II 1654–1676

[Springfield, no date; 1654?]

Sir,

I perceive there is great desires of your coming to Hartford; I wish heartily you were well settled there. I hope it would be a comfortable place for you, and a strong inducement to myself to remove my habitation hither. Might I be any ways instrumental in bringing you to Hartford, I should account myself happy. Sir, I have ordered the sending of some wheat and malt to you by Goodman Stallion1 if he can carry it. I hope it will not be left. I have also sent a bottle of honey. I am constrained to break off, being on my journey home, and so hoping to hear from you I am, Sir,

Yours to love and serve you,

John Pynchon

Sir, I have sent a barrel of apples per Goodman Stallion, which I send half to Mistress Winthrop and half to my wife. I sent yesterday what aniseed I had by one that goes to Nayantuck,2 which I hope you will receive. Many have been ill at Hartford but now they are generally well through God’s mercy. Vale terump Vale,3

JP

With this deliver the bottle of honey.

To the Worshipful his ever Honored Friend John Winthrop, Esqr., these be presented in Pequot.4

[Springfield, 22 May 1654]

Worthy Sir,

I received your loving letter, and thank you for your pains, and love and care of my wife according to your appointment. I have sent to my Brother Davis1 for some red coral. I doubt he hath none but I have desired him to endeavor to get some and send it by the first opportunity. I hope the Lord will bless your endeavors for help of my wife’s infirmity; to him I desire to look.

Sir, I have no letters from England nor books of news; had I, I should readily impart them to you. I am constrained at present to nonplus my pen and therefore with the tender of my best respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop I commend you to God and subscribe,

Your assured Loving Friend, John Pynchon

Springfield 22 May 1654

To the Worshipful and his honored Friend Mr. John Winthrop these [Endorsed] Mr. Pinchin

[Springfield, 20 June 1654]

Worthy Sir,

My loving respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented: rejoicing to hear of your welfare, and of so good an opportunity to write you and to my wife:1 though I fear the tidings which will come to her, will be an occasion of sadness and grief to her. It hath pleased the Lord to take to himself our youngest child:2 last Thursday morning betwixt seven and eight of the clock, a most sad and heavy stroke to me. The Lord help me to see his mind and meaning and to gain good by this dispensation. I desire a sanctified use of this visitation and that I may submit to the will of God in it he doth all things in perfection of wisdom, I pray.

Sir, be pleased to comfort and cheer up my wife. I do earnestly desire to visit her the more upon this occasion but here is such resort of Indians, which will be over about three weeks hence, that I cannot till then go from home. The Lord I know, yea I trust, do us good by it. I desire that I may learn what he speak. I entreat your prayers for that end. I thank you for all your love and respect to my wife if the time of her absence seemeth long, and the family needs her, so that I could be glad that what means God directs you to might be followed, that so she may be in a capacity for returning home if God saw good; but for her health and cure I shall wait till the due time. The Lord direct you and bless your endeavors and the means you shall use; and so with my due respects I commend you to God’s grace and take leave.

Your assured Loving Friend,

John Pynchon

Springfield 20 June 1654

I have sent you by this Indian three pair of beaver cods;3 my wife writ to me to send you some.

To his Honored Friend Mr. John Winthrop these present in Pequot

[Endorsed] Mr. Pinchin

[Hartford, 26 July 1654]

Honored Sir,

My loving respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented, with thankful acknowledgement of all your love to me and my wife, I bless the Lord. I came well home on Tuesday, about the same time I came from your house the day before, and since I came home I have received some things from Brother Davis which you gave order for, the which things I have herewith sent you: viz one half pound conserve of roses in a gallipot, one half pound of chine, and two ounces of fine seed-pearls. These are all the things can be got; no red coral can be had nor cyclamen, not scabious.1 I am very sorry I cannot procure all the things you desire: I fear whether any more will be got than these things. I have wrote a letter to Brother Davis to send one pound of that coral in powder, but I know not whether he have any of it left, and if he have, when it will come is uncertain. Goodman Fellows carries these things to the river’s mouth and from thence I have appointed him to hire a man on purpose to bring them to you without delay.2 I long to have my wife home yet not before you judge convenient, so as it may not retard or impair her cure, if God please to bless your endeavors, whose blessing upon them I daily pray for. I suppose from what conference I had with you last, you intended to defer your journey to the Bay3 till [illegible] you had done what you could for my wife. I think that will be best if it be no prejudice to your occasions and so I hope she may come home about six weeks hence. I shall pitch no time because I look at her cure which you know best when it will be effected so as she may come without wrong to her. I pray send me word when it will be. I desire to know before hand near about the time when it will be that so I may be at home and order my occasion and horses fit for the journey to come for her. Sir, I sent you a firkin of sugar per Goodman Stallion. I entreat Mistress Winthrop’s acceptance of it. Not else at present, but my due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, to Mistress Lake and Mistress Bridge,4 with many thanks for all your love I take leave and am sir,

Yours in all respective love and service,

John Pynchon

Hartford 26 July 1654. I pray sir do your utmost for my wife’s cure, with all the convenient speed you can.

To his Honored Friend John Winthrop, Esqr., these present in Pequot.

Honored Sir,

My loving respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented, desiring your welfare in Christ Jesus. I had some thoughts to have returned out of the Bay by Pequot, and had done it, could I have gotten any company or had I known the way. [illegible] and since I came home I should have made a journey to you, had not many occasions prevented, so that now I think I shall not come till I understand my wife be fit to come home; and though I had thoughts she might have been fit to have come home by this time, yet understanding otherwise by a letter from my wife, and perceiving her desires to stay longer, I have yielded thereunto, and so shall not come for her till I have notice from yourself or from her of the fittest time. But I fear it will be bad for her to lie in the woods which I suppose she must do one night which way soever we come if she stay till cold weather. I should hope about the tenth of October might be a good time and then the moon will be at the full. But I pitch no time because I wholly leave it to her and yourself who know best when will be the most suitable time; and if her condition require her stay longer, I shall condescend, though I could be heartily glad to have her home. Sir, I desire to understand how it is with her; it would much rejoice me to hear of any measure of strength that she hath attained. I heard she had an ague but since hear of her being well again which I desire to bless God for. I hope the Lord will bless endeavors for her health in other respects. I desire to look up to him, to leave all with the Lord. Sir, I saw your sons1 at Boston; they were both very well in health and were by them I understood of your welfare which I was glad of. I shall not enlarge at present, and with the tender of my best respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and Mistress Lake, thanking you for all your love to me and mine, I commend you to God, and am, sir, yours in all real respect,

John Pynchon

Springfield 12 September 1654

To the Worshipful his Honored Friend John Winthrop, Esqr., these present in Pequot.

