make every enquiry be could respecting the mode — the terms, & practicability of obtaining the number we want:— but meeting with no precise information here neither — I wrote some little time ago to M. De Neufville, a Gentleman of very respectable character at Amsterdam, with whom I have long corresponded, for full information; & to know also, if £5000 could be borrowed for the use of the Company161 on such terms, & upon such securities as it purposed to give. Herein also I have been unlucky, for soon after I had written & had sent my Letter to New York to obtain a passage by the Packet, I received an account of this Gentlemans arrival at Boston. These delays following the enquiries which I only considered as auxiliary to those of the Managers, to whom I intended to communicate the result, will be unlucky if they have taken no steps in the mean while themselves — Would it not be advisable in case my good Sir, for you as one of them to go fully into the matter whilst you are at Philadelphia, where, it is to be presumed, the best information on this side the Atlantic is to be obtained; & the most likely place to enter into contracts — unless a person in behalf of the Company, should be sent to Holland expressly for this purpose; or a gentleman there, in whom confidence could be placed would undertake it.

But unless M^ṛ Anderson should succeed in negotiating the Joan be was requested to obtain — or the like sum could be borrowed in Holland, — we shall be without funds to carry the Plan into effect, & consequently cannot advance beyond the limits of enquiry — or preliminary agreement.

Mrs Washington joins me in respectful compliments to Mrs. Page, who we hope will reap all the benefits which are expected from the change of climate.

With very great esteem &^c̣

G. Washington.

IV.

TO THE REV. MR. BALCH.

Mount Vernon, 22 November, 1785.

Rev^Ḍ Sir, — The expence attending the residence of my Nephews at Georgetown so far exceeds the idea I was led to entertain when they went there, that, in behalf of their Guardian, I am compelled to remove them.

When they were sent to the Academy under your management, I was informed by Col^o Fitzhugh, that the charge for schooling & Board (if I am not mistaken) was £31 — each — Cloathing if judiciously applied & properly attended to, I knew could not be a very great expence, for boys of their standing.

But to my surprize, I have already paid M^ṛ Stoddert £67 — 18 . 6 — Mr. Bayle £55 . 5 . 2 . — & yesterday in a letter from the latter, I am informed that there is half a years board due to him for each — & an acco^ṭ of cloathing besides, yet to be exhibited.

The leading motive Sir, which influenced me to send them to Georgetown — was, their boarding with yon, & I expected from what had passed between us, — after the intervention which had occasioned the suspension of it, they would have returned to you: — but now M^ṛ Bayle writes me that be also declines boarding them after the 24^tḥ inst. & points out a third Person.

These several circumstances combining, added to a conviction founded in experience, that I can not restrain the profuse & improper advances of Goods for them at a distance, have induced me to bring them to Alexandria, where I shall be a witness to their wants, and can supply their necessities upon more advantageous terms, than they have been hitherto —

I am rev^d Sir &c.

G. Washington.

TO SIR EDWARD NEWENHAM.

Mount Vernon, 25 November, 1785.

Dear Sir, Since I had the honor of writing to you on the 20^tḥ of March, which was done in haste (having but little notice of Capt. Bayles intended departure, before the time appointed for his sailing — & then to send my dispatches to Richmond 125 miles) — I have been favored with your letters of the 3^ḍ of March, 25^tḥ of May, & 23^ḍ of July. The first was forwarded to me by Capt^ṇ Bibby, whom I have not yet had the pleasure of seeing; tho’ he gives me assurances of it, & to whom I shall have pleasure in rendering any services in my power consistently — if it should be found necessary.

The opposition which the virtuous characters of Ireland have given to the attempts of a British Administration’s interfering with its manufactures, fettering its commerce, restraining the liberties of its subjects by their plan of reform &^c̣ &^c̣, will hand their names to posterity with that reputation & respect to which their amor patriæ entitles them.

Precedents, as you justly observe, are dangerous things — they form the arm which first arrests the liberties & happiness of a Country.

In the first approaches they may indeed assume the garb of plausibility & Moderation, & are generally spoken of by the movers as a chip in porrage (to avoid giving alarm) — but soon are made to speak a language equally decisive and irresistible; which shews the necessity of opposition in the first attempts to establish them, let them appear under what guise or courtry form they may; — & proves too that vigilance & watchfulness can scarcely be carried to an excess in guarding against the insidious arts of a Government founded in corruption.

I do not think there is as much wisdom & sound policy displayed in the different Legislatures of these States as might be; yet I hope everything will come right at last. In republican Governments it too often happens that the people (not always seeing) must feel he fore they Act: — this is productive of errors & temporary evils — but generally these evils are of a nature to work their own cure.

The situation of affairs in Ireland, whilst the propositions were pending in the Parliament of it, would, I concluded, be a means of postponing your voyage to this country; — but as these seem to have met their quietus, I hope nothing else will intervene to prevent your fulfilling your expectation of coming in the Spring; — the season will then be favourable for crossing the Atlantic.

Had I been present & apprized of your intention of making an aerial voyage with Mons^ṛ Potain, I should have joined my entreaties to those of Lady Newenham to have prevented it. As yet, I see no object to warrant a gentleman of fortune (happy in himself — happy in a family w^cḥ might be rendered miserable by a disaster, against which no human foresight can guard) running such a risk. It may do for young men of science & spirit to explore the upper regions: — the observations there made may serve to ascertain the utility of the first discovery, & how fat it may be applied to valuable purposes. To such alone I think these voyages ought at present to be consigned — & to them handsome public encouragements should be offer’d for the risk they run in ascertaining its usefulness, or the inutility of the pursuit.

I have neither seen nor heard of Mr. Thorpe the s[t]ucco worker mentioned in your letter of the 23^ḍ of July. A good man acquainted with that business would have come very opportunely to me, as I had, & now have a large room which I am about to finish in this way. I have at length engaged a person to do it; — who from having no rival, imposes his own terms, which I think are exorbitant — good workmen of any profession would meet encouragement in these States. For the many marks of attention which you have been pleased to bestow upon me — I feel myself your Debtor: — could my picture which is placed in a groupe with Dr. Franklin, the Marqs. de la Fayette & others in your library, speak the sentiments of the original, it would salute you every morning with its acknowledgements, I have never seen more than one picture of Gen^ḷ Green, & that a Mezzotinto print sent to me a few days ago only, by the publisher a Mr. Brown at N^ọ 10 George Yard, Lombard Street, London; taken it is said from a painting done at Philad^ạ

The Magazines, Gazettes &^c̣ which you had the goodness to forward to me, came safe; & I pray you to accept my thanks for them — My best respects, in which Mrs. Washington joins, me presented to Lady Newenham & yourself.

With sentiments of great esteem & regard,

I am &^c̣

G: Washington.

VI.

TO JAMES MADISON.

As printed by Mr. Sparks (ix. 146), Washington’s letter to Madison, dated Mt. Vernon, 30 Nov. 1785, omits after the paragraph ending with the word “desirable,” the following lines: —

“It gives me great pleasure to bear that our Assembly were in a way of adopting a mode for establishing the cut between Elizabeth River & Pasquotanck which was likely to meet the approbation of the State of N. Carolina. It appears to me that no Country in the Universe is better calculated to derive a benefit from inland navigation than this is, and certain I am that the conveniences to the citizen individually, & the sources of wealth to the country generally which will be opened thereby will be found to exceed the most sanguine imagination. The mind can scarcely take in at one view all the benefits which will result therefrom. The saving in draught cattle, preservation of Roads, &c, &c, will be felt most interestingly. This business only wants a beginning. Rappahanock, Shannondoah, Roanoke and the branches of York River will soon perceive the advantages which water transportation (in ways hardly thought of at first) have over that of land and will extend navigation to almost every man’s door.”

VII.

TO DAVID STUART.

Mount Vernon, 30 November, 1785

D^ṛ Sir, Your favor of the 16^tḥ came duly to hand, & I thank you for its several communications. The resolutions which were published for consideration, vesting Congress with powers to regulate the commerce of the Union, have I hope been acceded to. If the States individually were to attempt this, an abortion, or a many headed Monster would be the issue. If we consider ourselves, or wish to be considered by others as a United people, why not adopt the measures which are characteristic of it, & support the honor & dignity of one? If we are afraid to trust one another under qualified Powers there is an end of the Union — why the need we be solicitous to keep up the farce of it?

It gives me pleasure to hear that there is such an accordance of sentiments between the Eastern & Western parts of this State — My opinion of the separation has always been, to meet them half way, upon fair & just grounds; & part like friends disposed to acts of brotherly Kindness thereafter — I wish you had mentioned the territorial line between us.

The port Bill; the Assize Law (or any substitute for the speedy administration of Justice) being established; — good faith with respect to treaties, preserved by public acts; taxation continued & regularly collected, that justice to one part of the community may keep pace with relief to the other, & our National character for Justice, thereby supported; — a due attention to the Militia, and encouragements to extend the inland navigation of this Commonwealth where it is useful & practicable, (which will not only be of amazing convenience & advantage to its citizens, but sources of immense wealth to the country through some of it Channels) — are among the great & important objects which will come before you, & a due attention to them will, I hope, mark the the present epocha for having produced able statesmen, sound patriots & liberal minded men.

At a late Meeting of the Directors of the Potomac Navigation at the great Falls, & from a critical examination of the ground at that place; we unanimously determined to petition the Assemblies of the two States to be relieved from the expence, of sinking our canals four feet deep; as a considerable expence, & no advantage that we could discover, was likely to attend it. As the petition which is herewith sent under cover to you & Col^ọ Syme recites the reasons on which it is founded I shall not repeat them: — the public as well as the Company’s interest calls for an œconomical use of the find which is subscribed for this undertaking; — the enemies therefore (if there are any) to the navigation, are equally bound with its friends, to give it support.

I should be much obliged to you for desiring the public printer to send me the Journals of the present Session from its commencement, — & to do it thro’ the session as fast as they are printed, by the Post. I pray you to pay him for them, & for My Gazette (if Hay is the public printer) & I will repay you with thanks when you return.

I am very glad to hear you have got so well over your fever — Mrs. Stuart has had a bad cold but is getting better — All here join me in best wishes for you & I am &^c̣

G: Washington.

VIII.

TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.

Mount Vernon, 1 December, 1785.

My Dear Count, Your letter of the 2d of June, which you had the goodness to write me at the moment of your taking leave of the venerable Dr. Franklin, now lies before me; and I read the renewed assurances of your friendship with sentiments of gratitude and pleasure, short of nothing but the satisfaction I should feel at seeing you, and the recollection of the hours in which, toiling together, we formed our friendship, a friendship which I hope will continue as long as we shall continue to be actors on the present theatre.

A man in the vigor of life could not have borne the fatigues of a passage across the Atlantic with more fortitude, and greater ease, than the Doctor did; and since, instead of setting himself down in the lap of ease, which might have been expected from a person at his advanced age, he has again entered upon the bustling scenes of public life, and in the chair of state is endeavouring to reconcile the jarring interests of the citizens of Pennsylvania. If he should succeed, fresh laurels will crown his brow; but it is to be feared, that the task is too great for human wisdom. I have not yet seen the good old man, but have had intercourse with him by letters.

Rumors of war still prevail, between the Dutch and the Emperor, and it seems, if newspaper accounts are to be credited, to be near at hand. If this event should take place, more powers must engage in it, and perhaps a general flame will be kindled ere the first is extinguished. America may think herself happy in having the Atlantic for a barrier; otherwise a spark might set her a blazing. At present we are peaceable, and our governments are acquiring a better tone. Congress, I am persuaded, will soon be vested with greater powers. The commercial interests throughout the Union are exerting themselves to obtain these, and I have no doubt will effect it. We shall be able then, if a commercial treaty is not entered into with Great Britain, to meet her on the restrictive and contracted ground she has taken, and interdict her shipping and trade in the same manner she has done those of these States. This, and this only, will convince her of the illiberality of her conduct towards us; or that her policy has been too refined and overstrained, even for the accomplishment of her own purposes.

Mrs. Washington is thankful for your constant remembrance of her, and joins me in every good wish for you and Madame de Rochambeau.

I have the honor to be, &c.

IX.

TO WILLIAM GORDON.

Mount Vernon, 6 December, 1785.

D^Ṛ Sir, Altho’ I am so great a delinquent in the epistolary way, I will not again tread over the usual ground for an excuse, but rather silently throw myself upon your philanthropy to obtain one.

In reading the Memoir which passed thro’ my hands to you (for I have no copy of it) I do not recollect that I was struck with any exagerations or improprieties in it; — nor is it in my power to give you a precise detail of the facts about which you enquire, without unpacking my papers, & entering upon a voluminous research therefore; which might not after all elucidate the points.

Whether Gen^ḷ Howe commanded in person at the intended surprize & attack of the Marq^ṣ de la Fayette at Baron Hill, I am unable positively to say: — I would suppose however that he did — first, because the narrative says so — 2^dlỵ because he did not relinquish the command until within a few days of the evacuation of Philadel^ạ & 3^dlỵ, because the British Army came out in full force. That the column on the right commanded by Gen^ḷ Grant was strong, can admit of no doubt; (and report to the best of my recollection made the number 7000) because it was design’d to turn the Marquis’s left flank, get into his rear, & cut off his retreat by the nearest & most direct roads; whilst he was to have been attacked in front, & on his right (which was next the Schuylkill) by the Commander in Chief, & light infantry; — by the first in front, by the other on the flank.

The French troops which were landed from on board the fleet, formed a junction with the American Troops before, & were all under the Command of the Marquis till my arrival. The position at Williamsburgh was taken I believe, with a view to form the junction, being favorable to it; — the defile between the College Creek which empties into James river, & Queen’s Creek which empties into York river, being very narrow, & behind the former of which the French landed in perfect security.

My excursions up this river (for I have had several) have afforded me much satisfaction, as we find the undertaking to extend & improve the navigation of it, is not only practicable; but that the difficulties which were expected to be met with, rather decrease than Multiply upon us.

I come now, my good Doctor, to acknowledge in a particular Manner the receipt of your obliging favor of the 7^tḥ ult^ọ, & and to thank you for your kind & valuable present of Fish which is very fine & had a more successful passage than the last, no acco^ṭ of which having ever yet been received.

I have too Mrs. Washington’s particular thanks to offer you for the flower roots & seeds, which she will preserve in the manner directed. I have put into a box with earth, shrubs of the Redwood (or red-bud) & Fringe tree, which General Lincoln promised his vessel should heave to & take for you as she passed by. I was going to send other flowering shrubs, but upon mentioning the names of them, the Gen^ḷ & Col^ọ Henley said your Country already abounded with them. I forgot however, to ask them if you have the Magnolio; — if you have not, I can send some by another opportunity.

I hope this letter will find you quite relieved from the feverish complaint you had when you wrote last, & Mrs. Gordon in perfect health, to whom & yourself Mrs. Washington & the family (who are all well) join me in every good wish — Fanny Bassett & my nephew Geo: A. Washington have fullfiled an engagement of long standing & are now one bone, and one flesh.

With great esteen, &^c̣

G: Washington.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, 11 December, 1785.

D^Ṛ Sir, I have been favor’d with your letter of the 25^tḥ of Nov. by Maj^ṛ Farlie. Sincerely do I wish that the several State Societies had, or would adopt the alterations which were made & recommended by the General Meeting in May 1784. I then thought & I have had no cause since to change my opinion, that if the Society of the Cincinnati mean to live in peace with the rest of their fellow citizens, they must subscribe to the Alterations which were at that time adopted. That the jealousies of, & prejudices against this Society were carried to an unwarrantable length, I will readily grant, & that less than was done ought to have removed the fears which had been imbibed, I am as clear in, as I am that it would not have done it. But it is a matter of little moment whether the alarm which seized the public mind was the result of foresight, envy, jealousy or a disordered imagination — the effect of perseverance would have been the same; & wherein would have been found an equivalent for the separation of interests which from my best information (not from one State only, but many) would have inevitably, taken place?

The fears of the people are not yet removed — they only sleep, & a very little matter will set them afloat again.