[Springfield, 20 October 1654]

Much Honored Sir,

I received yours yesterday in the evening, and am glad to hear of that comfortable measure of health which the Lord is pleased to afford your family, and that you have so good hopes that my wife hath lost her ague. The Lord in mercy go on to restore her health and strength and to heal her of all her distempers. It is he that brings down, and he knows how to raise up again in his due time. I desire to wait upon him in the use of means.1 My wife I perceive is desirous to continue with you till the spring (though she were wholly free from her anguish distempers) in regard of her old infirmity, hoping that the Lord may bless your endeavors this winter for her cure, and God is found in the use of means on our part, wherefore I am willing to undergo a winter’s separation from the society of my dear wife, verily believing that it will be for both our good in the issue; and I entreat you, sir, to improve this winter according to your best skill for her timely help, that so she may be fit to come home early in the spring if the Lord be good. I know you will do your best and therefore I need not say anything but that for my earnest desire to have her well home early in the spring, if the Lord please.

Sir, if anything be yet wanting that can be had for her cure, I would have it procured at my cost and charge whatever it be. If there be need to send to the Bay, I would willingly be at the charge of a messenger on purpose, that so you may have all things before winter which you shall need to make use of. I have sent you a little saffron according as you desired which I had in house by me, and if I understand that you need more I can procure a little more from one in our town.

Sir, thank you for your pains in writing so largely how it is with my wife, it being much to my satisfaction. I am glad to hear of her taking physic. I doubt not but you will find her willing to take anything or do anything which you shall prescribe for her health and cure. I also thank you for your intelligence about the design at Pakatuck;2 I could be glad to hear a good issue of that design which the Lord grant. I have only one piece of news to impart to you which if you have not already heard of it, I believe it will be strange to you, though not so strange as true: Mistress Haynes is like to marry with Mr. Sam Eaton: he is now at Hartford about the business.3

I thank you for the physic you sent for my daughter; she is at present pretty well, but if she do again complain of her illness, it shall be given her.4

Sir, I am bold to request that the room which my wife shall be in this winter may speedily be made warm. I pray let Goodman Elderkin5 be called on to do it out of hand, in regard my wife is but tender and cold will set in quickly. I intend to visit Pequot once more before winter God willing (unless wars should prevent) and then I must take my leave till the spring. My Mother Wyllys since my coming home was so desirous of your wintering at Hartford that she bespoke a convenient house for you, etc., but I plainly see there can be no coming to Hartford it being already so near winter and difficult getting up the river. New Haven I hear have sent again to you this week by an Indian, as one of our neighbors who came from thence this day tells me, but he says the ague is pretty much there so that it is like to be worse wintering there than at Pequot, where my wife inclines most to be with you, and I shall provide to send some things thither to you if I do not bring them myself.

Sir, for procuring your butter I will do what I can [illegible] but our town affords none at all. I had a desire to have sent you a firkin before your letter came, and had sent to a friend at New Haven for some, and gave him order to send it to Pequot to you and this day by our neighbor. I have answer that he hath poured one and will send it to you on the first opportunity and if I can procure any more to be sent you I will. I have sent Mistress Winthrop a little spice which I entreat her to accept of; it is amongst the things the Indian brings, and the saffron is bound up with it. I have sent to Mr. Wolcott to send you kerseys, etc.6 I could be glad to hear when Stallion comes up the river. Not else at present, with my due respects to yourself, Mistress Winthrop, your sisters and daughters, I commend you all to God’s grace in Christ Jesus and am, sir,

Yours in all respective love and service,

John Pynchon

I pray, sir, let me hear from you. I could be glad to hear next week; if any from Paukatuck be sent to Hartford I pray write to me by them, or if need be send this Indian again on purpose. If my wife should be ill I would come thither the sooner; otherwise I shall stay the longer so as that I may visit her before snow set in.

To his much Honored friend John Winthrop, Esqr., these present in Pequot.

[Endorsed] Mr. Pinchon

[Springfield, 30 November 1654]

Honored Sir,

Understanding you are now at New Haven, and supposing there will be opportunity from Hartford for conveyance thither, I make bold to scribble a few lines to you, whereby I may present my due respects unto you, desiring your health and happiness in Christ Jesus which God is pleased to continue to us here. Though my little daughter hath been ill, yet through mercy is restored again; that physic which your worship sent for her being given her, it pleased God to remove her distemper and since she is very well and merry.

Sir, I hear a report of a stonewall and strong fort in it, made all of stone, which is newly discovered at or near Pequot. I should be glad to know the truth of it from yourself, here being many strange reports about it.1

I received a letter from my wife three days since whereby I understand of her state in part, as also of the health of Mistress Winthrop and your family (since you left them which I rejoice in); my wife hopes she is daily getting strength and that some of her distempers abates, blessed be the Lord; only she finds that rheum falling out of her head to continue still, whether may not the use of frankincense be good for her in that respect, but yourself knows best, who I am confident will not be wanting in the use of the best means you know for her help of that and all other infirmities, to which your endeavors I earnestly beg the Lord to give a blessing. Sir, how long your continuance may be at New Haven I know not, but when you shall return home I entreat you be pleased to carry with you, and to deliver this enclosed letter to my wife, if you have not an opportunity to convey it to her before. I should be glad to hear from wife again, and as often as may be. I believe this will be a long and tedious winter and I shall long look for the spring before it comes but must be content to wait the season of it. I pray present my best respects to all our friends at New Haven; and so with my loving respects to yourself, Mistress Winthrop and all yours, praying for your safe return home to your family and with many thanks for all your many favors to me, I commend you to God’s grace in Christ Jesus, and am, sir, your engaged friend in all respective love and service,

John Pynchon

Sir, I hear of a great removing intended from New Haven and the adjacent town to Delaware, whether is it so or no.2

To the Worshipful John Winthrop, Esqr., these be presented.

[Springfield, 28 May 1655]

Honored Sir,

My due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented, with all yours, desiring your welfare in Christ Jesus: I bless the Lord he hath in some degree mitigated my distemper, and though I cannot absolutely say that my ague is gone, yet of late my fits have been so moderate that I hope the worst is past. The Lord help me to make a right profitable use of this and all other his visitations that they may indeed turn to my spiritual advantage; and if yet he be minded to exercise me longer. I desire to lie at his foot and to submit to his good pleasure that I may not be found to despise his chastening nor yet to be weary of his correction.

Sir, I have had a very great desire to go this journey now to Pequot, and for that end have adventured abroad and tried to ride, but I find my strength will not do; wherefore I hope you will excuse me, though it be somewhat unmannerly in me not to come to take my leave especially at my wife’s coming away, and would be very strange in me were I not disabled. Sir, I am abundantly engaged to yourself, Mistress Winthrop, Mistress Lake and all yours, and know not how ever to make requital: your exceeding abundant love and unwearied pains in the behalf of my dear wife forever engages me to yourself, so that I confess I know not how to be sufficiently thankful; but dear sir, be pleased to let me know what it is meet I should allow you, that I may not be wanting in sufficient satisfaction to my ability. My wife hath now been a tabler with you, above a year, besides all your physic and pains; I pray, sir, let me know what the one and the other is worth, that I may satisfy accordingly, and yet shall acknowledge myself as long as I live engaged to you. Sir, I have sent those for my wife who I trust will be careful and tender of her and I hope such provision is made for her warm and comfortable lodging in the woods as that she may receive no damage, especially lodging the first night at Mr. Brewster’s, which is my desire she may.1 I have respect to what you wrote in reference to her natural sickness and had not sent till the end of the week, but that Goodwife Cooper who hath formerly tended my wife in her weakness says it useth to be with my wife about the full of the moon and if so, to have stayed till the week after would have been worse, and therefore I hasten the men the more that she may have as much time as may be to fit herself to come this week. If it be convenient I would have her go on Thursday to Mr. Brewster’s and so the two next days she may comfortably come home if the Lord permit; but in case her natural sickness be on her this week, I would not by any means have her come till the week after and the men shall stay so long upon the least word from my wife.

Sir, I entreat you to encourage my wife the best you can; she is somewhat fearful, and I fear will be fearful of the journey if you do not speak some encouraging word to her, and in respect of her condition she is full of fears; it may be worse with her when she shall be from you because she doth not observe you to speak anything of your thoughts that she may do well. I pray, sir, encourage her and speak as comfortably to her as you see cause for, and be pleased to give her such advice and directions home with her as may be for her good and comfort. God hath given blessing and good success to your endeavors there, and I trust he will direct you to appoint her f [torn] physic and directions as she m [torn] thereby, through God’s blessing continue and increase in health at home.

After since I had wrote thus far, better considering your letter and understanding you were gone from home, together with the unseasonableness of the weather by the rain, I would have had the men to have stayed till Friday and so they might have been ready to come away next week, but they are resolved to go now and rather to stay there. I pray, sir, let them not hasten home sooner than it is meet for my wife’s comfort; that is the main thing to be attended. I had rather they should wait on her a fortnight, than anything be to her damage. My ague is again returned. I had a very sore fit yesterday from two of the clock till night. The Lord help me patiently to bear what he lays upon me; I intend the next fit to take your powder, etc. I am tired out with this writing and so shall not add at present. With my best respect to yourself and all yours, with thankful acknowledgement of all your love I rest engaged,

Yours in all respective love and service, John Pynchon

28 May 1655

To the Worshipful John Winthrop, Esq., these be presented in Pequot. [Endorsed] Mr. Pinchin

[Springfield, 19 June 1655]

Worshipful Sir,

Myself and wife present you with our due respects, wishing you all health and happiness in Christ Jesus. Sir, the Lord hath been pleased in great mercy to bring home in safety my dear wife, (though not without some exercises in the way) to the joy and rejoicing of my heart. I desire I may be truly thankful to him for this grea [torn] mercy. My wife held out the journey very comfortably and beyond expectations, only that day, which was her ague day, she could not ride about four miles; and the night after was a very sick night with her, but the Lord revived her the next morning to all their wonderment. So that at last (when she had been used to the air sufficiently she was better than atrd [sic] heartier than at the beginning of the journey, and that day which she came home, she came almost all the way from Goodman Bissell’s1 on a gallop, but I may spare to write, Mistress Lake being able to relate more fully.

Since my wife came home she is at some turns especially at the evenings and when she goes to bed [illegible] much trouble with a great heaviness at her stomach which makes her exceeding sick, whereby also is occasioned the rising up to her throat which issue hath formerly complained of, and some degree of that sharp humor, and of rheum; the heaviness at her stomach is very much and makes her extreme ill a nights that she is e’en [sic] ready to die with it. My wife entreats you, that you would be pleased to send her something to help her [illegible]; this extreme pain and heaviness at her stomach is the great thing that troubles her, which she hopes through God’s blessing on what you shall send her, may be abated, and removed, and now by Simon2 is a speedy opportunity, for receiving what you think fit to send her. Sir, we still make bold with you, having tasted so deeply of your love, my [torn] wife, as also myself, return you many thanks acknowledging ourselves ever engaged to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and to all yours for your abundant love [illegible] to her, and myself, upon all occasions. The Lord reward into your bosom seven fold, and shower down upon you all heavenly and spiritual blessings in Christ Jesus to whose grace and mercy I commend you, and with mine and my wife’s endeared love and due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and your daughters. I take leave and am, sir,

Your Engaged Friend,

John Pynchon

I pray present mine and my wife’s loving respects to Mr. Blinman and his wife.3

Sir, the horse you mentioned to be sent me on Goodman Caulkins’ account, it seems turned back again at Mohegan. Had I him here now, I think I could dispose of him, if you please to send him at a reasonable price; but I shall not be willing to prize other men’s goods. I could be glad if he could send me the rest in good black wampum.