Had it not been for the predicament in which we stand, with respect to the foreign officers, & the charitable part of the institution, I should on that occasion, as far as my voice would have gone, have endeavoured to convince the narrow minded part of our countrymen that the Amor patriæ was much stronger in our breasts than in theirs; & that our conduct thro’ the whole of this business was actuated by nobler & more generous sentiments than was apprehended by abolishing the Society at once with a declaration of the causes & the purity of its intention: — but the latter may be interesting to many, & the former is an insuperable bar to such a step.

I am sincerely sorry to find by your letter that the B — n,162 is again in straightened circumstance. I am much disinclined to ask favors of Congress, but if I knew what the objects of his wishes are, I should have much pleasure in rendering him any services in my power, with such Members of that Body as I now & then correspond with. I had flattered myself, from what was told me some time ago, that Congress had made a final settlement with the B — n much to his satisfaction.

My compliments & best wishes, in which Mrs. Washington joins, are presented to Mrs. Hamilton.

I am &^c̣

G: Washington.

P. S. When you see Gen^ḷ Schuyler & family, I pray you to offer my best respects to them.

XI.

TO GENERAL KNOX.

Mount Vernon 11^tḥ Dec. 1785.

My Dear Sir, Maj^ṛ Farlie gave me the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 22^ḍ Ins^ṭ & thereby knowing that you, M^rṣ Knox & the family are all well.

It has always been my opinion you: know, that our Affairs with respect to the Indians would never be in a good train whilst the British Garrisons remained on the American side of the territorial line — & that these Posts would not be evacuated by them, as long as any pretext could be found to with-hold them. They know the importance of these Posts too well to give them up soon, or quietly. their trade with the Indians in a great measure depend upon the possession of them, knowing full well that all the assertions of our Comm^eẹ with respect to the Articles of Peace, & their obligations to surrender them, is no more than chaff before the wind when opposed by the scale of possession.

I am sorry the State Societies should hesitate to comply with the recommendation of the General Meeting of the Cincinati, holden at Phil^ạ in 1784. I then thought, & have no cause since to change my opinion, that nothing short of what was then done would appease the clamours which were raised against this Institution. Some late attacks have been made upon it; amongst which a Pamphlet written by the Count de Mirabeau, a French Gentleman, has just made its appearance. It is come to my hands translated into English, but I have not had time yet to read it.

I am sorry you have undergone any chagreen on acc^ṭ of the limestone. I have got through my summers work without any disappointment therefrom; having had it in my power at all times, when wanted, to buy Shells. nor would I wish to have any sent me now, unless by contract not to exceed one shilling and three pence at the ships side in Alexandria, or opposite to my House; and this I do not expect, as Stone lime is oftener higher at the former place.

It is unnecessary to assure you of the pleasure I should feel at seeing you at this place, whenever business or inclination may bring you to this State. Every good wish in which M^rṣ Washington joins me, is offered to you, M^rṣ Knox and the children.

With every sentiment of friendship & regard,

I am, My dear Sir,

Y^ṛ affec^ṭ H^blẹ Serv^ṭ

G^ọ Washington.

Maj^Ṛ Gen^Ḷ Knox.

XII.

TO THOMAS JOHNSON.

Mount Vernon, 20 December, 1785.

D^Ṛ Sir, It so happened that your letter of the 4^tḥ ult^ọ with its enclosures, did not meet A quick passage to me, & that some delays afterwards, more the effect of accident than neglect, prevented the petition & Bill (which you were so obliging as to draw) from getting to the Assemblies of the two States, so soon as were to be wished; however they are now before them; & from that of Maryland, I am informed by a gentleman to whom I had written on the occasion, that the business could meet with no opposition there; — & from that of this State that it was reported reasonable Acts, it is to be hoped, will therefore pass, conformably to our desires.

I feel myself much obliged by the calculations you have been at the trouble to make & to transmit to me; & at all times shall be happy in a full & unreserved communication of your sentiments on this, or any other business. This in particular is a new work — stands in need of all the information we can obtain, & is much indebted to you for many estimates, & ideas which have been very useful.

It is to be apprehended, notwithstanding the great encouragements which have been offered by the Directors of the Company for the hire of Negroes, that we shall not succeed in obtaining them. An idea is entertained by the proprietors of them, that the nature of the work will expose them to dangers which are not compensated by the terms. Servants I hope are purchased ere this; — Col^ọ Fitzgerald was to have gone yesterday to George town for this purpose. If the appearance of the people is at all favorable, the price at which Col^ọ Deakens offers them will be no obstacle.

This letter, handed to the care of Col^ọ Deakens, will be accompanied by a small bag of Spanish Chesnuts — half of which you will please to accept, & the other contrive to M^ṛ Lee — they were sent to the Alexandria races in October to be given to him, but the delivery was neglected. It might be well perhaps to put them in sand to prevent an over drying to the injury of vegitation.

With very great esteem &^c̣

G: Washington.

XIII.

TO LUND WASHINGTON.

Mount Vernon, 20 December, 1785.

D^Ṛ Lund, Having come to a fixed determination (whatever else may be left undone) to attend to the business of my plantations; and having enquired of Geo: Washington how far it would be agreeable to him & his wife to make this place a permanent residence, (for before it was only considered as their temporary abode, until some plan could be settled for them) & finding it to comport with their inclinations, I now inform you that it will be in my power to comply with your wishes with less inconvenience than appeared when you first proposed to leave my employment.

The business of the Mill is what both of us, will be most at a loss about at first; & as the people wanting flour are in the habit of applying to you for it, it would be rendering me a service to give your attention to this matter, until he can become a little acquainted with the mode of managing it; & your ad vice to him afterwards in this & other affairs may be useful.

The mode of paying the taxes, the times of collection, & in what kind of property it is most advantageous to discharge them, — & the amount of them, is another business in which he will be to seek; & I have not sufficient knowledge of the practice to instruct him.

Nothing else occurs to me at this time in which it is essential to give you any trouble after the present year; for if I should not be able to visit the plantations as often as I could wish, (owing to company or other engagements) I am resolved that an account of the stock & every occurrence that happens in the course of the week shall be minutely detailed tome every Saturday. Matters cannot go much out of sorts in that time without a seasonable remedy. For both our interests, the wheat remaining in the straw should he an object of your care.

I am &^c̣

G: Washington.

Mr. Charles K. Bolton exhibited and read an anonymous contemporary manuscript belonging to the Boston Athenæum, of which the following is a copy:—

An elegy on the death of General

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

What mournful strains invade our ears?

Whence those sad plaints, those copious tears?

This solemn silence woeful pause!

All, all bespeak some deep felt cause.

A deep felt cause! a nation weeps,

In dust columbia’s Guardian sleeps.

A nation’s prayers his life to save,

To heav’n in clouds of incence rose,

A nation’s tears bedew his grave,

And angels gaurd his sweet repose.

The PATRIOT’s dead! a nation weep.

In dust Columbia’s Gaurdian sleeps.

When Albion’s proud insulting foe

Aim’d our best rights to overthrow,

His arm, out stretch’d in conquering might

Their veteran army put to flight.

The HERO’s dead! a nation weeps,

In dust Columbia’s Guardian sleeps.

The peace obtain’d so long desir’d,

To Vernon’s shades the Chief retir’d,

But faction’s cruel feud arose,

And broke the Farmer’s hop’d repose.

Our FRIEND is dead! a nation weeps,

In dust Columbia’s Guardian sleeps.

His Country’s voice once more he hears,

And in the Council he appears,

The mighty Charter of our land,

Is sanction’d by our Moses’ hand.

Our CHIEF is dead! a nation weeps

In dust Columbia’s Guardian sleeps.

With equal laws he rules the state

Supports the weak, directs the great;

Then yields the helmn, retires to rest

By all his Country lov’d and blest.

The SAGE is dead! a nation weeps

In dust Columbia’s Guardian sleeps.

Again his ready sword he draws;

Unmov’d be stands in Freedom’s cause;

Nor shrinks to heed the marshal band,

Should hostile foes invade the land.

Our GENERAL’s dead! &c

Thy ways O King of Kings is just

Or when we live or turn to dust;

Then cease from man, look up on high,

Our only hope’s above the sky,

We all must die and turn to dust,

Tho’ Man is mortal God is just.

Mr. Henry H. Edes exhibited a copy of Titan’s New Almanack for the Year of Christian Account 1729, printed by William Bradford and containing manuscript entries of contemporary events. The writer of these entries has been ascertained by Mr. Henry W. Cunningham to have been William Sanford of Portsmouth, Rhode Island.163 Mr. Edes recalled the fact that Bradford was a Quaker who came over with Penn in 1682, and, in 1691, was a partisan of George Keith in his quarrel with the Pennsylvania authorities which resulted in Bradford’s removal to New York, where he was Public Printer for more than fifty years. The Sanfords were also Quakers, which may account for their using this particular kind of Almanac. Mr. Cunningham has prepared notes identifying the persons mentioned by Sanford.

The following is a copy of the entries:

1729

JANUARY
16	Jeremiah Clark164 died aged about 8 years
FEBRUARY
11^th	in the Evening Tho^s Durfie165 died
13	about 3 a clock in the afternoon Ruth Sanford166 first daughter of my Son Rich^d167 born
APRIL
30	Jashub Wing168 & Dorothy married
11	quarterly meeting at Portsmouth
APRIL
18	Turkeys set
26	Aiken169 born
24	Benj^a Hassard170 & Hannah Nichols mar^d
25	Stephen Austin171 & Mary Fish married
MAY
	the last and this month the Measels was much Spread abroad in the Governm^ṭ
JUNE
3^d	Jeremiah Lawtons twin daughters born
15^th	in y^e Eve. Tho Durfie & Sarah Briggs172 married
19^th	Thomas Shearman173 and Sarah Sisson married
30	Deliverance Smith of Dartmouth died
JULY
3^d	Nathaniel Cotton174 Bristol minister died
5^th	Ann Kay175 sister to y^e Collector died Sud^ly
JULY
31^st	Margaret176 daughter of John Sanford died
AUGUST
1^st	John Taylors Son died, &
4^th	young Adam Lawtons first Son born177
4^th	Hezekiah Hoar178 died
9	W^m Cooks Son Enoch179 died
9	in the evening Peleg Socums180 [?Slocum’s] first child born
10	Abigail Smith died daughter of Deliverance
SEPTEMBER
1	my wife went to Groton & had a hard fit of sickness upon Return
SEPTEMBER
1	John Sanfords Son was born181
8^th	in the Evening William Burnet182 Gov^r of the Massachusets Bay died
20	Anne Goddard died
OCTOBER
13	Joseph Card183 died about 80 years

Mr. Edes also exhibited a copy of James Otis’s Rudiments of Latin Prosody, printed at Boston in 1760 by Franklin’s nephew, Benjamin Mecom.

Mr. Ford spoke, extemporaneously, at some length of the checkered career of Mecom and of his eccentricities, among which was the habit of setting type in white gloves. He quarrelled with his uncle, and gradually lost the art of good printing, degenerating to such a degree that his bad work lost him his customers, and he was compelled to petition the Philadelphia authorities for a license to sell liquor to gain a livelihood.

President Kittredge communicated from the Bourne Papers in the Harvard College Library some letters written from Boston and Cambridge in 1775, during the Siege of Boston, to Meletiah Bourne at Barnstable by his son, Sylvanus Bourne (H. C. 1779), his servant Cato, and Isaac Mansfield, Jr. (H. C. 1767). Mansfield gives an amusing account of the self-sufficiency of Caleb Gannett, long the College Steward, and compares it with the kindly bearing and courtesy of President Langdon.

The President asked for information concerning the word “martinet,” — a word not to be found in Johnson’s Dictionary. He remarked that in 1785 it was in the category of slang, and that in 1820 it had passed into good use.

Ephraim Emerton, Ph.D., of Cambridge, was elected a Resident Member, and General Joseph Wheeler, U.S.A., of Alabama, a Corresponding Member.

NOTE ON WILLIAM SANFORD.

By Henry W. Cunningham.

John Sanford arrived in Boston in 1631, was there disarmed in 1637 as a supporter of Wheelwright, and in the following year went with Coddington, Hutchinson and others to Rhode Island, where he was one of the original proprietors. He held various offices, including that of President of the Colony in 1653, the year in which he died.184 His first wife was Elizabeth, sister of Henry Webb of Boston. Henry Webb died in 1660, leaving legacies to his nephews, John and Samuel Sanford, and benefactions to Harvard College, the chief of which was his estate in the present Washington Street, Boston, now occupied by Little, Brown and Company, and still owned by the College.185 John Sanford had two sons by his first wife, and after her death married Bridget, daughter of William and Anne Hutchinson, by whom he had nine children.

Samuel Sanford, second son of John, was born in Boston 21 June, 1635. He lived at Portsmouth, Rhode Island, where he married in October, 1662, Sarah, daughter of William Waddell, by whom he had six children, and there he died in 1712–13.

William Sanford, the writer of the entries in the almanac exhibited by Mr. Edes, was the fifth child of Samuel and Sarah (Waddell) Sanford, and was born at Portsmouth 21 May, 1676. In 1729, as well as for many years before and after, he was Town Clerk of Portsmouth, Rhode Island. He removed to Dartmouth, Massachusetts, after 1750, and from the Bristol County Deeds it would seem that he was a schoolmaster. He was a Quaker and notes the quarterly meeting at Portsmouth 11 April. As a Justice he solemnized several of the marriages of which he speaks, and nearly all the persons whose names he mentions were either his relatives or his neighbors.

William Sanford married at Portsmouth 26 January, 1699–1700, Hope, daughter of George and Sarah Sisson of that town, and had the following children: (i) Richard, born 17 March, 1700–01; (ii) Sarah, born 1702; (iii) Mary, born 1703, died 6 February, 1739, who married Thomas Shearman; (iv) Ruth, born 1706, died 1709; (v) Elizabeth, born 1707; (vi) William, born 1709; (vii) George, born 1711, died 1734; (viii) Joseph, born 1715.186 In the first volume of the Portsmouth Records is found, under “earmarks” of cattle, the name of William Sanford as Town Clerk in 1718, 1721, 1722, 1726–28, 1731, 1734, 1736–39, 1741, 1742, 1747–49, 1750. The annual town election was held in June, and on 24 June, 1751, another man was Town Clerk. Shortly after this he must have removed to Dartmouth, form the Bristol County Probate Records, xvii. 120, is found the will of William Sanford of Dartmouth, dated 11 February, 1752, and proved 4 November, 1760. In it he speaks of his daughters Sarah Smith and Elizabeth Smith, of his granddaughters Alice and Mary Shearman, children of his deceased daughter Mary, and of his sons Joseph, Richard, and William. He also mentions his real estate and his burying ground in Portsmouth.

1 At a meeting of the Council, held 5 November, 1900, Mr. Samuel Wells was appointed to fill the vacancy in the Nominating Committee caused by the death of Dr. Everett.

2 The text of this Commission will appear in Volume ii. of these Publications, which is reserved for the Royal Commissions.

3 Mr. Goodell’s Remarks at a meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society in November, 1899, printed in its Proceedings (Second Series), xiii. 290, 291

4 Publications of this Society, v. 58–77.

5 Of Preston himself little is known. He received a commission as Captain of the 29th Regiment on 7 December, 1764 (British Army List for 1772, p. 83). The 29th Regiment came to America in 1766 (W.C. Ford’s British Officers serving in America), and was one of the two regiments which arrived at Boston in September, 1768. Capt. Preston was present at “a genteel dance” given 21 February, 1770, by John Rowe, a Boston merchant, for his adopted daughter Susanna Inman, who, by her marriage two years later with Capt. John Linzee, became the ancestress of Prescott the historian (2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for March, 1895, x. 33). John Rowe himself said, on the following fifth of March, that “Capt. Preston bears a good character,” and on the ninth of March Rowe wrote: — “I went and paid a visit to Capt. Preston in goal, who I found in much better spirits than I expected” (Ibid. x. 73, 74). On the sixth of the same month Andrew Oliver, Jr., said that Capt. Preston “bears the most amiable character of any one in the Army” (Diaries of Benjamin Lynde and of Benjamin Lynde, Jr., pp. 227, 228). On the thirteenth of March, William Palfrey wrote: —

I cannot leave this subject without doing justice to Cap^t Preston so far as to inform you that before this unfortunate event, he always behav’d himself unexceptionably & had the character of a sober, honest man & a good officer, — but Influence, fatal influence! (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for March, 1863, vi. 483).

And on the twenty-eighth of June following the Rev. Dr. Andrew Eliot declared that —

Capt. Preston, who commanded the party that fired on the unarmed inhabitants, had the character of a benevolent, humane man; he insists on his innocence, and that his men fired without his orders (4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 451).

When one remembers the bitter feelings engendered here by the presence of the troops, and how easily the inhabitants took offence, it must be admitted that these extracts bear strong testimony to the high estimation in which Preston was held. He sailed for England from Boston on Thursday the sixth¹ of December, 1770. For four years he continued to be Captain of the 29th Regiment, but his name appears in the Army Lists for the last time in 1774. In the Gentleman’s Magazine for November, 1781, is recorded the death, at Harwich on the twelfth of that month, of “Capt. Preston, of the W. Middlesex militia” (li. 543); but it hardly seems likely that this could have been our Capt. Thomas Preston.

¹ In the Massachusetts Gazette of Friday, 7 December, 1770, No. 3505, it is stated that “His Majesty’s Ship Glasgow sailed Yesterday for England: In her went Passengers, Hon. James Murray, Esq; Capt. Preston of the 29th Regiment” (p. 3/2). Mr. Noble quoted (Publications, v. 68 n.) the Boston Gazette of 10 December as showing that the Glasgow sailed on Wednesday, the fifth of December; but Wednesday appears to have been a mistake for Thursday, as three other Boston papers agree in stating that the ship sailed on Thursday.

6 This was brought to Boston by Capt. James Scott, who arrived here 13 September, and an abstract from it was printed in the Boston Gazette of Monday, 24 September, 1770, No. 807, p. 2. In the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 13 September, No. 3492, we read: —

TWELVE o’clock at Noon arrived the Ship Lydia, James Scott, Master, from London (p. 2/3).

7 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 22 March, 1770, No. 3468, is the following: —

Friday last [16 March] sailed for London the Captains Robson and Miller; in the former went the Hon. John Robinson, Esq; one of the Commissioners of the Board of Customs (p. 3/2).

In a pamphlet printed in London in 1774, we read: —

Mr. Robinson, one of the Commissioners who attempted to assassinate Mr. Otis, was dispatched [On the 16th of March] to England immediately after the Affair of the 5th of March, with a Case said to be that of Captain Preston, though directly repugnant to what be had published under his own Hand. This Case had been secretly drawn up, and was as secretly transmitted. The Purpose of it was to throw the Charge of being the Aggressors upon the People, and that the Soldiers fired upon them in their own Defence, and to save the Custom House from being plundered (A True State of the Proceedings In the Parliament of Great Britain, and in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, p. 11).

This pamphlet was reprinted at Philadelphia in the same year, and in 1777 was included in Almon’s Collection of interesting, authentic Papers, relative to the Dispute between Great Britain and America (usually called Prior Documents), where it is stated to have been “Drawn up by Dr. Benjamin Franklin” (p. 255). Sparks reprinted the Pamphlet in his edition of Franklin’s Works (iv. 466—515). Sabin, quoting Sparks, says that it was chiefly drawn up by Arthur Lee from materials furnished by Franklin. The real author was Lee, as appears from what he himself wrote not later than 1792: —

In the spring of 1774, I sat out with Mr. and Mrs. Izard to make the tour of France and Italy. But previous to my going I drew up a piece entitled, “A True State of the Proceedings in the Province of Massachusetts Bay,” which has been attributed to Dr. Franklin because it was left with him as agent to have it printed (R. H. Lee’s Life of Arthur. Lee, 1829, i. 262).

8 The Bostonians hired a vessel for this purpose, as appears from these extracts: —

A prime sailing Schooner, owned and commanded by Capt. Andrew Gardner, has been hired by this Town, to carry to England, a full Representation of the tragical Affair on the Evening of the 5th of this Month (Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary of Friday, 23 March, 1770, p. 1/3).

The Schooner Betsey, Capt. Andrew Gardner, employed to carry Home the Representation of the late Massacre, lays ready for sailing (Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 29 March, No. 3469, p. 2/1).

The Schooner Betsey Packet, Capt. Gardner, sailed from hence for London last Sunday, and proceeded immediately to Sea (Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary of Friday, 6 April, p. 2/1).

9 They were brought by Capt. Hall. In the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 21 June, 1770, No. 3480, it is stated that “Monday last arrived here Capt. Hall from London” (p. 3/2).

10 In a letter written 7 July, James Bowdoin said: —

The latest intelligence from England was rec^d here last evening by Capt. Gardiner, who was sent thither express with the town’s dispatches on y^e subject of the late massacre (6 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 194).

11 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Monday, 16 July, 1770, No. 673, it is stated that “Last Saturday the Brig Paoli, Captain Hall, sailed for LONDON” (p. 3/3).

12 Boston Gazette of Monday, 12 March, 1770, No. 779, p. 3/1.

13 This statement is alluded to by the late C. F. Adams, in his Life of John Adams, but without indicating where Preston’s statement can be found (Works of J. Adams, i. 98).

14 The word “lobster,” as applied to a British soldier, was not necessarily one of contempt. The word was used in England by the middle of the seventeenth century, and it was occasionally employed in this country between 1750 and 1776 to distinguish a regular from a. provincial.

15 Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary of Thursday, 21 June, 1770, p. 1. The document was also printed in the Supplement to the Boston Gazette of Monday 25 June, No. 794, and in the Supplement to the Boston Evening Post, of Monday, 25 June, No. 1813.

It should be remembered that in 1770 there were two papers published in Boston each called the Massachusetts Gazette. The full title of one was “The Massachusetts Gazette: and the Boston Weekly News-Letter.” This was published on Thursdays and was printed by Richard Draper. The full title of the other was “The Massachusetts Gazette, and the Boston Post-Boy and Advertiser.” This was published on Mondays and was printed by Green and Russell.

In Wells’s Life of Samuel Adams (i. 315, 316), the document in the text is twice cited as “Preston’s Case,” but no indication is given as to where it can be found.

16 Boston Evening Post of Monday, 9 July, 1770, No. 1815, p. 3/2.

17 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xviii. 34.

18 As already stated, Capt. Gardner reached Boston the sixth of July.

19 Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 12 July, 1770, No. 3483, p. 2/1.

20 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xviii. 34.

21 In the Massachusetts Gazette of Thursday, 5 July, 1770, No. 3482, it is stated that “Tuesday last the Brig Lydia, Capt. Hood, sailed for London” (p. 3/2).

22 Boston Gazette of Monday, 16 July, 1770, No. 797, p. 2/3.

23 If another letter was sent, I have been unable to find any trace of it.

24 These depositions were printed in A Short Narrative of The horrid Massacre in Boston, &c., Boston, 1770, Appendix, pp. 1–77.

25 Doubtless this is a reflection on the depositions which were printed in the Fair Account, &c., Appendix, pp. 1–22.

26 For the depositions of Greenwood, see the Short Narrative, Appendix, pp. 75–77; and the Fair Account, Appendix, pp. 12, 13.

27 On the twenty-second of June, Gov. Hutchinson wrote: —

I will take every precaution which is in my power, which I wish was greater than it is.

On this letter was indorsed the following note: —

In answer to a letter informing him that the towns-people of Boston, since seeing Cap. Preston’s printed case, threatened his life (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for January, 1862, v. 361).

In the Narrative and Critical History of America, Justin Winsor said: —

In June, 1770, it would seem that Hutchinson’s life was threatened because of the passions aroused by the massacre, and there is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (Misc. MSS., 1632–1795) a brief note of his written on being advised to protect himself, dated June 22, 1770, at Milton (vi. 88).

From the document given in the text it seems clear that the person whose life was threatened was not Hutchinson but Preston.

28 The trial of Capt. Preston, as appears from the following extracts, began on the twenty-fourth of October, and the jury returned a verdict on the thirtieth. See also Publications of this Society, v. 64, 65, 82.

Last Friday [7 September] Capt. Preston, with the Soldiers and others who were indicted for the Murders committed in Kingstreet on the Evening of the 5th of March last, were arraigned at the Bar of the Superior Court and Court of Assize, &c. now sitting here, and severally pleaded not Guilty: but their Trial, we hear, is put off till the 23d Day of October next (Boston Evening Post of Monday, 10 September, 1770, No. 1824, p. 3/2).

II.

The Superior Court of Judicature, &c. met at the Court-House in this Town on Tuesday [23 October] last, according to Adjournment, for the Trial of Criminal Cases — The Trial of Capt. Preston began next Morning about Nine o’Clock, and is not yet finished (Boston Gazette of Monday, 29 October, 1770, No. 812, p. 3/1).

III.

In our last we mentioned that at the Superior Court held here, on Wednesday began the Trial of Capt. Thomas Preston, of the 29th Regiment, . . . The Examination of Evidences and the Pleas, were continued from Wednesday, each Day, (Lord’s Day excepted) until Monday; when the Judges summed up the Evidences, and gave the Charges to the Jury. The Jury went out about five o’Clock, and it is said agreed by eight: — The Court was adjourned till the next Morning at 8 o’Clock, at which Time they brought in the Verdict, “NOT GUILTY;” and Capt. Preston was dismissed (Ibid. of Monday, 5 November, 1770, No. 813, p. 2/3).

29 It is not known to how many persons in England this Statement was sent, but among them were Pownall and Franklin. No doubt it was through Pownall himself, either directly or indirectly, that the Statement appeared in the Political Register. See Pownall’s letter of 11 May, 1770, p. 213, below.

30 Concerning Joseph Otis, see Publications of this Society, v. 61—63, 264.

31 The Political Register for October, 1770, vii. 221–228. The only allusion I have found to this document is in Wells’s Life of Samuel Adams, where we read: —

Among Samuel Adams’s papers are found detached portions of a letter in his handwriting to Benjamin Franklin, prepared for a committee, of which he was one, appointed by the town to disabuse the minds of influential persons in England of the false statements sent on by the crown officers as to the Massacre and subsequent events. It is dated in Boston on the 13th of July, and Franklin is urged to exert himself and obtain a suspension of public opinion, until the town could have an opportunity of knowing what was alleged against it and of answering for itself. It protested against the determination of Parliament to admit garbled extracts from such letters as were received from America by the administration and to conceal the names of the writers (i. 345).

Wells then goes on to quote twenty-five lines which, with a few slight differences, agree with the corresponding lines in our text, beginning with the words “How deplorable then must be our condition.”

The feeling against Preston and the soldiers was intensely bitter, and had their trials taken place soon after the riot it would probably have gone hard with them. John Adams complained that for years the people of Boston did not forget or forgive his share in the defence of the accused (Works, ii. 229–236, 307, 317, ix. 352, 551, 617, x. 162, 166, 201, 203); and the verdicts rendered, however much they may now be commended, caused great discontent at the time. This was voiced by Samuel Adams in a series of articles which, under the signature of Vindex, were printed in the Boston Gazette of 10, 17, 24, 31 December, 1770, and 7, 14, 21, 28 January, 1771, Nos. 818–825. It is in the last three of these articles that Adams pays special attention to the Case of Capt. Preston.

32 The reference is probably to Edmund Gardner (see Felt’s History of Ipswich, Essex and Hamilton, pp. 11, 97).

33 The statement referred to by Mr. Davis is to be found in The Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1661–1668, No. 45, pp. 15, 16, as follows: —

Capt. Thos. Breedon to the Council for Foreign Plantations (March 11) 1661. Relation of the state of affairs in New England at his coming from thence in 1660. Having been summoned to appear before the Council this 11th of March 1661 to give information of the condition and Government of the several Colonies of New England, he herewith presents in the first place this book of laws of the Massachusetts Colony.

He then refers to the letter¹ of the Colony to his Majesty of December last, concerning which he says: —

Has not seen their petition, but questions their allegiance to the King, because they have not proclaimed him, they do not act in his name, and they do not give the oath of allegiance, but force an oath of fidelity to themselves and their Government, as in Book of Laws, pp. 62, 63, 68, and 84.

The date, the eleventh of March, 1661, in this abstract is new style. Breedon refers to events in the Colony as late as December, 1660, and he may have been here in January. This 1660 edition was issued in October. Three of the page references can be easily identified in this edition. This reference cannot be reasonably connected with the original edition of the book of laws.

¹ Dated 19 December, 1660 (Massachusetts Colony Record, iv. Part I., 449–453).

² The communication is printed in full in Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, iii. 39, 40.

34 History of Massachusetts Bay, 1764, i. 437.

35 Poole’s edition, p. 206.

36 Two Voyages to New-England, 1674 (Boston, 1865), p. 200. Josselyn’s entry is after 30 January, 1648–49, from which it may be inferred that the laws were printed between 30 January and 24 March, 1648–49. Hence, 1648 and 1649 may each be correct, the particular year being dependent upon whether the writer is using Old Style or New Style.

37 Cf. Corey’s History of Malden, p. 176 and note.

38 Edition of 1899, p. 403.

39 See Paige’s History of Cambridge, pp. 404, 405, 409, 485, 486; Cutter’s History of Arlington, pp. 191, 192, 262; and Wyman’s Genealogies and Estates of Charlestown, i. 68, 69.

40 Paige’s History of Cambridge, p. 485.

41 Susanna, daughter of John and Susanna (Payne) Wilson, was born 8, baptized 14, April, 1771 (Cutter’s History of Arlington, p. 323).

42 Samuel Abbot Smith’s West Cambridge on the Nineteenth of April, 1775, pp. 40, 41.

NOTE.

In the Case of Capt. Thomas Preston there is an error which, though slight, it is perhaps worth while to correct. In one place (p. 7), Preston speaks of a fracas which took place on the second of March at “one Gray’s Rope — Walk,” while a little later (p. 9) he states that on the fifth of March “three unhappy Men instantly expired, in which Number was Mr. Gray, at whose Rope-Walk the prior Quarrel took place.” The owner of the rope-walk was John Gray, while the person killed on the fifth was one of his workmen, Samuel Gray.

43 Messrs. Louis Cabot, Samuel Swett Green, Edward Griffin Porter, and Robert Noxon Toppan.

44 The Society was represented at Governor Wolcott’s funeral by Messrs. S. Lothrop Thorndike, Andrew McFarland Davis, and Edward Hale.

45 The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, ii. 116. See also 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, i. 248.

46 See the Publications of this Society, iii. 86–90.

47 British Museum, Harleian MS. 388, fo. 186.

48 Brampton Gordon of Assington was High Sheriff of Suffolk, his seat being near the ancestral home of Gov. Winthrop. Gurdon’s daughter Muriel married Richard Saltonstall (1610–1694) of Ipswich, Massachusetts, a son of Sir Richard Saltonstall.

49 The Rev. John Rogers of Dedham, England, died 8 October, 1686. See 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 47, 412, 413, vii. 8.

50 British Museum, Harleian MS. 388, fo. 188.

51 Capt. Nicholas Trerice, an early inhabitant of Charlestown, was a man of substance and prominent in the commercial affairs of the Colony. See Winthrop’s History of New England (1853), ii. 436, and W. Aspinwall’s Notarial Records (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxxii.), passim.

52 British Museum, Harleian MS. 388, fo. 189.

53 For further references to these two William Hammonds, see 4 Massachusetts Historical Collections, vi. 395, 396.

54 British Museum, Harleian MS. 388, fo. 191.

55 Sir Thomas Bowes, of Much Bromley, County Essex, whose wife was a sister of Sir Simonds D’Ewes.

56 British Museum, Harleian MS. 385, fo. 92. Edmund Browne is stated to have arrived in Boston in October, 1638, and to have become first minister of Sudbury, Massachusetts, in August, 1640.

57 Enclosed with the preceding letter and addressed “To the Right Wor^ḷ my much esteemed friend Sir Simonds Dewes, deliv^r this at Stowlanctoft hall, Suff:”

58 See also Winthrop’s History of New England, i. 261–263, and Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574–1660, p. 259.

59 There is no signature, but the handwriting is that of the preceding letter.

60 See John Leigh of Agawam (Albany, 1888), pp. 47, 48 and note.

61 Bristol Deeds, xxxii. 353.

62 Ibid. xliii. 430.

63 In a subsequent letter, Mr. Crane places the date of Thomas Baylies’s settlement at Attleborough in 1738, on the authority of Emery’s History of Taunton (ii. 3, 4), which refers incidentally to Richard Clarke’s connection with the Iron works in Attleborough.