Sir, my wife saith that heaviness at her stomach takes her about noon and so increases all the afternoon and then is so extreme bad a nights that the rising to her throat much troubles her; the heaviness at her stomach causes such a listlessness all over her body that she knows not what to do. [illegible] that sharp humor she saith hath troubled her ever since she came from Pequot and daily increased. She desired

me thus much further to acquaint you with her state, that you might take it into consideration, and be pleased to send her such things and such directions as you conceive help.

To the Worshipful and his ever Honored Friend John Winthrop, Esqr., be these presented.

[Springfield, 16 October 1655]

Worshipful Sir,

Myself and wife present our due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, desiring your welfare in Christ Jesus. Sir, having so convenient an opportunity by your Indian Smith, whom I hope will be trusty, I have adventured to send you that red coral which I had procured, and hope it will come safe to your hands, as also my wife hath sent (bound up in the same bundle which is directed to yourself) a few small tokens to Mistress Winthrop and your daughters1

Sir, my wife (though pretty cheerful yet) of late hath been more troubled with a heaviness and pressure at her stomach which makes her very ill, and upon going a little, she finds such a great working within her, and pertness at her stomach, and shortness of breath and a great pain in her head, and is much troubled with wind and fumes which works upon her spirits and occasioneth heaviness and melancholy; by reason also of extreme pain in her teeth, which she hath been very much troubled with this fortnight, and hath been prevented thereby of going to Hartford as she intended. Her tooth ache as I conceive with her other illness hath much weakened her of late. My wife desires much to hear from you, and entreats you to consider her weakness and to send her what you judge helpful for her, as also respecting her old grief, etc., she entreats for a little of your balsam for her teeth.

I received the things by Goodman Stallion and desire to be thankful for the care in sending them. There was a book, one of Doctor Preston’s2 of my Mother Wyllys’, which was forgot I suppose. She much desires the book may be sent to her, as also a book my wife lent G. Lothrop (Burroughs on contentment).3 When opportunity serves, I pray send it. We should be very glad to see you in these parts if the season give way. Not else at present, with tender of my best respects I humbly take leave and am, sir,

Your Assured Friend,

John Pynchon

Sir, I entreat you to inquire whether the horse you sent me by Simon be not among yours or whether the Mohegan Indians have not seen such a one. If he be not strayed homewards to you I fear he is lost; he hath not been seen here this month or six weeks, and I have had many men seeking for him and have spent much time to find him and all in vain. I pray present our regards to Mistress Lake and the gentlemen.

[Endorsed] Capt. Pinchon of Springfield 16 October 1655.

[Springfield, 24 June 1656]

Worshipful Sir,

I thank you for all your kindness, and your care about my wife, in sending her upon all occasions such things as you conceive needful for her health. I have been prevented hitherto of writing to you since you went hence, and I knew not of your being at Hartford till I heard by my man that you were purposed the next morning to return home and thereupon I purposed to write to you by some of your deputies which were at Hartford, but Simon Beamon told me he would be at Pequot before them, and so I forbore, supposing him to be a more speedy and certain way of conveyance; but he hath delayed his journey hitherto, and now is like wholly to fail, for he wished one to certify you that he should not come for those oxen which he was intended to have had of you being minded not to have them by reason of discouragements from some who say that cattle brought from the seaside do not well in these parts.

Sir, your horse you brought from Sudbury was delivered safe and in better condition than he came hither. Your letters to Mistress Richards1 I also delivered, and when I came home I light upon a letter directed to yourself for the special service of the state. I sent it you the best way I could and hope you have received it long ago.

The physic you sent hither to several persons, I distributed it accordingly to your order, and for John Stewart who continues a very pitiful creature; he hath writ to you by the enclosed concerning his state.2

For your position about calves I like well of it, if I could procure any worth the sending, but I find few to be had in our town, and those people are willing to raise themselves so that I shall not be able to effect anything that way. That you writ about satisfying the Welshman for his horse, I would not have had you to take notice of it. I procured the horse not being able to furnish you with my own as I desired and agreed with him for it which I have accordingly satisfied him so that there is nothing for you to allow him. I intended also to have taken you off from Simon, but that he tells me you have agreed with him and so will take nothing of me. I am sorry you have prevented me of my purpose; it was not reason that your coming this way to visit us should put you upon any charge to go home from us. I, with my wife, thankfully accept of Mistress Winthrop’s love, in that sugar she sent; I had [illegible] sir; my wife is now at Hartford, where I left her about three days since much in such a measure of health as when you were here, she is but weakly. Therefore it is mercy [torn] as no worse. I suppose she will write to you herself by Mr. Blinman and therefore I shall forbear anything further and so shall not add at present, but my due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop as also Mistress Lake to your sons and daughters, with thankful acknowledgement of all your love I humbly take leave and am, sir,

Yours to love and serve you,

John Pynchon

I have procured some Alchermis3 and before I speed it to my wife which I would have sent you not to order them in that way you send, but my wife being absent I cannot find the bearer to send it.

To the Worshipful John Winthrop, Esq., these be presented in Pequot.

[Endorsed] Mr. Pinchon

[Springfield, 16 February 1657/58]