64 But see Bristol Deeds, xli. 211 and xlv. 326, in which he is described as of Attleborough, iron-master.

65 The Suffolk Deeds (liv. 210) record a conveyance, for £125, from Robert Sanderson¹ and William Bollan, to William Clarke of Boston, since of Attleborough, physician, of the Iron Stone in lands situated in Wrentham, Massachusetts, and Smithfield, Rhode Island, also the hill called “Iron Rocky Hill.” The deed is dated 12 January, 1736.

Another conveyance (Ibid. lxii. 67^a) runs from William Bollan, gentleman, Robert Sanderson, merchant, and Henry Laughton, shopkeeper, all of Boston, who, for £1000, sell to Richard Clarke of Boston, merchant, and William Clarke of Attleborough, in the county of Bristol, physician, several tracts and parcels of land in Wrentham, and one parcel in Attleborough described as follows:

Also one Third Part of Two small parcells of land purchased by the said Bollan, Laughton and Wood of Gideon Tower, William Hancock and Ichabod Peck situate in the Township of Attlebourough in the County of Bristol as Particularly described and Bounded by a Deed from the said Hancock and Tower dated Dec^r 31, 1734 And by the said Peck’s Deed dated March 12, 1734,

one of said parcels containing two acres and twenty-eight rods, the other four acres and one hundred and fifty-eight rods. The conveyance also includes a tract of about twenty-four acres bought by the said Bollan, Laughton and Amos Wood, all of Boston, of Samuel Bartlett, Jr., of Attleborough by his deed of 4 April, 1735; and all interests of the grantors in mines, etc., on the granted premises. This deed is dated 15 July, 1736, and recorded under date of 13 November, 1741. Endorsed upon it (Ibid. lxii. 68) is a conveyance, for £500, from William Clarke and his wife Sarah Clarke, to Joseph Lee of Boston, merchant, of —

all our Right and Interest in the within written Deed and in all the Lands, Tenement, Hereditaments, Oar Mines, Minerals, Estate, Priviledges and appurtenances thereby Granted and Conveyed to the said William Clark.

This deed is dated 19 May, 1740, and was recorded 13 November, 1741.

Other lands in Wrentham were conveyed by Bollan and Laughton, for £l400, to Richard and William Clarke 19 July, 1737, and on 19 May, 1740, William and Sarah Clarke, for £700, convey to Joseph Lee their half interest therein. Both of these conveyances were recorded 13 November, 1741 (Ibid. lxii. 68–70).

¹ In all of Sanderson’s conveyances recorded with Suffolk Deeds which I have examined, his name is spelled without the “u,” which some writers have injected into the spelling of his name. Different members of this family in Boston spelled their names Sanders, Saunders, Sanderson or Saunderson, as appears in the Town and Church Records, Suffolk Probate Files and Suffolk Registry of Deeds. Robert Sanderson, tanner, was born in Boston 16 January, 1696–97, and baptized at the Old South Church on the following day. He was the son of Robert, goldsmith, and Esther (Woodward) Sanderson of Boston, and grandson of Robert Sanderson of Hampton, Watertown and Boston, who was ordained a Deacon of the First Church in Boston 14 (12) 1668. He is believed to have been identical with Robert Sanderson, Esq., formerly of Boston, who died at Hammersmith, England, 11 December, 1789, aged 84 (Musgrave’s Obituary, v. 210; Independent Chronicle, Boston, of Thursday, 3 February, 1791, No. 1162, p. 3/3), a typographical error, 84 for 94, having, perhaps, been made in stating his age. See Suffolk Probate Files, Nos. 2082, 2279, 3686, 4107, 4108, 5965; Suffolk Deeds, xxxiii. 211, xxxvi. 211, xxxviii. 183, xxxix. 220, xli. 194, 199, xliii. 195, 266, xliv. 61.

66 See Bliss’s History of Rehoboth, p. 133.

67 Bristol Deeds, xxii. 353.

68 Ibid. xxxix. 390.

69 Nicholas Brown and Company, of Providence, which became, in 1796, Brown and Ives, under which name the firm still continues.

70 The second paragraph, with slight differences, was printed in the Supplement to the Courant (Hartford, Connecticut) of Saturday, 12 December, 1846 (xi. 199/3), preceded by the following remark:

“Brother Jonathan. — The origin of this term as applied to the United States, is given in a recent number of the Norwich Courier. The editor says it was communicated by one of the most intelligent gentlemen and sterling Whigs in Connecticut, now upward of eighty years of age, who was an active participator in the scenes of the Revolution. The story is as follows.”

In 1848 Bartlett, in his Dictionary of Americanisms, pp. 49, 50, printed the passages from the Supplement to the Courant, but without indicating the source. In 1859 Stuart printed the passages from the Supplement to the Courant in his Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., pp. 697, 698 note. A file of the Supplement to the Courant is in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, and I am indebted to Mr. Edmund M. Barton for allowing me to consult it. After a long search, a file of the Norwich Evening Courier for 1846 was found in the office of the Norwich Bulletin. The passages in the text are copied from the original, to which an exact reference is now given for the first time. An examination of the Norwich Evening Courier for November and December, 1846, fails to disclose any further allusion to the subject.

71 Historical Estimate of Connecticut, in Work and Play, 1864, pp. 214, 215.

72 History of Connecticut, 1855., ii. 425, 426. In a note Hollister refers to Bushnell’s address, already quoted.

73 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xii. 60, 61. The evidence fails to show that Brother Jonathan was a sobriquet applied particularly to New Englanders.

74 Americanisms, p. 251.

75 The Congressional Globe, 29 April, 1872, Second Session, Forty-Second Congress, p. 2902.

In his address, A Revolutionary Congressman on Horseback, delivered in 1877, Col. T. W. Higginson remarked:

“Gov. Trumbull was revered as the only colonial governor who took the patriotic side; and is also likely to be held in permanent fame as the author of the phrase ‘Brother Jonathan’” (Travellers and Outlaws, 1889, p. 63).

In making Governor Trumbull the author of the phrase, Col. Higginson has departed widely from the usual story.

76 History of Connecticut, p. 234.

77 The Lebanon War Office, 1891, pp. 27, 32, 55, 71, 75, 91. See also Early Lebanon, 1880, p. 91.

78 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlix. 148. Amid the all but universal acceptance of the Trumbull story, it is pleasant to record at least one instance of caution. The late Alexander Johnston, in 1887, said that Trumbull “was the trusted associate of Washington, and the latter’s familiar way of addressing him when asking his advice is said to have been the origin of the popular phrase ‘Brother Jonathan’” (Connecticut, p. 287). The italics are mine.

79 As Governor Trumbull had no fewer than three brothers and four sisters, it is highly probable that he may have been called “Brother Jonathan” by some if not by all of them. But that he was so called by his “friends, and acquaintances generally,” is a statement in support of which no proof is offered. See post, p. 100 note 3.

80 This sentence recalls a skit which, under the title of Authenticated American Etymologies, appeared in the Massachusetts Magazine for March, 1792, iv. 161, 162:

“When the seamen on board the ship of Christopher Columbus, after a series of fatigues, came in sight of St. Salvador, they burst out in exuberant mirth and jollity. ‘The lads are in A MERRY KEY,’ cried the commodore. AMERICA is now the name of half the globe.”

Mr. Stuart seems to have been one of those mortals who, in the words of Lowell, “have been sent into the world unfurnished with that modulating and restraining balance-wheel which we call a sense of humor.”

81 Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., 1859, pp. 696–698. Of this work, Mr. Henry C. Robinson has recently said that “were it written in a simpler style, [it] would doubtless be found in more libraries . . . But the days of bloated rhetoric are past” (Jonathan Trumbull, 1898, p. 4). It need scarcely be added that Mr. Robinson himself accepts the Trumbull story:

“Washington was wont to speak of Governor Trumbull as ‘Brother Jonathan.’ This pet description of Trumbull by the ‘Father of his Country’ has been well transferred to the personification of the investigating, progressive, liberty-loving nation which Washington and Trumbull did so much to create” (Ibid. p. 21).

82 See ante, p. 95 note.

83 From our associate Mr. Charles K. Bolton, who has kindly allowed me to read the manuscript of a book he is about to publish, — The Private Soldier under Washington, — I learn that many of the recruits were mere boys, some at the opening of the war being under sixteen. It is possible, therefore, that the gentleman from whom we get the story, even if only nine in 1775, might have served towards the close of the war. However, the age of the gentleman is of as little importance as is the assurance that in 1846 he was one of the most “sterling Whigs in Connecticut.”

84 A letter written by Washington, 1 October, 1785, to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., contained this sentence: “A long & well spent life in the service of his Country, justly entitled him to the first place among patriots.” See post, p. 183.

85 Before taking leaving of the Trumbull story, attention may be called to several passages. Soon after the origination of that story, an amusing variation was suggested. In 1852 an unknown person wrote from La Valette, Malta, as follows:

“The Agnomen of ‘Brother Jonathan’ of Masonic Origin.

“George Washington, commander-in-chief of the American army in the revolution, was a mason, as were all the other generals, with the solitary exception of Arnold the traitor, . . . On one occasion, when the American army had met with some serious reverses, Washington called his brother officers together, to consult in what manner their effects could be best counteracted. Differing as they did in opinion, the commander-in-chief postponed any action on the subject, by remarking, ‘Let us consult brother Jonathan,’ referring to Jonathan Trumbull, who was a well known mason, and particularly distinguished ‘for his sound judgment, strict morals, and having the tongue of good report’” (Notes and Queries, First Series, v. 149).

In a letter written 19 February, 1776, by Jedidiah Huntington to Governor Trumbull, occurs this sentence:

“The bearer, whom I should have mentioned in the beginning of my letter, is Mr. Hooper, of North Carolina, one of the delegates of Congress, an old and particular acquaintance of brother Jonathan’s” (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 514).

Jedidiah Huntington married Faith Trumbull, the oldest daughter of Governor Trumbull; and the “brother Jonathan” alluded to was Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., the second son of Governor Trumbull. In a letter written 27 April, 1775, Huntington said that he “expected to have seen Brother Joseph by this time,” meaning Joseph Trumbull, the oldest son of Governor Trumbull. In letters written 21 September, 1775, 14 January and 29 March, 1776, Huntington mentioned “brother David,” referring to David Trumbull, the third son of Governor Trumbull. In letters written 17 August, 21 September, 1775, and 1 April, 1776, Huntington spoke of “Brother John” or “brother Jack,” alluding to John Trumbull, the fourth and youngest son of Governor Trumbull, and the future artist (5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, ix. 496, 499, 504, 509, 514, 516, 517).

It was of course natural for Huntington to call these four men “brothers,” because they were his brothers by marriage. If any one, not a near relative, ever alluded to Governor Trumbull as “Brother Jonathan,” the fact could hardly have escaped contemporary record; and if Governor Trumbull had been so referred to by Washington, surely the honorable mark of distinction would have excited comment. It is reasonable to expect to find some allusion to the designation in the History of Jonathan Trumbull, the present Rebel Governor of Connecticut, from his Birth, early in this Century, to the present Day, — which, unfriendly and valueless, appeared in the Political Magazine for January, 1781, ii. 6–10; in the Rev. Z. Ely’s Sermon Preached at the Funeral Solemnity Of His Excellency Jonathan Trumbull, and in the obituary notices which appeared, in 1785; in the Rev. Z. Ely’s Discourse, in President T. Dwight’s Discourse, and in the Biographical Sketch of the Character of Governor Trumbull (attributed to John Trumbull, a nephew of the first Governor Trumbull, and the author of M’Fingal), all occasioned by the death of Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., also Governor of Connecticut, in 1809; in the sketch of the first Governor Trumbull printed in 1839 in J. B. Longacre and J. Herring’s National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, iv.; and, most of all, in the Autobiography, Reminiscences and Letters which John Trumbull, the artist, and son of the first Governor Trumbull, published in 1841. But we search in vain for any trace of the story until 1846.

Finally, even if it can be shown that Washington did at some time allude to Governor Trumbull as “Brother Jonathan,” the fact would not necessarily indicate the origin of our present expression. In this very note it has been shown that Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., actually was called “Brother Jonathan:” yet surely no one will be rash enough to assert that such a designation has the remotest connection with the term Brother Jonathan as applied to Americans.

86 History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United States of America, i. 481, 482.

87 New Monthly Magazine, ii. 213 note.

88 Notes and Queries, Second Series, xi. 263, 326, xii. 274.

89 The full title is: THE REFORMADO, Precisely Charactered by a Transformed Church-warden, at a Vestry, LONDON. The first sentence in the above passage was quoted by a writer in Notes and Queries, 1859, Second Series, vii. 444; but as, apart from the context, it was utterly inexplicable, I sent to the British Museum for a copy of the pamphlet, and from this the passages in the text are printed. There is no date on the title-page, but in the British Museum Catalogue it is dated 1643.

90 Church-History of Britain, Book x, ¶ 12, pp. 4, 5.

91 First published in 1598, other editions appeared in 1603, 1618, and 1633, the last with large additions by Anthony Munday and Henry Dyson. It was not again reprinted till 1724, when Strype brought out his edition. The 1618 edition does not mention these “monuments,” but the edition of 1633 records “all the Monuments of Queene Elizabeth, as they are in every Church” (p. 819).

92 In addition there was one church, St. Mildred, Bread Street, where —

“Betweene these two [Windows], at the upper end of the Church, is a faire Window full of cost of beauty, which being divided into five parts, carries in the first of them a very artfull and curious representation of the Spaniards great Armado, and the battell in 1588. In the second, of the Monument of Queen Elizabeth” (p. 859).

93 A single extract, towards the end, will sufficiently indicate its character in this respect:

“These, with some other things (I know not well what) are the Compendium of my thoughts, leaving nothing materill to the care of my Successors, but the subversion of the Crosse-Ile, the demolishing of the Arches, (if without danger it bee feisable) and the turning of the maine structure North, and South, (which now most offensively stands East and West) or taking it all asunder for a purer Edification. Now onely remaines, that in a pretty Diminitive Vote, you please to give your Brotherly assent unto the premises” (p. 15).

94 In Worcester’s Dictionary of 1860 will be found the following:

“JONATHAN, n. . . . 2. A sportive collective name applied to the people of the U. States.”

Worcester refers to Johnson; but no edition of Johnson’s Dictionary previous to 1860 that I have seen contains the word.

The passage in the text was written in January, 1901, and in July following appeared the section of the Oxford English Dictionary containing the word Jonathan. Dr. Murray’s earliest example is dated 1816.

95 In H. Niles’s Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America, 1822, p. 372.

96 C. A. Gérard was the French Minister.

97 The letters and squibs of this time frequently allude to the Americans as “feeling bold,” and the Loyalists appear to have regarded it as a huge joke; but the exact significance of the phrase is obscure. Perhaps an extract from “Observations on the Government account of the late action near Charles Town,” which appeared in an English magazine soon after the battle of Bunker Hill, may give a clue to the origin of the phrase. The writer, it need scarcely be said, was friendly to the Americans:

“But, ‘this action has shewn the superiority of the King’s troops.’ — Has it indeed? How? — ‘Why, they (with a proportion of field artillery, and with the assistance of ships, armed vessels, and boats, and with the encouragement of certain and speedy reinforcement if necessary) attacked and defeated above three times their own numbers.’ — What three times their own numbers? Of whom, pray? Of French or Spanish Regulars? — No, of the Americans — Of the Americans! What, of those dastardly, hypocritical cowards, who (Lord Sandwich knows) do not feel bold enough to dare to look a soldier in the face!” (Almon’s Remembrancer, 1775, i. 126/1).