Honored Sir,

I received yours with the electuary1 for my wife which she made use of, and though for the present she found not ease of the pain at her stomach, yet afterward she found it to abate, and hath ever since been much freed from it, though she fears it may return feeling now and then a spice of it. She hath, and doth often take purging pills as you directed. Sir, I have sometimes been minded to write to you concerning some messages sent from Major Mason2 to the Pocumtuck Indians3 and yet have forborne, being one that never took delight to meddle in Indian differences, and should have wholly silenced myself did I not already see the ill consequence thereof. Things stood in as fair a way for a peaceable agreement betwixt Uncas and the upper Indians4 as could be expected, their spirits above being allayed. Had there come any more wampum, though but a small matter or any message encouraging them that it would come in time, it would have absolutely effected a full peace; and they concluded upon it that wampum would come (yea and say some of our English wampum was promised by Uncas’s messenger), so that they generally instead of preparing for war prepared to go a hunting. But this news from Major Mason that Uncas5 would have that which they had had already to serve their turn together, with many high words expressed to the Indian that brought the letter by Major Mason on Uncas his behalf (which I should not have believed from the Indian had not Major Mason’s letter to the English at Nalwottog6 held forth as much), makes the Indians at Pocumtuck very much discontented and exposes the English to be slighted by it, it being much cross to the message John Gilbert and Griffin were to deliver from the Court7 and should the Indian English at Nalwottog have related to the Pocumtuck Indians the full contents of Major Mason’s letter (as he desired them so to do) it would I fear have much exasperated the upper Indians, but they have much qualified things and concealing much of the letter the Pocumtuck Indians cannot tell what to think whether their Indian that brought such messages to them be credited yea or no. So that if yet Uncas do but carry it fair I hope all may issue well, and truly peace may be more worth than a little wampum which the parting with on Uncas his part would soon quiet all things indeed. The upper Indians were in a hopeful way of getting without much wampum had there come from Uncas or Major [Mason] loving and respectful messages and thankful acknowledgement of their taking the wampum, at least silent passing by of things, and not standing upon Uncas his justification and saying he needed not to have sent that, etc., but I shall forbear any more and entreat excuse for what I have said, and for my scribbling. The bearer staying and lodging his company enforces me to it and indeed I should not have writ a word but that I hear Uncas is or was lately at Hartford, these being my sudden and undigested thoughts. I desire your worship’s favorable interpretation that you would be pledged to communicate no more than you see fit and so with mine and my wife’s loving and due respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop returning your many thanks for all your love, I am sir,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

Springfield 16 February 1657

It is not Uncas his saying he hath many men come to him now, and is able to deal with them, etc., that will frighten them and if the English shall send for messages for him and on his behalf [illegible] upon all his high and proud words truly there will never be end, for the English have no sooner qualified anything by their interposing, but Uncas do presently undo all by his proud and high words.8

To the Worshipful John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, these be presented in Hartford

[Endorsed] 17 February

[Springfield, 6 April 1658]

Honored Sir,

Being to go from home upon a design which will occasion a fortnight’s absence I make bold to entreat you, if Goodman Rogers1 should send any vessel for corn before I return home, that you would please to direct them to have recourse to my Cousin Allyn,2 whom I have given directions to to take order for the freighting thereof at Hartford. Not else, sir, but due respects presented I take leave and am, sir,

Yours Assured,

John Pynchon

6 April 1658

For the Honored Governor of Connecticut John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford

[Springfield, 22 May 1658]

Sir,

You understand I suppose by John Griffin of the Pocumtucks receiving the wampum which Uncas sent; but perceiving by the relation of some chief Indians here, and one of Pocumtuck, how things stand, I thought meet to write a few lines, because I perceive by the bearer hereof whom I sent with John Griffin that they did not so fully understand the Indians.1

Thus it is, the Pocumtucks, as the wampum sent them is but little (say they) so they say but little, only they will sit still at present, and see how Uncas2 carries it. The last time after Uncas sent them wampum he gave out proud speeches, which if they find him now to forbear and that he do send them some good girdle or girdles of wampum from himself that they may see his reality, they do intend a full peace, otherwise not. This as I perceive is the full state of the business. And, sir, I desire heartily that seeing things are in so fair a posture, that Uncas may be advised to carry it well. [The] last time high words did him much hurt and in particular some speeches of Major Mason’s on Uncas his behalf. I wish the English may be silent and meddle less; and that Uncas may give them good and loving words and messages, and that he would take some convenient time to send them some good girdles which they will take as a testification of his reality and shall so acknowledge it and keep it by them as their manner is, that they may be able to say hereafter this is Uncas. This being attended (and I would have Uncas not to delay too long) all will be well and will issue I believe in a firm peace (and I hope to the comfort and benefit of the English) which otherwise may be doubtful, and delays may exasperate. I pray, sir, put in now that all endeavors after peace which now is obtained and hopeful to hold may be fully effected, and so with my loving respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop I take leave, and am, sir,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

22 May 1658 To the [torn]

Honored Sir,

I received yours signifying the desire of the Commissioners1 that I should send our messenger from our town to the Pocumtuck sachems, which I have accordingly attended, having this morning dispatched away the fittest man2 among us being (I think) the best interpreter in these parts. To whom I have delivered your message and instructions, and ordered him to make all the speed he can, and which I doubt not but he will. I hope will procure some of the Pocumtuck sachems or their messengers to come to you, but [torn] question whether they will be got so soon and so be with you by those [torn] because Indians are resolving, to my [torn] but that I must leave till the issue of his journey. Not being readily provided with a man and horse to accompany him to Pocumtuck3 I thought it good to send William Edwards (whom you sent up to me) along with him; and so if the sachems should not come or send, you will the sooner understand it, by his return home. Not having else to add at present, I make bold to subscribe myself,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

Springfield, 5 September 1659

To the Right Worshipful John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut Jurisdiction, and President of the honored Court of Commissioners, now assembled at Hartford.

[Springfield, 7 or 8 September 1659]

Much Honored Gentlemen,

The messengers sent according to your desires to the Pocumtuck sachems being returned, I shall briefly give your worships an account of the success of the journey. Coming to Pocumtuck, he that was interpreter declared your message to the sachems there, according to his several instructions; who to the first thing readily returned this answer: that it was all their desires that peace and friendship betwixt themselves and the English should continue; and whereas in the message sent to them, there is mention of wrongs and injuries done by them to the English, they answered: first, that they knew of none; and if any were done, it was not by the allowances of the sachems, for they had charged their men to do no wrong to any English or their cattle.

Secondly, if it were made out to them, that any of their men had done the wrong, they would make satisfaction to the English so far they would be from countenancing any in offending the English and what more to say to it they knew not.

To the second thing that in the wars1 they press too near the English, etc.: they say that as friends, they come to the English for victuals, and charge their people to carry it friendly, but if that the English sachems will say they do not allow of it, and will prescribe another course for them to take, if it be reasonable, they will attend it.