98 Royal Gazette, 3 October, 1778, No. 210, p. 3/2. The song consists of twelve stanzas.

99 Royal Gazette, 14 July, 1779, No. 291, p. 3/1.

100 Ibid. p. 3/1. By Joseph and his Brethren are meant the famous Joseph Brant and his Indians. At the celebration of the King’s birthday, on the previous 4 June, the twenty-third toast drunk was to “Joseph and his Brethren” (Ibid., 5 June, 1779, No. 280, p. 2/4). By Mr. O’Sullivan is apparently meant General John Sullivan. According to a later account, the attack by Brant was not near Wyoming but near Oneida Lake:

“The action between Capt. Brant in person with the Loyalists and Indians, and the rebel commander Clinton, happened near a fortnight ago, about thirty miles above Fort Stanwix, near the east end of Oneida Lake” (Ibid., 17 July, 1779, No. 292, p. 3/2).

As a matter of fact, the report of the action appears to have been false. Gen. James Clinton was not at Wyoming in June or July; neither Clinton nor Sullivan was at Oneida Lake; and Brant, who was about midway between Clinton and Sullivan, did not attack either at the time of the alleged battle. See an article by our associate Mr. A. McF. Davis in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 639; W. L. Stone, Life of Joseph Brant, 1838, i. 396–422, ii. 1–52; F. W. Halsey, Old New York Frontier, 1901, pp. 265–267; and Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779, passim.

101 Royal Gazette, 27 May, 1780, No. 382, p. 2/4. Byron Bridge is an error for Byram Bridge.

102 Royal Gazette Extraordinary, 8 June, 1780, p. 2/3.

103 Royal Gazette, 5 July, 1780, No. 393, p. 3/1. In the same paper of 22 July, No. 398, p. 3/2, occur these two lines, apparently having no connection with what goes before or comes after:

“Jonathan these babies of thine

Are not all Children genuine.”

104 The Loyalists constantly poked fun at the depreciated American currency.

105 Gates is said to have hardly paused in his flight until he reached Hillsborough, North Carolina.

106 Royal Gazette, 27 September, 1780, No. 417, p. 3/1.

107 Ibid., 28 December, 1782, No. 653, p. 2/3. There are 12 stanzas.

108 And also, perhaps, by the British serving in America. Still I have noted no instances of the employment of the term in such diaries, journals, and letters of British officers as I have read.

109 Why should Tom, Dick, and Harry be brought together in collocation? Why, when speaking to a strange boy in the street, do we address him as Johnny? Why is a sailor called Jack? Why is Old Harry regarded as a particularly appropriate designation for the Devi!? Apparently all we can do in such cases is to state the fact.

110 In the Royal Gazette of 14 June, 1780, No. 387, p. 3/2, will be found the following:

“Extract of a letter, dated Middletown, May 23. ‘Governor Trumbull received an express from General Washington yesterday, desiring him to forward a large quantity of provisions to New-London immediately, as a fleet might be expected there in a few days, . . . Charles town was safe the 4th instant, but since that a bloody battle has been fought there, but can’t get the particulars.’

“[Master Jonathan ecce the Capitulation and Lincolnade of the 12th ultimo, published by the Printer last Thursday.”

The words in italics were doubtless written either by James Rivington, the publisher of the Royal Gazette, or by some one in the office of the paper; but whether they are to be understood as an apostrophe to Gov. Trumbull or to Americans in general, is not clear.

The word Lincolnade requires explanation. The surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga in 1777 gave rise to the verb “to Burgoyne” and to the noun “Burgoynade,” instances of which occur, on both sides of the Atlantic, for several years after the catastrophe at Saratoga. “When General Lincoln was obliged to capitulate at Charleston, the Loyalists, doubtless remembering the terms just mentioned, coined the word Lincolnade. The following extracts are in point:

“The LINCOLNADE was acted on the 12th [May]. . . . An entire regiment of militia, (secretly well affected to Government,) inhabiting the back parts of South-Carolina, . . . no sooner heard of the Lincolnade at Charlestown than they seized their Colonel (Thomson) their Lieutenant Colonel, Major, and Several other officers devoted to the Congress, brought them to Charlestown, [and] delivered them to the Commander in Chief . . . This repetition is inserted by way of convincing the Infidels without our lines, that the town [i. e. Charleston] is taken, and their army LINCOLNADED.” (Royal Gazette, 8 June, 1780, p. 2/3; 17 June, 1780, No. 387, p. 2/4; 1 July, 1780, No. 392, p. 3/2.)

111 The Contrast was first performed at the John Street Theatre, New York, 16 April, 1787, was first printed at Philadelphia in 1790, and was reprinted at New York in 1887 by the Dunlap Society. The character called Jonathan was the servant, or the waiter, — “Servant! Sir, do you take me for a neger, — I am Col. Manly’s waiter,” — of Colonel Manly, a hero of the Revolutionary war from Massachusetts. In the third act there is an amusing scene in which Jonathan relates how he was taken to the theatre without his knowing it. Some passages follow:

Jenny.

So, Mr. Jonathan, I hear you were at the play last night.

Jonathan.

At the play! why, did you think I went to the devil’s drawing-room?

Jenny.

The devil’s drawing-room!

Jonathan.

Yes; why an’t cards and dice the devil’s device; and the play-house the shop where the devil hangs out the vanities of the world, upon the tenter-hooks of temptation. . . . Oh! no, no, no! you won’t catch me at a play-house, I warrant you.

Jenny.

Well, Mr. Jonathan, though I don’t scruple your veracity, I have some reasons for believing you were there: pray, where were you about six o’clock?

Jonathan.

Why, I went to see one Mr. Morrison, the hocus pocus man; they said as how he could eat a case knife. . . .

Jessamy.

Well, and did you see the man with his tricks?

Jonathan.

Why I vow, as I was looking out for him, they lifted up a great green cloth, and let us look right into the next neighbour’s house. Have you a good many houses in New-York made so in that ’ere way?

Jenny.

Not many: but did you see the family?

Jonathan.

Yes, swamp it; I see’d the family. . . .

Jenny.

Well, Mr. Jonathan, you were certainly at the play-house.

Jonathan.

I at the play-house! — Why didn’t I see the play then?

Jenny.

Why the people you saw were players.

Jonathan.

Mercy on my soul! did I see the wicked players?

(The Contrast, 1790, pp. 39, 40, 41, 43.)

The following contemporary notice of the play may not be without interest:

“On Monday evening last, for the first, and last evening for the second time, was performed, at the theatre in this city, amid continued roars of applause, a COMEDY (composed by an American) called the CONTRAST. Novelty, says a correspondent, is ever pleasing: an American comic production is a novelty — therefore it was pleasing. . . . The striking Contrast, in this piece, is, between a person who had made his tour of Europe, studied the bon ton, with his galloned attendant . . . and an heroic, sentimental American Colonel, with his honest waiting-man” (New-York Journal, 19 April, 1787, No. 2111, p. 3/3).

112 The Nightingale; or Rural Songster, Dedham, 1800, pp. 117, 118.

113 The Country Lovers; or, Mr. Jonathan Jolthead’s Courtship with Miss Sally Snapper: An excellent New Song, said to be written by it’s Author; And really founded on fact. Tune — ‘Yankee Doodle.’ In Original Poems, Philadelphia., 1806, pp. 69–85.

The word Jolthead itself, it need scarcely be said, means either a large head, or a dunce or blockhead. In the former sense it was used in 1664 by J. Wilson in the Cheats, v. i.; and in the latter sense in 1623 by Shakspere in the Two Gentlemen of Verona, iii. i. 290, and in the Taming of the Shrew, iv. i. 169, and in 1767 by Sterne in Tristram Shandy, vol. ix. chap. xxv.

114 Jonathan Postfree, or the Honest Yankee. A Musical Farce. In Three Acts. New York, 1807. In a prefatory note it is said that the play “was written in the beginning of the year 1806, was intended for representation on the stage; but was not presented to the managers until it was too late for that season;” and that “it is not now probable that the piece will ever have the honor to be played.”

115 This was found in a collection of Songs, Ballads, etc., in three volumes, in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society. Again I am indebted to Mr. Barton for calling my attention to the volumes. The genesis of this collection is stated in a note written by Isaiah Thomas:

“Purchased from a Ballad Printer and Seller, in Boston, 1813. Bound up for Preservation — to shew what the articles of this kind are in vogue with the Vulgar at this time, 1814. . . . Presented to the Society by Isaiah Thomas.

Aug^t. 1814.”

Thomas does not say of whom he bought the collection; but as many of the ballads have the imprint of Nathaniel Coverly, Jr., Milk Street, Boston, it seems not unreasonable to conclude that he was the “Ballad Printer and Seller” referred to by Thomas. Our associate Mr. Worthington C. Ford informs me that such ballads are a desideratum in Americana.

116 The Diverting History of John Bull and Brother Jonathan, New York, pp. 4–8. In a little piece written in 1821, in which “Jonathan” represents the North and “Mary” the South, James Madison gives us a slight variation:

“Jonathan Bull and Mary Bull, who were descendants of old John Bull, the head of the family, had inherited contiguous estates in large tracts of land. As they grew up and became well acquainted, a partiality was mutually felt, and advances on several occasions made towards a matrimonial connection” (Jonathan Bull and Mary Bull, 1856, p. 3).

117 Edinburgh Review, xxxiii. 77.

118 Vision of Judgment, Stanza lix. This, quoted in the Encyclopædic Dictionary, was apparently the only example of the term known to lexicographers until the publication of the Oxford English Dictionary. See ante, p. 105 note 2.

119 The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland at that time was Marquis Wellesley. He married, 29 October, 1825, for his second wife, Marianne, widow of Robert Patterson, eldest daughter of Richard Caton of Baltimore, and granddaughter of Charles Carroll of Carrollton. An account of this marriage will be found in R. R. Pearce’s Memoirs and Correspondence of Marquess Wellesley, 1846, iii. 387–390.

120 Familiar Letters, 1894, ii. 382.

121 History of the American Stage, p. 85.

122 Poetical Works, 1891, ii. 35, 36.

123 Maine Woods, 1894, pp. 17, 18.

124 In Littell’s Living Age, xxii. 86/1.

125 United States Review, iv. 106 (Democratic Review, xxxv).

126 United States Service Magazine, iv. 27.

127 In Life, Letters, & Friendships of R. M. Milnes, 1891, ii. 323.

128 Suspecting that the word “Jonathans,” as given by Sparks, might be an error for “Jonathan’s,” I wrote to Washington to ask to have the passage copied from the original letter in the Department of State. To Mr. Andrew H. Allen, chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library, I am indebted for the following transcript:

“Virtue & Patriotism were the Motto of our Banners when we entered this Contest, where is virtue, where is Patriotism now? when almost every Man has turned his thoughts & attention to gain & pleasures, practicing every artifice of Change Ailey or Jonathan’s — when Men of abilities” etc.

129 There are no fewer than five or six claimants for the honor. See a note by Mr. Joseph Jacobs in his edition of the Familiar Letters of James Howell, p. 803; J. H. Burn, Descriptive Catalogue of the London Traders, Tavern, and Coffee House Tokens, 1853, pp. 83, 84; W. Boyne, Trade Tokens, edited by G. C. Williamson, 1889, i. 601, 666; E. F. Robinson, Early History of Coffee Houses in England, passim.

130 As Jonathan’s Coffee-House was in Exchange Ailey, it could not have been opposite St. Michael’s Church; but Aubrey may have meant near, not opposite, St. Michael’s; or Jonathan’s may have derived its name from some other person.

131 To Mr. Jonathan Trumbull, Librarian of the Otis Library, Norwich, Conn., I am indebted for calling my attention to an extract which has been printed since the foregoing paper was written. Under date of 21 March, 1776, Ezra Stiles wrote from Dighton, Mass., as follows:

“I saw several Gentlemen who came out of Boston last Eveng. . . . They [the British] left Bunker Hill last Ldsday Morning 17^th at Eight o’Clock, leaving Images of Hay dressed like Sentries standing, with a Label on the Breast of one, inscribed ‘Welcome Brother Jonathan’” (Literary Diary, 1901, ii. 2).

This example is earlier by two years than any hitherto known to me, and of course makes necessary a modification of the statement made on page 105 that “it is not until well into the Revolutionary war that we find any trace of the term under discussion, and then it appears in a slightly different form,” and also of the statement made on page 119 that the evidence “seems to indicate that the original term was simply Jonathan.” But while the new example is interesting, it does not appear to affect the conclusions expressed in this paper. Our associate Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, who edits the above work, makes this comment upon the passage:

“The use of this phrase at this date by the British seems to prove that the common explanation of its origin (with reference to Washington’s consultations with Gov. Jonathan Trumbull) cannot be the correct one” (ii. 2 note).

In a work also published since this paper was written, Mr. John F. Weir, Director of the Yale School of the Fine Arts, says:

“Washington in his difficulties and perplexities at critical period of the war, when seeking reinforcements, referred in a letter to Govern or Trumbull as ‘Brother Jonathan,’ thus originating a term since humorously employed in personifying the nation” (John Trumbull and his Works, 1901, p. 4).

Neither Mr. Jonathan Trumbull of Norwich, who is a Lineal descendant of Governor Trumbull, nor Mr. J. Henry Lea, who is related to the Trumbull family, has any knowledge of this alleged letter by Washington, to which there have been so many allusions during the past half century.

132 Congress was about to bring before the British Government the losses of property by citizens of the States at the time of the evacuation of New York. A number of negro slaves and servants had been sent or allowed to go to Nova Scotia and other places, a Joss which concerned more particularly the Southern States. Washington held the papers and correspondence which passed between him and the British commander in chief, the “good” Sir Guy Carleton, and it was to obtain copies of the more important that Mr. Taylor, a clerk in the office of Foreign Affairs, had been sent to Mount Vernon. Washington wrote to Jay on September 27th: —

“Mr. Taylor presented me the honor of your favor of the 25th ultimo, and gave me the pleasure of hearing that Mrs. Jay, yourself, and family were well when he left New York. Upon your safe return to your native country, after a long absence and the important services you have rendered it in many interesting negotiations, I very sincerely congratulate you and your lady. It gave me great pleasure to hear of your late appointment as secretary of the United States for the department of foreign affairs. A happier choice, in my opinion, could not have been made; and I shall always rejoice at any circumstances, that will contribute either to your honor, interest, or convenience.

“Having completed his mission, Mr. Taylor returns to you with the proceedings and report of the commissioners, who were sent into New York to inspect the embarkation, which, by the by, was little more than a farce, as they inspected no more property than the British chose they should be witness to the embarkation of. It will always give me pleasure to hear from you. Mrs. Washington joins me in most respectful compliments, and best wishes for yourself and Mrs. Jay, and I am, dear Sir, yours, &c.”

133 Swedish consul at Boston.

134 A gift from Lafayette.

135 Stuart had married Eleanor Calvert, the widow of John Parke Custis.

136 See letter to Jonathan Trumbull, p. 183, post.

137 William Shaw who served as Washington’s secretary from 26 July, 1785, to the arrival of Tobias Lear in May, 1786.

138 Probably Rev. David Jones, who was appointed, 27 April, 1776, chaplain of the Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion (Colonel Anthony Wayne’s). On 1 January, 1783, he was transferred to the Third Pennsylvania, served as chaplain of the Northern army under Wayne in 1794, and was chaplain in the war of 1812. He died 5 February, 1820, aged 84.

139 Houdon had come to the United States in the vessel with Dr. Franklin, reaching Philadelphia on the fourteenth of September. Franklin wrote to Washington on the twentieth of September: —

“He is here, but the materials and instruments he sent down the Seine from Paris not being arrived at Havre when we sailed, he was obliged to leave them, and is now busied in supplying himself here.”

Washington, in acknowledging Franklin’s letter, wrote on the twenty-sixth: —

“When it suits M. Houdon to come hither, I will accommodate him in the best manner I am able, and shall endeavor to render his stay as agreeable as I can.”

On the same day he wrote to Houdon: —

“By a letter, which I have lately had the honor to receive from Dr. Franklin at Philadelphia, I am informed of your arrival at that place. Many letters from very respectable characters in France, as well as the Doctor’s, inform me of the occasion; for which, though the cause is not of my seeking, I feel the most agreeable and grateful sensations. I wish the object of your mission had been more worthy of the masterly genius of the first statuary in Europe; for thus you are represented to me.

“It will give me pleasure, Sir, to welcome you to this seat of my retirement; and whatever I have, or can procure, that is necessary to your purposes, or convenient and agreeable to your wishes, you must freely command, as inclination to oblige you will be among the last things in which I shall be found deficient, either on your arrival or during your stay. With sentiments of esteem, I am, Sir, &c.”