Third, to the desire of the Commissioners to speak with them: they say they can not come to Hartford; neither do they know any engagement that lies on them to come to the meetings of the English sachems; and they do not send for the English sachems to their meetings. The reasons why they can not come to the Commissioners are two: first, because they have a great meeting amongst themselves three days hence, and must attend that; it being all one with the Commissioners’ meeting. Secondly, they are in confederacy with many others, as with the Souquakes,2 and Mohawks and others, and can do nothing without them.

Lastly, to the desire of the Commissioners that all acts of hostilities may cease during their sitting, they are not in a capacity to attend it:

1 Because they have sent out seven or eight men to lie in wait for some of Uncas his men but two days before; they being now gone cannot be called in.

2 If they could: yet it is not possible for them to give notice to the Indians of the Dutch river3 and others who are engaged with them, and are daily sending out some upon the design.

To the third particulars, that some agreement may be made how the English may be secured: they desire the English sachems to conclude what is best and fit to be attended by them, if it be that which shall be found reasonable. This is the sum of what they say to the messengers sent to them; and all along hold out a resolution of living in peace with the English, and say they will not first break the peace. They are resolved not to be beginners of any breach with the English, and will yield to the English in anything but in making peace with Uncas; for they cannot have peace with him. I am bold to present this relation of their answer, as I scribed it from the interpreter’s mouth, because William Edwards, who accompanies him is in haste. He may possibly relate somewhat more but his hastening gives me time only to relate the main and sum of all. Not have else at present, I take my leave,

And subscribe your Worship’s servant,

John Pynchon

It was my desire that the messengers and interpreter, Samuel Marshfield, would have written the Pocumtuck sachems’ answer to your message, with his own hand; only because he being a slow scribe, could not so soon effect it, neither could I persuade him to it; but I have caused him to read over what I have writ, and to subscribe his hand to the truth of it.

Your Worship’s Servant to Command, Samuel Marshfield

Received at Hartford, 7 or 8 September 1659

[Springfield, 20 January 1659/60]

Much Honored Sir,

I received yours of the 7th instant, and thank you for your intelligence imparted to me, which you had from some of New Haven. I could be glad to hear more particularly concerning the truth of it. I am very sorry to hear of that sad and amazing stroke from God in taking from us that worthy instrument for the public whom I hear was lately and suddenly taken from Wethersfield:1 the Lord help us duly to consider it and to lay it to heart.

Sir, your exceeding care and great pains you take for my daughter much engages me to you and makes me your debtor, this acknowledgment whereof is the least part of payment. I am troubled that she stirs no more and can so hardly be drawn to it, but I hope she will stir more when her cough is fully gone, for at home she would go to our neighbors about us very often and would be going about so oft that I was afraid she would venture to wrong herself by falls. I and my wife both should much rejoice to hear of her amendment, and desire in the use of means to wait the Lord’s leisure and to submit to his good pleasure. Before my letter is finished, John Ginny comes in to my house from the Bay. He brings little news to me. My letters are very barren that way concerning any public affairs and only relate some things of particular concernment. So that I have nothing worth the imparting to you, and I hear you have many letters so that I suppose you will know what news may be stirring. It may be you may have seen our General Court’s declaration concerning their proceeding against the Quakers; it was drawn up before I came from the Court and not fully finished, but now I have it sent me.2 If you have not seen it I will send it you. Mr. Lane and his wife are together again by their own agreement and now she speaks well of him in that wherein she formerly found fault. Major Hawthorne, and Mr. Richards go to the Manhattan the first opportunity to treat with the Dutch governor,3 our company purposing to carry on their design of trade up that river4 if fairly they may. Not else at present, but all due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and to the gentlewomen your daughters, from myself and wife I humbly crave leave and am sir,

Yours in all due respect,

John Pynchon

Springfield, 20 January 1659

These for the Worshipful John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of the Connecticut in Hartford.

Honored Sir,

I thank you for those papers of cordial powder you sent my wife by Ensign Cooper.1 She was indeed very ill being [torn] it may not be likely to do the more good: we would attend advice and act for the best as God shall guide and the Lord help us to submit to his good pleasure and to justify him in his dealings and dispensations. Myself and wife present our due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and to all yours, with many thanks for all your love and pains and enlarged kindness. Not else at present, I am, sir,

Yours in all due respects,

John Pynchon

Springfield, 7 March 1659

To the Right Worshipful and much Honored John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, these be presented in Hartford.

[Springfield, 1 May 1660]

Honored Sir,

I have received several loving letters from you in the time of my illness, together with physic, and intelligence concerning the state of England, etc. [torn] For all which return you many and hearty thanks, and cannot but take notice of your great love and pains in all, whereby I become greatly engaged to you. God hath been pleased out of his great goodness towards me to give me some reviving, for which I desire to bless his name; yet I f[ind] myself exceeding weak, and when I stir or go abroad I find great feebleness that I am not able to go much further than to our meeting house without resting, but I hope I do daily (though slowly) get a little strength. Only I have some symptoms of the return of my ague which the Lord (if it be his good will) prevent. Sir, it hath pleased God to visit my wife with some illness; last Lord’s day she was taken exceeding ill with a pain in her back and side, and ready to faint and swound away and exceeding sick, and with all had a great looseness, wherein there appeared much flow [of] blood, which did exceedingly discourage my wife. But it hath pleased them to give her some reviving; she is now finely refreshed. This night she slept well and we hope her looseness is stopped having lain this night without disturbance; the Lord grant she will recover and get strength if it be his will. Our daughter Mary is much as she was. My wife hath a great desire to have Mr. Pell1 see her knee, and is so much moved in her spirit to it, that do not her illness prevent I think she would endeavor to go with her herself. My wife thanks Mistress Winthrop for the oranges she sent her. I heard no news at all of Stallion but what you writ which was that you knew not that he came for corn from me; otherwise I should have sent him some. I have herewith returned you Mr. Richards his letter and Mr. Knowles,2 and thank you for the perusal of them. Not else at present. But my due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented I take leave and am, sir,

Yours in all due respect,

John Pynchon

To the Right Worshipful John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut.