140 See letter to John Page, p. 184, post.

141 See letter to Richard Henry Lee, p. 181, post.

142 James Rumsey.

143 Hannah Bushrod, daughter of Colonel John Bushrod, of Westmoreland County.

144 Mildred, who married Thomas Lee.

145 Bushrod, married in 1783, Anne, daughter of Colonel Thomas Blackburn, of Prince William County. Died without issue.

146 Corbin, married Hannah, daughter of Richard Henry Lee.

147 Probably the son of Augustine, the half-brother of the General. William married, in 1780, Jane, daughter of John Augustine Washington.

148 John and Burwell.

149 See letter to the Rev. Mr. Balch, p. 185, post.

150 Residence of George Mason.

151 See letter to Sir Edward Newenham, p. 186, post.

152 See letters to James Madison and David Stuart, p. 188, post.

153 See letter to the Count de Rochambeau, p. 190, post.

154 See letter to William Gordon, p. 191, post.

155 James Fairlie.

156 See letters to Alexander Hamilton and General Knox, pp. 192, 193, post.

157 See Washington’s letter to the Trustees, 17 December, 1785, in Sparks, ix. 159.

158 See letters to Governor Johnson and Lund Washington, pp. 194, 193, post.

159 Son of Samuel Washington.

160 A memorandum in Washington’s writing of his agricultural operations during the year.

161 The Potomac Canal Company.

162 Baron Steuben.

163 See Mr. Cunningham’s Note on William Sanford, p. 203.

164 Sanford doubtless made a slip in recording the age. Jeremiah Clark, born 1643, died 16 January, 1729. He was the son of Jeremiah and Frances (Dungan) Clark, who had gone from Boston to Rhode Island and were among the most prominent of the early settlers in Newport. Jeremiah the father was Governor of the Colony and died in 1661. Jeremiah the son was a resident of Newport, where in 1701 he was made a Deacon of the Second Baptist Church, and for many years he was a Deputy. He married Ann Audley (Odlin) and had nine children, the second of whom, Frances, born 1669, married in 1689 John Sanford, the brother of the writer of the entries. (Austin, Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 44; Rhode Island Historical Magazine, vii. 297.)

165 Thomas Durfie was the son of Thomas Durfie (1643–1712) of Portsmouth. He was a Deputy from Portsmouth in 1707, 1709 (when he was called “Jr.”) and 1713, and in 1717 he got relief from the Assembly by the passage of an Act obliging the Town of Portsmouth to lay out a highway to his farm, commonly called Common Fence Point. He married Ann Freeborn (1669–1729) and had a son Thomas, who was admitted a freeman of Portsmouth 6 May, 1729, and whose marriage to Sarah Briggs is recorded in the almanac under date of 15 June. To them was born on 20 March, 1729–30, a daughter Sarah, and on 2 May, 1737, Sarah (Briggs) Durfie died. Thomas Durfie, who died in 1729, had a brother Robert who married Mary, daughter of John and Mary (Gorton) Sanford. Mary (Sanford) Durfie was a first cousin of the writer of the entries. (The Durfie Chart in Austin, Ancestry of 33 Rhode Islanders; Portsmouth Records, i. 120, 121; Rhode Island Colonial Records, iv. 28, 67, 147, 219, 420.)

166 Ruth Sanford was named after her father’s sister Ruth (1706–1709).

167 Richard Sanford married at Portsmouth 21 February, 1722–23, Elizabeth, daughter of John Coggeshall. He lived for some years at Dartmouth, and later removed to Chilmark. (Portsmouth Records, i. 217; Bristol County, Massachusetts, Deeds.)

168 The identity of this Jashub Wing has not been proved, but he was doubtless the son of Daniel and Anna (Ewer) Wing of Sandwich, Massachusetts. He was born 30 January, 1674, and married in 1701–02 Anna, daughter of Ludovick Hoxie. Jashub Wing was admitted a freeman of Sandwich in 1700, and in the list of freemen in 1702 is found the name of Shearjashub Wing. The records of Sandwich give the death of the wife of Jashub Wing on 16 December, 1721, after which no trace of Jashub Wing is found in the records of that town. (See an article on the Hoxie family in the April, 1901 number of a genealogical magazine called The Owl, published by George Dikeman Wing of Kewaunee, Wisconsin; C. P. Wing, Wing Genealogy, p. 40; Genealogical Advertiser, iv. 13; W. H. Whitmore, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxxix. 192.)

169 Amie Akin was the daughter of James Akin of Dartmouth and Amey (Fish) Akin of Portsmouth, who were married 31 October, 1728. (Portsmouth Records, i. 60.)

170 In Austin’s Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island under Hazard is found the birth on 2 November, 1702, of Benjamin, son of Thomas and Susanna Hazard; and under Nichols the marriage in 1707 of Jonathan of Newport to Elizabeth Lawton, and the birth of their daughter Hannah 21 September, 1709.

171 Stephen Austin of North Kingstown and Mary Fish of Portsmouth. (Portsmouth Records, i. 72.)

172 See previous note under date of 11 February.

173 In the Portsmouth Records, i. 233, is found the above marriage, and also the marriage on 19 October, 1737, of “Thomas Shearman of Swansey (2^nd marriage) and Mary Sanford of Portsmouth,” who was a daughter of the writer.

174 The Rev. Nathaniel Cotton, son of the Rev. Rowland Cotton of Sandwich and Elizabeth, daughter of Col. Nathaniel Saltonstall of Haverhill, was born 13 June, 1697. He graduated from Harvard in 1717, was settled at Bristol in 1721, and not long after married Grissel Sanford, daughter of — Sylvester of Shelter Island, New York, and widow of William Sanford of Newport, a first cousin of the writer. (New England Historical and Genealogical Register, i. 165; Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 326; Munro, History of Bristol, p. 220; Bristol Records, i. 16.)

175 Ann Kay was the sister of Nathaniel Kay, who was appointed Collector of Her Majesty’s Customs for Rhode Island at the accession of Queen Anne, and took up his residence and lived at Newport until his death in 1734. He was a public spirited citizen and a generous benefactor to Trinity Church, of which he was a member. (G. C. Mason, Reminiscences of Newport, p. 314, and Annals of Trinity Church, Newport; Rhode Island Colonial Records, iv. 246, 422.)

176 Margaret Sanford, daughter of John and Ann (Weeden) Sanford, who were married 15 December, 1713, was born 15 July, 1727. John Sanford, the birth of whose son Peleg is noted under date of 1 September, was the nephew of William Sanford, the writer of the entries.

177 Giles Lawton was the son of Adam Lawton, Jr., of Portsmouth and Martha Slocum of Newport, who were married 24 October, 1727. (Portsmouth Records, i. 110.)

178 Hezekiah Hoar, the son of Hezekiah and Rebecca Hoar, was born 10 November, 1678. He was for many years a resident of Newport and married Sarah, daughter of Henry and Joan Brightman of Portsmouth, Newport, and Freetown. Hezekiah the father was for a short time in Scituate. In 1659 he was an inhabitant of Taunton, and in 1675 lived on Dean Street in that town, and his name appears in the list of purchasers of both the North Purchase and the South Purchase (1672). On 11 October, 1708, he signed a petition to the Governor and General Court as one of the inhabitants of the Taunton South Purchase to be set off into a. separate town (Dighton). (Deane, History of Scituate, p. 285; S. H. Emery, History of Taunton, pp. 93, 119, 121, 130, 150; Emery, Ministry of Taunton, i. 61; Taunton Proprietors Records, iv. 232; Austin, Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 26.)

179 Enoch Cook, born 25 July, 1726, was the son of William Cook and Susannah Briggs (daughter of Enoch and Hannah Briggs), who were married 9 April, 1724. William Cook was the son of Joseph and Susannah Cook. (Portsmouth Records, i. 92, 93.)

180 Peleg Slocum’s identity is not known with certainty, but he was perhaps the son of Giles Slocum, who was born at Newport in 1707 and married 14 November, 1728, Avis, daughter of Benjamin and Martha Stanton of Newport. (C. E. Slocum, History of the Slocum Family in America.)

181 See previous note under date of 31 July.

182 On 12 July, 1728, a public reception was given at Newport to Burnet, who passed through Rhode Island on his way from New York to Massachusetts.

183 Joseph Card of Newport, born 1648, was the son of Richard Card, an early settler. He was a member of the Sandwich Baptist Church. (Austin, Genealogical Dictionary of Rhode Island, p. 270, and One Hundred and Sixty Allied Families, p. 56.)

184 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 14; Rhode Island Historical Magazine, vii. 293; Vital Records of Portsmouth, Rhode Island.

185 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, x. 179.

186 Portsmouth Records, i. 84, 85.

187 The medal is described and engraved in the Memorial History of Boston, iv. 473; Mr. Bulfinch’s portrait appears in Ibid. iv. 472; and a view of the theatre may be seen in Ibid. iv. 363. See also Ellen Susan Bulfinch’s Life and Letters of Charles Bulfinch.

188 This paper is reserved for publication at a future time.

189 The originals are owned by the Boston Public Library. These letters were printed by the Library in the Monthly Bulletin for July, 1901, vi. 270–273.

190 With these letters compare the communication made by Mr. Matthews at the meeting in April, 1901, vii. 2–21.

191 This Bibliography will be printed in volume iv. of the Publications of the Society.

192 This is a curious instance of a mistake in regard to one’s own age. The Town Clerk of Weymouth, Massachusetts, certifies that Joshua, the son of Joshua and Tirzah Bates, was born 10 October, 1788. Hence Mr. Bates, when he wrote the above letter, was not sixty but sixty-two.

193 Mr. John Sturgis, a younger brother of Mrs. Joshua Bates, was a bookkeeper in the Boston house of William Ropes and Company.

194 Joseph Green Cogswell (H. C. 1806) was Tutor in 1814–15, Librarian in 1821–23, and Professor of Mineralogy and Geology in 1821–23.

195 John Appleton Haven (H. C. 1813) was the son of John Haven of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and Sarah Sherburne Langdon, granddaughter of the Hon. Woodbury Langdon of Portsmouth; and the grandson of the Rev. Samuel Haven (H. C. 1740) of Portsmouth and Mehitable Appleton, daughter of the Rev. Nathaniel Appleton (H. C. 1712) of Cambridge. Mr. Carter was a tutor in Mr. Haven’s family.

196 Stuart’s unfinished portrait of Webster, painted at this time, is now owned by Mr. Henry Parkman of Boston, who has kindly permitted it to be engraved to accompany this communication.

197 Miss Searle was born in Amesbury or Newbury, Massachusetts, 11 August, 1783, and died in Brookline 3 May, 1851.

198 Mr. Searle was born 21 May, 1751, and died in Philadelphia, 10 January, 1796. He married, 21 March, 1779, Mary Russell Atkins, daughter of Dudley Atkins of Newburyport, Massachusetts. See Francis Higginson Atkins’s Joseph Atkins, The Story of a Family (1891), folding pedigree between pp. 72, 73. This volume also contains other folding pedigrees showing the connection of the Eliot, Searle, Tyng, and Higginson families.

199 Margaret (Searle) Curzon was born in Newbury 23 January, 1787, and died in Newburyport 28 June, 1877.

200 Samuel Curzon was born in Baltimore 2 February, 1781. He was the son of Samuel Curzon and his wife Elizabeth Burling, daughter of Thomas Burling of New York. As the marriage was contracted according to the form of the Society of Friends, Mrs. Curzon’s brother, Walter Burling, denied its validity and, on his return to New York, challenged Mr. Curzon, and killed him in a duel fought 24 April, 1786, in the rear of the New York Hospital in the lower part of New York.¹ The young widow married (2) Richard Whittell of London. The child was reared under the name of Burling, and in 1786, immediately after his father’s death, was brought to Boston by Mr. James Perkins,² who had been associated in the West India trade with Walter Burling, and placed in his mother’s family, in which he was tenderly nurtured. Col. Joseph May, also, had great interest in the child and brought him up as his own. On the twenty-fourth of June, 1816, young Curzon, — as he was known in and after the summer of 1808, — was married in King’s Chapel to Margaret Searle. Later, they visited his Burling kinsfolk in their home in or near Natchez, Mississippi. In 1817, as stated in the text, Mr. Curzon went to Havana, and on his return made his home at Curzon’s Mill, now within the limits of the city of Newburyport, Massachusetts; but between 1830 and 1840 he resided partly in New York City. He died in Somerville, Massachusetts, 12 January, 1847. His father, Samuel Curzon, Senior, a New York merchant, born 21 September, 1753, was the eldest son of Richard Curzon, Senior, of London, England, and Baltimore, Maryland. The family name was formerly in America spelled Curson.

¹ The Hospital occupied a large lot, originally comprising five acres, on the west side of Broadway between Duane Street and Worth Street (James William Beekman’s Centenary Address delivered before The Society of the New York Hospital, 1871, p. 34). “The region behind the Hospital was so secluded, that it was chosen as the place for a duel in 1786” (The Old New York Hospital, An Historical Sketch, by D. B. St. John Roosa, New York, 1900, p. 7).

² James Perkins was born in Boston 30 March, 1761, and died at his country seat, Pine Bank, on the shore of Jamaica Pond, 1 August, 1822. He was brother of Col. Thomas Handasyd Perkins and Samuel Perkins who, to distinguish himself from another, changed his name to Samuel G Perkins, — the “G” being a letter only and not an initial. These brothers long held high rank among the merchants of Boston. They were sons of James and Elizabeth (Peck) Perkins, their father having died during their childhood. Mrs. Perkins’s house, whither young Curzon was brought, in 1786, stood in Merchants Row, on the easterly side, about midway between State Street and Chatham Street. The estate is nearly identical with that now numbered 9 and 11. In 1751, when Gillam Phillips conveyed this property to Thomas Handasyd Peck, the father of Elizabeth (Peck) Perkins, it had a frontage of forty feet on Merchants Row and of twenty-three and a half feet on Butler’s Row (which then extended through to Merchants Row), of which it made the southwesterly corner. In 1822 James Perkins gave his house in Pearl Street to the Proprietors of the Boston Athenæum for a library building, and it was occupied a such until the erection of the present building in Beacon Street. (Suffolk Deeds, lxxx. 132, cclxxiv. 265, cccv. 252; Suffolk Probate Files, No. 16,305; A Genealogical History of the Descendants of Joseph Peck, Boston, 1868, Appendix, pp. 267–277; and Memoir of James Perkins in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 353–368.)

201 See these Publications, vi. 152.

202 For an account of this enterprise, see Caleb Eddy’s Historical Sketch of the Middlesex Canal (1843); Amory’s Life of James Sullivan (1859), i. 293, 362–373, ii. 105, 106; and the Medford Historical Register, i. 33–51, 137, vii. 1–19. There is a valuable Plan of the Canal in the Engineer’s office of the Boston and Maine Railroad Company and another in the Massachusetts Archives, Maps and Plans, lii. 2. I am much indebted to Mr. Moses Whitcher Mann, of West Medford, whose profound knowledge of the history and topography of the Canal enabled him to identify all the localities mentioned in the text.

203 George Knight was a young merchant who was associated in business with Mr. Samuel Curzon while he was in Havana, and was constantly passing between that place and Boston and New York. He married Miss Mary Price of Natchez, Mississippi, where, for a time, Mr. Curzon resided.

204 Eliza-Susan, daughter of John Morton, married Josiah Quincy (H. C. 1790), afterward President of Harvard College.

205 Mehitable, daughter of Gov. James Sullivan, married (1) James Cutler and (2) Jonathan Amory (H. C. 1787).

206 These ladies were, Sarah-Webb, daughter of Col. James Swan, who married William Sullivan (H. C. 1792); Sarah, daughter of the Hon. Thomas Russell, who married Richard Sullivan (H. C. 1798); and Sarah-Bowdoin, daughter of the Hon. Thomas Lindall Winthrop, who married George Sullivan (H. C. 1801),—sons of Gov. James Sullivan.

207 George Searle (1788–1858), brother of the writer of the letter. He married (1) Susan Cleveland Perkins, daughter of Samuel G Perkins, and niece and namesake of Susan Cleveland Higginson, who married Francis Dana Channing. See below, p. 225 note 6. Mr. Searle married (2) Susan-Coffin, widow of Stephen Hooper and daughter of Joseph Marquand, all of Newburyport.