[Springfield, 7 May 1660]

Honored Sir,

I received your loving letter by John Earle,1 and return you many thanks for your great love and care of me. My wife I bless God is much better in health than when I last writ to you, and that gripings hath left her, though she finds herself still weak and hath not yet recovered her strength. My ague I hope hath left me; I had three fits of it at the second return but missed the fourth so that I hope it will leave me. Walnut tree buds beaten and moistened with strong liquor was that which through God’s blessing did it away both before and now at the return. But the watery salt humors on my hands trouble me so that I am forced to keep my hands bound up and am scarce able to write. My hands after they have been well have broke out again and that is the third or fourth time by the use of an ointment which my wife makes they will come to be perfectly healed and clear new skin come; and that in a little while they break out again. This soreness on my hands is much afflictive to me and unfits me to do anything either at home or abroad. My daughter her swelling which I writ of is since broke; it brake of itself without using any means or laying anything to it, first or last. When it first brake it ran very much; that which come out is like whey and curds at turns. It issues out moderately; it is a small little vert2 that it hath this morning that which came out looked a little more frothily but her knee and lameness is all one. We think to send her down tomorrow and with thoughts that the men should carry her to Mr. Pell to see her knee. My wife hath had such a great desire Mr. Pell should see her ever since Goodman Ely was here that she can hardly be satisfied till Mr. Pell sees her knees to hear what he thinks of it. I send two men down with my daughter in reference to their carrying her to Mr. Pell unless yourself or my friends at Hartford shall dissuade and if so and then to leave her with you. There will be a woman also one of this town who falls occasionally going to visit her sister which will take care of my daughter which indeed hath us on to send her: the Lord in mercy guide: I am full of thoughts about it for my own part but shall not add it [at] present. With my due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and Mary’s to Mistress and I am sir,

Your Deeply engaged friend and servant,

John Pynchon

I had got a beaver for you, a curious large she beaver, but in the time of my illness for want of due care it died; but an Indian hath promised to get me [torn]

To the Right Honored Governor of Connecticut Colony: John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 19 December 1660]

Honored Sir,

I am bold to write to you concerning my son Joseph,1 who is much troubled with a kind of hoarseness or dryness in his throat, and yet not with any cold that we can perceive, but a continual kind of hemming and harsh dryness and complains of something that doth rise up into his throat and that makes him to hem or rather harshly cough and complains that it makes him hot within and dry in his lungs and it pains him at his stomach, and he [torn] a kind of pricking and soreness in his throat. We do not discern any moist rheum, but a great dryness and harshness; we fear some ill effects of it, if not timely prevented, because we think it doth gain upon him; and therefore we entreat you to afford us your help, and to send or direct us to such things as you know to be safe or good for him.

Our daughter’s knee and lameness is as it use to be in alteration,2 only of late it looks a little blackish about the top of the knee and seems as if there were some gathering there, so that possibly it may break again but we cannot tell, it being but newly discerned and it may be may prove nothing.

I could be glad to hear if you have any news, besides what Sam Martin related, that he acquainted me with, but I have heard nothing more than what he related not having received any letters or any other hint of English news. But last week there came a warrant to this town from our secretary3 (by an Indian) requiring us to send down to Boston a deputy to the General Court called by the Governor and Council (which was to be this 19th day of December) to consult of the weighty and important affairs of this colony, which makes me think some great matter is on foot but what it may be, I know no more than I have related. The Lord prepare us for whatever his good pleasure is. I was made choice of for the service, and went as far as Chikkuppy4 and feared my horse in respect of the season and so returned again; but I sent on the man that was to go with me, who I suppose will return the latter end of next week, and if I hear any news worth imparting to you, I shall acquaint you with it when he returns. I have not else to add at present, but with my loving and due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, to your son and daughters, I humbly take leave and am sir,

Your Worshipful Servant,

John Pynchon

My wife presents her due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and to the gentlewomen your daughters. Mary desires to be remembered to Mistress Anne.

Sir, I pray present mine and my wife’s duty to Mother Wyllys and our loving respects to Brother and Sister Wyllys.

These for the Right Worshipful John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor for Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 18 January 1660/61]

Honored Sir,

Mine with my wife’s due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented desiring your health and happiness in Christ Jesus. God is pleased to exercise us much with illness by colds, it being general through the town [torn] my wife and all my children troubled therewith, and myself not free, but John1 is very ill of it, much stopped up and hot withal. Joseph complains much of his head having a great pain there, and so hath Mary and my wife something, hers being but now coming on. If you could direct us to that which may be helpful and good we should account it an addition of further engagements to you.

Joseph oft complains of that husking, hemming, etc., and soreness or rather heat in his throat and fears an inflammation in his throat. I entreat you be pleased to send us some more of the water for Mary’s knee; we have sent a glass bottle by John Earle and entreat you to return it by him. Not else sir, but loving and endeared respects to yourself and all yours, I am, sir,

Yours to my power,

John Pynchon

Sir, if you have any news I could gladly understand it; I received no letters by messenger.

These for the Right Worshipful Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford. There is nothing amiss about the palate of his mouth or almonds of his ears. He hath a heat in his throat and dryness.

[Springfield, 31 January 1660/61]

Honored Sir,

I received yours, with the paper of news which you sent me, for which I kindly thank you; there were many particulars in it which I knew not before. I hear that you have since intelligence of New England being prohibited trade with Virginia.1 I suppose (if so) that that news comes not alone, but what further news you have I hear not. We are here generally recovering of the cold and catarrhs though some still held under them. They have been very general, taking hold of almost all in our plantation: we hear they are up the river likewise, though I think not so bad, but Mr. Mather2 hath been exceeding ill we heard from him last Saturday; they were in fear of him only some reviving he had that morning. I long to hear how they do at the seaside because there is a speech amongst our Indians that many die there. Sir, my son Joseph concerning whom I wrote [rest of letter torn.]