208 There was a “passenger-packet” named the “Governor Sullivan” which, probably, was the boat used by this party. See Amory’s Life of James Sullivan, ii. 105, 106; and the Medford Historical Register, i. 44, 45.

209 Horn Pond. Cf. below, p. 227 and note 2.

210 John Langdon Sullivan, M.D., civil engineer, inventor, and physician, another son of the Governor, was agent of the Middlesex Canal Company.

211 This building was known as the Pavilion and stood between the Canal and the Pond.

212 Horn Pond.

213 Catharine Eliot, daughter of Samuel Eliot, married Professor Andrews Norton.

214 Olivia Buckminster was half-sister of the Rev. Joseph Stevens Buckminster. She subsequently married George Barrell Emerson (H. C. 1817), who was also present on this excursion. Her sister of the full blood, Mary Lyman Buckminster, married the Rev. Samuel Kirkland Lothrop.

215 Eliza Buckminster, afterward the wife of Thomas Lee (H. C. 1798) of Brookline, became a well known authoress. She and her eider sister Lucy Maria, the first wife of Prof. John Farrar (H. C. 1803), were sisters of the full blood of the Rev. Joseph Stevens Buckminster with whom they lived, in Boston, after his settlement, in 1805, over the Church in Brattle Square.

216 Daniel Webster.

217 James Savage (H. C. 1803), long the President of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

218 John Callender (H. C. 1790), Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court. See Loring’s Hundred Boston Orators, pp. 257, 258.

219 William Tudor (H. C. 1796), the founder and first editor of the North American Review, and a founder of the Boston Athenæum.

220 Horace Gray (H. C. 1819).

221 William Powell Mason (H. C. 1811), law-partner of the Hon. William Sullivan, and later Reporter of the United States Circuit Court.

222 Rev. Thomas Russell Sullivan (H. C. 1817), son of Dr. John Langdon Sullivan, was settled (1825–1835) over the Unitarian Church at Keene, N. H.

223 George Barrell Emerson (H. C. 1817).

224 Rev. Samuel Joseph May (H. C. 1817). He was a son of Col. Joseph May, for more than thirty years a Warden of King’s Chapel.

225 Josiah Quincy (H. C. 1790).

226 Jonathan Amory (H. C. 1787).

227 In later years known as Bacon’s Grave, near the present Wedgemere station on the old Boston and Lowell Railroad. Near this grave, in 1819, was a mill owned by John Langdon Sullivan.

228 Upper Mystic Pond.

229 West Cambridge, now Arlington.

230 Col. Joseph May, the young man’s father. See above, p. 219 note.

231 See above, p. 222 note 3.

232 This was the tavern of the Medford River lock, which stood on the northerly corner of Boston Avenue and Arlington Street, West Medford.

233 On the shore of the Mill Pond in Charlestown, near the present Sullivan Square, which was named in honor of Governor Sullivan.

234 Richard Sullivan (H. C. 1798), fourth son of Gov. Sullivan.

235 Elizabeth Lee Cabot, daughter of Samuel Cabot (1759–1819) of Boston, who subsequently married Dr. Charles Theodore Christian Follen.

236 Harriet Jackson, a daughter of the Hon. Jonathan Jackson (H. C. 1761) and sister of Mary Jackson, who married Henry Lee (1782–1867), brother of Thomas Lee (H. C. 1798).

237 Mrs. Curzon had been married only the year before.

238 Stephen Higginson (1743–1828), the author of the Letters of Laco.

239 Susan Cleveland (Higginson) Channing, a daughter of Stephen Higginson and widow of Francis Dana Channing (H. C. 1794). The Rev. William Henry Channing (H. C. 1829) was their son. The young widow and her three children made their home with Mr. Higginson and his then wife. See Materials for a Genealogy of the Higginson Family in Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, v. 33–42.

240 The Cremer Case was “an action of assumpsit, brought by the plaintiff as surviving partner of Thomas Theodore Cremer of Rotterdam, who had carried on business there under the firm of Thomas and Adrian Cremer, against Stephen Higginson and Samuel G Perkins, surviving partners of George Higginson of Boston under the firm of Stephen Higginson and Co., upon a letter of guaranty” for $50,000, dated 15 December, 1808. The suit was brought in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Massachusetts, and was tried before Mr. Justice Story and the Hon. John Davis, District Judge, by eminent counsel, — George Blake, United States District Attorney, and Daniel Webster, for the plaintiff, and Samuel Hubbard and William Prescott for the defendants. The case was decided in favor of the defendants at the October term, 1817 (Mason’s Reports, i. 323; and Federal Cases, vi. 797, Case No. 3383).

241 Barbara-Cooper Higginson, daughter of Stephen Higginson (1743–1828), married Samuel G Perkins of Boston.

242 Elizabeth Peck Perkins, daughter of Samuel G Perkins.

243 Miss Quincy was the eldest daughter of President Quincy.

244 Catharine Eliot, daughter of Samuel Eliot, afterward Mrs. Andrews Norton.

245 Abigail Phillips Quincy.

246 Margaret Morton Quincy married Benjamin D. Greene.

247 Maria Sophia Quincy.

248 Daughters of the Hon. Thomas Lindall Winthrop. Jane Winthrop died unmarried in Boston 21 February, 1819, and her sister Ann married Dr. John Collins Warren.

249 Otherwise known as Horn Pond, in Woburn.

250 Bacon’s Grove. See above, p. 223 note 1.

251 Upper Mystic Pond.

252 The house of Samuel Eliot, the great merchant and philanthropist, stood on a large estate which made the northerly corner of Beacon and Tremont Streets (Gleaner Articles, No. 33, in Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, v., Second edition, 96). The site is now occupied by the department store of Houghton and Dutton.

253 See Publications, vi. 455, 456.

254 This society is in the town of Harvard, Worcester County.

255 The following quasi-historical societies have also been incorporated:

wales family association.

Purposes. To collect, preserve and publish the Genealogical records and history of the Wales family and to cultivate and strengthen its family ties.

Date of Charter. 12 April, 1900.

the contractors and builders association of the city of boston.

Purposes. To establish an association of Master Mechanics, Contractors, Builders & those persons who are engaged in trades and industries connected with the construction of buildings, public works, and trades & industries subsidiary thereto, to promote a knowledge of literature, history & science as relates to building operations & to provide suitable rooms for meetings & discussions of questions relating to the building industries & to establish and maintain a library for the use of the members to accomplish the purposes aforesaid.

Date of Charter. 15 June, 1900.

veteran association, company l, sixth regiment, massachusetts volunteer militia.

Purposes. The prosecution of historical studies, and the establishment and maintenance of a place for social meetings.

Date of Charter. 2 August, 1900.

independent boston fusilier veterans.

Purposes. To bring together in fraternal union the past active members of the Independent Boston Fusiliers, now known as Battery G, First Heavy Artillery, M.V.M., its predecessors and successors; to keep alive interest in the affairs of said organization and to cherish and record the past and current history of the same. To establish a place for social meetings.

Date of Charter. 2 August, 1900.

central republican club.

Purposes. To promote the political education of voters, to teach American political history, to secure a place for lectures, speeches, or debates on political subjects, to procure & distribute literature on the same & to maintain a place for social meetings to attract members to the rooms of the club. [Fall River.]

Date of Charter. 24 October, 1900.

west newbury natural history club.

Purposes. The purpose for which the Corporation is constituted is to promote the knowledge of natural science and local history and to maintain a general library.

Date of Charter. 8 February, 1901.

256 A sketch of Mr. Greenough, written by President Kittredge, will be found in the Harvard Graduates’ Magazine for December, 1901, x. 196–201.

257 Mr. Matthews’s paper was printed in full by the United States Weather Bureau in the Monthly Weather Review for January and February, 1902, xxx. 19–28, 69–79, and also in a separate pamphlet.

258 Military Journal, 1859, p. 198. The Journal was also printed, together with another work, in 1860, and the passage will be found at page 402 of that edition.

259 It was printed, from another copy, in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xxii. 141. For notices of the Leonard family, see Ibid. xxii. 140–143; 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iii. 173–175.

260 For a notice of Danforth, see Sibley, Harvard Graduates, iii. 243–249.

261 The date 2 June is given by J. Winsor, Reader’s Handbook of the American Revolution (1899), p. 91, and J. P. Baxter, Journal of Lieut. W. Digby, p. 9 note; but W. T. R. Saffell, Records of the Revolutionary War (1858), p. 436, gives 30 May, while F. S. Drake, New England Historical and Genealogic al Register, xxxiii. 383, gives 5 June.

262 The Milton Town Records give the date of Colonel Vose’s birth as 26 November, 1738, and Memorials of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati (1890), p. 493, give it as 7 December, 1739. In the Milton Church Records his baptism is found under date of 3 December, 1738. The Milton Town Records state that he died 22 May, 1816, aged 76.

263 Memorials of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati, p. 493.

264 See Ibid.; also Heitman’s Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during the War of the Revolution.

265 Under dates of 15, 21, and 26 April, 1776, Heath wrote:

Four American regiments, viz. Poor’s, Patterson’s, Greaton’s, and Bond’s, were ordered for Canada; Gen. Thompson was to command them. Gen. Thomas had been, some time before, sent from Boston to command in Canada . . . The regiments destined for Canada, sailed for Albany . . . Six more regiments were ordered for Canada, viz. two from the Pennsylvania line, two from the New-Jersey, and two from the New-Hampshire (Memoirs, 1798, p. 45).

266 Under date of 13 December, 1901, the Rev. James Gardiner Vose, D.D., of Providence, Rhode Island, the grandson of Col. Joseph Vose and a member of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati, writes: —

I regret very much to say that there is no portrait of my Grandfather, nor any diary or Journal of his in existence. He died in 1816, and no effort seems to have been made by any of his children to preserve papers which he must have left.

The diary now printed is in the possession of a collateral branch of the family, which may easily account for the fact that the Rev. Dr. Vose had never heard of its existence. It belongs to Mrs. William Brewster of Cambridge, Massachusetts, a great grand-daughter of Elijah Vose of Milton, brother of Joseph Vose, and himself an officer in the Revolutionary Army and Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiments of which his brother Joseph was in command.

267 The officers mentioned in this Journal may all be identified and the terms of their service found by referring to F. B. Heitman’s Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during the War of the Revolution (Washington, 1893).

John Greaton, afterwards Brigadier-General, was a resident of Roxbury, Massachusetts, where he was born 10 March, 1741, and died 16 December, 1783. He is buried in the cemetery on the corner of Washington and Eustis Streets, Boston.

John Paterson was a resident of Lenox and was Colonel of the Berkshire regiment which started for Boston upon hearing the news of the battle of Lexington. He graduated from Yale in 1762 and was by profession a lawyer. After the war he removed to Binghamton, New York, and was Chief-Justice of the County Court. He died 19 July, 1808 (Memorials of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati, Boston, 1890, p. 381).

William Bond, born 17 February, 1733–34, was of the Watertown family of that name. He died in camp near Ticonderoga 31 August, 1776 (Bond’s Genealogies and History of Watertown, i. 66).

Enoch Poor was a prominent merchant of Exeter, New Hampshire, and served with distinction as Colonel and Brigadier-General. He died in camp at Hackensack, New Jersey, 8 or 9 September, 1780.

268 Half Moon is now Waterford on the Hudson, and was undoubtedly named for Henry Hudson’s ship. There were no bridges over the Hudson or Mohawk rivers at that time, but there was a ferry at Half Moon, and another on the Mohawk five miles above Cohoes Falls (Lossing’s Field Book of the Revolution, i. 41).

269 Now Whitehall, at the head of the South Bay of Lake Champlain.

270 In the skirmish of Abercrombie’s troops in August, 1758, with the French and Indians, Major Israel Putnam was taken prisoner and tied to a tree, and was about to be burned alive when released by a French officer. The spot was about a mile west of Fort Anne and just south of Whitehall (Ibid. i. 140; and Fiske’s New France and New England, 1902, chapter x.).

271 William Bent, Captain in the 24th Continental Infantry.

272 Edward Payson Williams, son of Jeremiah Williams of Roxbury, was a Captain in the same regiment and died in service, 25 May, 1777 (Drake’s The Town of Roxbury, 1878, pp. 31, 398).

273 James Howe kept a bakeshop near the corner of the present Washington and Warren Streets and was a prominent man in Roxbury at the time of the Revolution (Ibid. pp. 92, 206, 280, 381). He was probably the son of James Howe (born in 1713) of Roxbury, weaver, and Jane Meroth of Dorchester, who were married 31 July, 1740, and had two sons: (i) James, born 2 November, 1746, died 1798, and (ii) David, born 1 March, 1757. The latter was probably the David How, or David Howe, Jr., who was a member of E. P. Williams’s Company (Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Revolution, viii. 331, 384).

274 George Augustus, Viscount Howe, eider brother of Admiral Richard, Viscount Howe and of General Sir William Howe. He was a soldier of great ability and had been sent over by Pitt as second in command to General Abercrombie. He was killed in a battle with the French 6 July, 1758.

275 Split Rock is about thirty miles north of Crown Point on Lake Champlain.

276 The Rev. Caleb Barnum was the seventh minister of the First Congregational Church at Taunton, Massachusetts, where he was installed 2 February, 1769. (See Emery’s Ministry of Taunton, ii. 1, for a sketch and portrait of him.) He graduated from the College of New Jersey in 1157, and received the honorary degree of A.M. from Harvard in 1768. He was Chaplain of Col. Greaton’s Regiment, and through the fatigue and exposure of this expedition he contracted a disease from which he died at Pittsfield, Massachusetts, 23 August, 1776, in the fortieth year of his age.

277 Isle La Motte, in Lake Champlain.

278 St. John’s is on the west bank of the Richelieu or Sorel River, Canada.

279 Chambly, Canada.

280 Ebenezer Stevens, of the New York Artillery, was commissioned Captain of Artillery 6 December, 1775, and later became Major and Lieutenant-Colonel (Saffell’s Records of the Revolutionary War, 1894, third edition, p. 155).

281 Deschambault, about forty miles from Quebec.

282 Henry Sherburn, of Rhode Island, was commissioned a Major in General Paterson’s Regiment (15th Continental Infantry) January, 1776, taken prisoner at The Cedars, 20 May, made Major of the 1st Rhode Island Regiment January, 1777, and Colonel of one of the additional Continental Regiments 12 January, 1777 (Heitman; Lossing’s Field Book of the Revolution, i. 208; T. Egleston, Life of John Paterson, 1898, p. 87.)

283 John Philip De Haas of Pennsylvania had been appointed Colonel of the First Battalion of Pennsylvania Regulars 22 January, 1776, and the following year was made a Brigadier-General of the Continental Army. He retired to Philadelphia in 1779 and rendered no subsequent service. He died 3 June, 1786 (Heitman; Force’s American Archives, Fourth Series, iv. 785, Fifth Series, ii. 615).

284 Lachine.

285 Gen. John Sullivan of New Hampshire, then a Brigadier-General in the Continental Army.

286 Gen. John Stark of New Hampshire was at this time Colonel of the 5th Continental Infantry.

287 William Thompson had been Colonel of the Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment, and was made Brigadier-General of the Continental Infantry 1 March, 1776. He was taken prisoner 8 June, 1776, and exchanged 25 October, 1780. He died 3 September, 1781 (Heitman).

288 The reference is probably to St. François.

289 Isle Aux Noix, in the Sorel.

290 Gen. Anthony Wayne, at this time Colonel of the 4th Pennsylvania. Battalion.

291 See an article by Mr. Lane in the Harvard Graduates’ Magazine for March, 1904, xii. 349–358. Photographie plates of Bell’s views will be found facing pp. 341, 355.

292 See Mr. Lane’s remarks at the March meeting, pp. 331–336, below.

293 It is to be printed by Harvard University.

294 For a note on bounties for scalps, containing an interesting and judicial investigation into the charges against Hamilton, see the Narrative and Critical History of America, vi. 681–684. This note was written by our associate Mr. Andrew McF. Davis.

295 Quoted by Mr. Davis (Ibid. vi. 682) from the American Archives, Fifth Series, iii. 32. Mr. Davis does not quote the extracts given in the text.

296 Pennsylvania Archives, vii. 362. Compare with Lochry’s statement the following extract from the Boston News-Letter of 22–29 April, 1729, No. 1109:

James Cochran the Youth that came into Brunswick Fort with the Two Scalps, came to Town on Monday last, and on Tuesday produced the said Scalps before the Honourable the Lieutenant Governor and Council, for which he Received a Reward of Two Hundred Pounds: And for a further Encouragement to Young Men & others to perform Bold & Hardy Actions in this Indian War, His Honour the Lieut. Governor has been pleased to make him a Serjeant in the Forces (p. 2/1).

In some of the Colonies there was a regular scale of prices, — so much for a man’s scalp, so much for a woman’s scalp, so much for a child’s scalp.

297 Pennsylvania Archives, vii. 569, 570.

298 Pennsylvania Colonial Record, xii. 311.

299 Ibid. xii. 312.

300 Ibid. xii. 328.

301 Pennsylvania Archives, viii. 393.

302 Ibid. viii. 568. Other rewards were claimed and paid in 1781 and 1782: see Pennsylvania Colonial Records, xii. 632, xiii. 201.

303 Many revolting details will be found scattered through the Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779, published by the State of New York.

304 Annals of King’s Chapel, i. 522, 523.

305 Read before the Historical Society of Old New bury, Newburyport, 27 October, 1892.

306 A. Young, Chronicles of Massachusetts, p. 326 note.

307 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 230.

308 Ibid. i. 236, 239, 271.

309 J. Coffin, History of Newbury, p. 28.

310 Massachusetts Colony Records, i. 263.

311 Coffin, History of Newbury, pp. 36, 44.

312 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 17.

313 Coffin, History of Newbury, p. 40.

314 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 87.

315 Ibid. iii. 28.

316 Ibid. iii. 61.

317 Ibid. ii. 147, 148.

318 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 166.

319 In 1646 it was ordered, “That no person whatsoever in this Jurisdiction, shall joyne any persons together in Marriage, but the Magistrate, or such other as the General Court, or Court of Assistants shall Authorize in such place, where no Magistrate is neer” (Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, Whitmore’s edition, 1889, p. 172). Referring to Charlestown, Mr. Edes writes that the Rev. Charles Morton “was the first clergyman in this place to solemnize marriages, which previously to 1686 were performed only by civil magistrates” (Memorial History of Boston, ii. 315). This last fact was noted by Randolph in 1676 (Ibid. i. 196).

320 Massachusetts Colony Records, ii. 261, 283, 284.

321 Ibid. ii. 283; Coffin, History of New bury, pp. 50, 51.

322 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 46.

323 See the Plymouth Colony Records, ix. 195, 198.

324 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 85.

325 Ibid. iv. (i.) 116.

326 Ibid. iv. (i.) 146.

327 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 157, 211.

328 Ibid. iv. (i.) 173.

329 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, iii. 201–208, 297–330.

330 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, i. 186.

331 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 282.

332 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (i.) 391.

333 The estate extended from Washington Street to Tremont Street, and through its entire length Rawson opened the way now known as Bromfield Street. Rawson’s mansion house, which he sold in 1670 to John Pynchon of Springfield, stood on the lots, comprising “neere one Acree,” now making the northerly corner of Bromfield and Washington Streets (Suffolk Deeds, vi. 238).

334 Massachusetts Colony Records, iv. (ii) 195, 199.

335 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 451, 458.

336 Massachusetts Colony Records, v. 515, 516.

337 On 21 May, 1686 (Publications of this Society, vi. 81, 82).

338 Diary, i. 150.

339 Diary, i. 334, 335.

340 It will be found in the Andros Tracts (Prince Society), i. 63–132.

341 For notices of Rawson, see Sullivan S. Rawson, Memoir of Edward Rawson (1849); E. B. Crane, Revised Memoir of Edward Rawson (1875); E. B. Crane, Ancestry of Edward Rawson (1887); J. J. Currier, Ould Newbury (1896), pp. 43–54.

342 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xi. 8.

343 At the meeting of the Council held 3 April, 1902, the Corresponding Secretary reported that he had conferred with the Corporation of Harvard College, and that it had granted to the Colonial Society permission to print its early Records. At a subsequent meeting of the Council, Messrs. William C. Laue and Albert Matthews were appointed the other two members of the Special Committee.

344 It is remarkable that, in a foot-note to this very passage, Quincy refers to the text of the diploma, which he prints in an Appendix (ii. 506, 507), without noticing that the document bears the signature of the man who was entitled to the honor he was claiming for Washington, and that the letters LL.D. are appended to the signature.

345 Our associate Mr. William Coolidge Laue writes: —

Curiously enough, the degrees conferred this year were not confirmed by the Overseers. At least, there is no record of them in the Overseers’ Records, while Dr. Appleton’s degree, in 1771, was confirmed with many complimentary remarks.

346 Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 101. Professor Winthrop was baptized at the Second Church in Boston, 12 December, 1714. Cf. Muskett’s Suffolk Manorial Families (1894), i. Part I. 26; and Paige’s History of Cambridge, p. 700, in both of which the date of Professor Winthrop’s birth is given as 19 December, 1714. This last mentioned date is given in a footnote to p. 21 of a memorial Discourse delivered by Professor Wigglesworth, and appears to have been accepted ever since by biographers and genealogists. The change, in 1752, from Old Style to New Style will readily account for the discrepancy.

Since this paper was communicated to the Society, Mr. Robert C. Winthrop, Jr., has found among the unpublished Winthrop manuscripts a fragmentary memorandum in the handwriting of Judge Adam Winthrop concerning his children in which occurs the following passage:

1714. Decemb^r. 8^th Wednesday about half an hour before one o’clock in the morning my Wife was dd of a son who was the next Sabbath baptized John at the North Church by D^r Cotton Mather.

347 A letter from Professor Winthrop to Franklin, dated 26 October, 1770, will be found in 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for October, 1876, xv. 12, 13. Letters which passed between Professor Winthrop and John Adams are printed in 5 Massachusetts Historical Collections, iv. 291–313. One of these letters, written 29 May, 1775, is addressed “To the Honorable John Winthrop, Esq., LL.D.”

348 The University of Edinburgh conferred the degree of Doctor of Laws upon Professor Winthrop in 1771, two years before he received it from his Alma Mater. The Boston Gazette of Monday, 18 November, 1771, No. 867, p. 3/1, contains the following paragraph:

We hear that Capt. Coffin from London has brought a Diploma from the University of Edinburgh, conferring on John Winthrop, Esq; Professor of Mathematics and Philosophy at Cambridge, and F.R.S. the Degree of Doctor of Laws.

The Latin text of this diploma was copied into one of the volumes containing the Records of the Corporation of Harvard College, — iii. 28, back.

349 Mr. Matthews sends me the following interesting item:

We hear, That on Wednesday last the Rev. President, Fellows and Overseers of Harvard College, waited on his Excellency General Washington, with an Address, conferring on him the Degree of Doctor of Laws (Boston Gazette of Monday, 8 April, 1776, No. 1090, p. 2/2).

350 The Independent Chronicle of Friday, 7 May, 1779 (No. 559, p. 3/3), contains the following announcement:

Monday last died at Cambridge, that great scholar and excellent man, the honorable John Winthrop, Esq; Hollisian Professor of the Mathematics in Harvard College.

Funeral discourses on Professor Winthrop were delivered by the Rev. Stephen Sewall, the Rev. Samuel Langdon, and the Rev. Edward Wigglesworth. In the Independent Chronicle of Thursday, 17 June, 1779, No. 565, p. 4/2, appeared An Elegy on the late Professor Winthrop; and in the same paper of Thursday, 21 October, 1779, No. 583, p. 1/1, was printed a long poem “written a Lady, and sent to Mrs. Winthrop.” Mr. R. C. Winthrop, Jr., thinks that the Elegy, which was reprinted at the end of Wigglesworth’s Discourse, and again in the 1811 edition of Professor Winthrop’s Two Lectures on Cornets, was doubtless written by Andrew Oliver (H. C. 1749); and suggests that the long poem was from the pen of Mercy Warren. This proves to be correct, and the poem will be found in her Poems, Dramatic and Miscellaneous, 1790, pp. 235–239.

351 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, x. 159.

352 History of Harvard University, ii. 223.

353 Professor Winthrop published the following pamphlets: A Lecture on Earthquakes, Boston, 1755; Two Lectures on Comets, Boston, 1759; Relation of a Voyage from Boston to Newfoundland, for The Observation of the Transit of Venus, Boston, 1761; Cogitata de Cometis, Londini, 1767; Two Lectures on the Parallax and Distance of the Sun, as deducible from The Transit of Venus, Boston, 1769.

354 History of Harvard University, ii. 506, 507.

355 Writings of Washington, iv. 6, 7 note.

356 Mr. Kittredge points out (The Old Farmer and his Almanack, p. 237 note) that it was printed in J. T. Buckingham’s Specimens of Newspaper Literature (1850), pp. 223, 224.

357 New England Chronicle of Thursday, 25 April, 1776, No. 401, p. 1. The diploma was also printed in the Boston Gazette of Monday, 15 April, 1776, No. 1091, p. 1.

358 In the course of his remarks, Mr. Slade alluded to a rare volume printed at Paris in 1868 — Montcalm et le Canada, by Félix Joubleau. It was picked up in Paris by Mr. Victor H. Paltsits of the Lenox Library, by whom it was sold to the Pequot Library, Southport, Connecticut. Mr. Paltsits doubts whether Parkman ever saw the book.

359 See v. 548 and note for references to other portraits. In 1761 J. P. de Bougainville wrote Pitt for permission to send an epitaph engraved on marble for the Ursuline Church in Quebec. There is reason to believe that the marble was shipped, but there is no record that it reached its destination. See Annual Register for 1762, pp. 266–268; Warburton, Conquest of Canada, ii. 491—494; Pouchot, Memoir, ii. 263–266.

360 See p. 274, above.

361 Letters to Sir Guy Carleton and to Gen. Haldimand, successively Governors of Quebec, concerning the affairs of his post and the expected attack of the Americans, will be found in volume ix. of the Michigan Pioneer Collections.

362 In volume ix. of the Michigan Pioneer Collections.

363 First edition, 1869; second edition, 1890.

364 For the history and derivation of the word poquosin, applied to “low tracts of land in close proximity to creeks or other bodies of water, and occasionally to land subject to overflow from one cause or another,” see the American Anthropologist, New Series, i. 162–170.

365 Probably Baptiste Hamilton.

366 Perhaps John Gibson of Colchester.

367 In a Ledger I find mention of Herbert & Potts.

368 The allusion is to the Rev. William Gordon’s History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United States, published in 1788.

369 Mourt’s Relation (1865), pp. 92, 93.

370 Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 192 note; cf. pp. 113 note, 174 note 3.

371 Genealogical Dictionary, iv. 572, 573.

372 History of New England, i. 178 note.

373 F. Baylies’s Historical Memoir of the Colony of New Plymouth, v. 24.

374 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlii. 62, 63.

375 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, xlii. 63, 64.

376 2 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, v. 33–37.

377 New England Historical and Genealogical Register, i. 90.

378 Pioneers of Massachusetts, pp. 501, 502.

379 John Holmes, a brother of Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes, was of the Harvard Class of 1832.

380 This was printed in the Doll’s Record, a newspaper published 18 April, 1893, in aid of a fair given by the ladies of Christ Church, Cambridge.

381 Dr. Andrew Craigie was Apothecary-General of the Northern Department of the Revolutionary Army, and cared for the wounded at Bunker Hill. He was born in Boston 22 February, 1754, the son of Capt. Andrew Craigie who joined the West Church 1 February, 1756, during the pastorate of the Rev. Jonathan Maybew (Boston Record Commissioners’ Reports, xxiv. 283; Records of the West Church in Boston; Paige’s History of Cambridge, 183 and note; Memorial History of Boston, iii. 113. See 1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for February, 1874, xiii. 250).

382 Mr. Holmes is in error here. Dr. Craigie’s bride was Elizabeth Shaw, only child of the Rev. Bezaliel Shaw (H. C. 1762) of Nantucket, and cousin-german to Chief-Justice Lemuel Shaw. In Nathaniel Cutting’s Journal of a visit to Boston in the autumn of 1792, we catch a glimpse of her in the following entry:

Nov. 6. We went to Aspinwall’s Hospital to visit the intended bride of Mr. Craigie, Miss Shaw, who is now under the operation of the small-pox by inoculation. (1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for March, 1871, xii. 66.)

She was married by the Rev. Abiel Holmes to Dr. Craigie, 10 January, 1793, and died in Cambridge on Wednesday, 5 May, 1841, at the age of 69. As Dr. Craigie was in his thirty-ninth year at the time of his marriage to Miss Shaw, who was noted for her beauty, Mr. Holmes’s statement that he was “quite old, or elderly” is amusing. Her miniature by Robertson is in the possession of Samuel Savage Shaw, Esquire. In a letter written by the Rev. Bezaliel Shaw to his brother, the Rev. Oakes Shaw (H. C. 1758), he speaks of Mr. Craigie as a person —

on whom the hand of Providence has liberally bestowed the good things of this life. . . . He has purchased the estates that formerly belonged to Harry and John Vassall. He lives in “the house that Jack built.”

Mrs. Craigie’s mother was Elizabeth Hammond, daughter of John and Mary (Ruggles) Hammond of Rochester, Massachusetts, where she was born 9 January, 1742, and married to the Rev. Bezaliel Shaw 17 September, 1769. She spent her last years with Mrs. Craigie and died in Cambridge 7 April, 1814, at the age of 72 (Nantucket Town Records; Records of the First Church in Cambridge; Records of the First Church in Rochester; Boston Evening Transcript of Saturday, 8 May, 1841; A History and Genealogy of the Descendants of William Hammond, Boston, 1894, pp. 234, 235; Letter of Samuel Savage Shaw).

383 For the use of the word “college,” as applied to the College buildings, see Dialect Notes, ii. 91–114.

384 For particulars of Dr. Craigie’s schemes and land speculations, see Paige’s History of Cambridge, pp. 184–186, 203–208.

385 See an article on the Craigie House by our associate Mr. Samuel Swett Green in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for April, 1900, New Series, xiii. 312–352; and another by Miss Alice M. Longfellow in the Cambridge Tribune of 21 April, 1900, in which Miss Longfellow erroneously refers to Dr. Craigie’s bride as “Miss Nancy Shaw.” See also Josiah Quincy’s Figures of the Past (1883), pp. 25–27; and Col. Higginson’s poem on Madam Craigie, in his Afternoon Landscape (1889), pp. 44, 45.

386 Dr. Craigie died in Cambridge on Sunday, 19 September, 1819, aged 65. He was a Warden of Christ Church of which, in the days of its adversity and of his prosperity, he was a generous benefactor (Columbian Centinel of Wednesday, 22 September, 1819, p. 2/4; Paige’s History of Cambridge, p. 310).

387 From the Harvard Magazine for November and December, 1863, we learn its:

The old County Court-House stood where the Post-Office now is, and the remains of this ancient building can still be seen in the rear of the Post-Office. . . . At the Great Rebellion in 1808 the students refused to eat in commons, and held out a week or more in their intention. During that time all the exercises of the College were suspended. The parents and friends of the students met in the old Court-House, where now the Post-Office stands, and, after considerable negotiation with the College government and the students, College exercises were resumed, and commons for a while were improved (x. 98, 127).

388 The following extract is taken from the Harvard Magazine for November, 1863:

This article should not be closed without mention being made of the College Wharf. From time immemorial, almost, College has owned a wharf on the river. Until within a few years it was built of wood. In olden time the sloop Harvard, a College institution, made continuous voyages to the coast of Maine, for the sole purpose of keeping the College wood-yard well supplied. The wood-yard of late years was in the rear of the present College House (x. 98).

The notes to this paper were not written by Mr. Holmes.

FEBRUARY MEETING, 1901.

DIARY OF GEORGE WASHINGTON.

SEPTEMBER — 1785.

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OCTOBER.

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AT THE FIRST.

MUDDY HOLE PLANTATION.

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