Into his throat: one thing I [torn] slipped which he much and often compla [torn] of a great heat within, he is h [torn] and dry, the heat within is as if i [torn] burn him somewhat within and yet [torn] outwardly very cold. I am afraid he is more dangerous [torn] are aware of. I pray send us your [torn] and sometimes he complains of a pain in his side; he had this distemper (which goes about) of the cold and with it an intolerable pain in his ear, which afterward removed into his eyebrow and forehead and then it abated and he became well as we thoug [torn] and since his being well of that he is thus taken with a pain on his side. It is left side and stomach and sometimes at his heart; together with it he hath a sore throat, complains of a rising in his throat somewhat; he says it is as if a thread were in his throat or a hair, or some live thing. The pain in his side troubles him, then he is free from that pain in his shoulder; he is troubled with his throat; he is somewhat at ease and in his side. But at turns they are both extreme. Last night he was taken with a violent pain in his side, that he did cry out with it but it did not last half [torn] the night. [Rest of letter torn] To the Right Worshipful Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 18 February 1660/61]

[The upper half of this letter is missing.]

us further I desire we may be sensible of his hand upon us even us in particular to return to the Lord that smites. Here is no news only by the Indians. I am told that the Dutch are very ill at Fort Aurania1 and some die. They say there is a Dutchman and his wife at Northampton who came with the Indians lately from Fort Aurania. Many of the Indians who intended to go a hunting being returned home because the Mohawks are not pleased with their going as they say. I may not add at present. With mine and my wife’s loving and endeared respect to yourself and worthy consort and to the gentlewomen your daughters, I commend you to God’s grace and am, sir,

Your Worshipful Servant, John Pynchon

I pray sir (as you have opportunity), be pleased to present my mother with our dutiful respects and my brother and sister Wyllys with our endeared love and respects, as also Mr. Stone and Mr. Whiting and their wives, etc.2

My wife wished me to add this, that she is sometimes swelled at her stomach and when she is, she can’t endure to touch it; if she do it sets her into one of these cold fits.

These for the Right Worshipful Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[On outside of address] There is nothing amiss about the palate of his mouth or almonds of his ears; he hath a heat in his throat and dryness.

Mr. Pinchon 18 February 1660

FOR MILES MORGAN (illiterate) TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. w. p., xv, 77

Enclosed with letter following

[Springfield, 23 May 1661]

Honored Sir,

When I was at Hartford I was at your house desiring to speak with your worship about my lame boy, and to have had your advice and help, but you were from home when I brought him to your house, and when I came the second time you were also from home, and so I was prevented of your advice and help which I much desired, and thereupon I carried him to Goodwife Watts and left him1 with her. Now my humble request to your worship is that you would please to see him and afford your help and advice and if you see it needful that he should be purged, or take any physic that you would give him what physic you judge needful. I shall account it a great favor and be ready to give you full satisfaction and content. Entreating your pardon for my boldness, I humbly take leave and subscribe,

Your Worshipful Servant,

Miles Morgan2

[Springfield, 23 May 1661]

Sir,

Here is a Dutchman came from Fort Aurania in February last who hath continued at Northampton ever since, till about a week again he came to our town. He pretends skill in chirurgery and indeed hath done some cures at Northampton, as very credible persons do affirm, and since he came hither hath done some things whereby it appears he hath some skill but how far it will reach know not. He hath taken Goodman Dorchester’s1 leg in hand and thinks to cure it, and he says he thinks he could cure my daughter. He speaks very confidently thus far that he can bring her leg to rights and straight. And he offers to cure her for £60 and yet withal says he will have nothing for his pains if he do not make a perfect cure that shall be so judged by any able chirurgeons. Myself and wife are fearful of meddling with him being a stranger least he may do her hurt, and therefore though he hath been these eight days here, and I have entertained him at my house, yet we have not hitherto employed him. But we have thoughts of trying him. He seems to be a sober man, and says he will use no launching2 nor no violent means, but bathings, rubbings, and chafing the sinews, and that he intends to follow two or three days night and day: at first he intends to take little or no sleep for two or three nights. I thought at first he might be needy of money and his aim might be to get some money but he says I shall not pay him [torn] one penny till I see it be cur[ed], see her go without crutches or st [torn]. If his endeavors should effect such a cu [torn] I should wonder at it, and have cause to magnify the goodness of God to us in so ordering that for us which we deserve not.

Sir, I should send a parcel of wampum to James Rogers (but cannot at present send it). I shall shortly send it to your worship and entreat your conveyance of it. The news by Scarlet3 I suppose you have more fully than we. We hear a report as if the Dutch governor4 had seized on the colonels, etc. I cannot add with mine and my wife’s loving respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop. I am, sir,

Your assured friend and servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Right Worshipful Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

TO JOHN CROW

Dreer Collection, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

[Springfield, 8 May 1663]

Mr. John Crow,1

Sir, I formerly sent you the account of what I shipped for your own proper account October 30th, 1661. The whole which I had then paid you in bread, flour, and beef was as per

So that I have overpaid you £5 07 6d. I have had no joy in the bargain of the ship.3 When I bought it and engaged the £70 to you I would I had been asleep; it had been better for me to have given you £20 freely to have been freed from the bargain, but lough4 what is best. I pray sir pay which as I understand the price now at Barbados is 21 pounds of sugar per pound [sterling]. I pray send a bag of good cotton wool5 per Mr. Hamlin. I have had no account from you yet of the 10 hogsheads of bread, 7 barrels of flour marked 1 P: which was my own adventure sent you per Mr. Hamlin October 30th 1661 nor yet any account of your paying the balance due to me which you gave in to me at Springfield, nor of several other business only from England. I understand that you shipped London 3 bushels and 4 hogsheads of sugar, which my Father writes did purge exceedingly and run. Father says you told him you had given me an account of it but I never received any account from you and know not on what account you sent it, only have heard it was some pay you got in from Mr. Ware.6

Whatever it was cleared in England but £44 0 6d charges paid, for I have the account of it from London. If this came from Mr. Ware then you have not cleared the balance of the old account you gave me; nor have you made any returns for bread and flour, etc., I last sent you. You are very slow in payments. I have been forwarder in paying what I engaged to you and have overpaid you; and you are so spare of writing that you scarce let me hear from you. I do not know what you have done about my business with Mr. Ware. The last that you writ was that you were like to have good bills7 for the debt which you writ you intended to accept. I hope you have made sure for since I hear he is gone off the island.8 The last letter I received from you was dated February 8, 1661, which per Mr. Hamlin I received in March or April after and therewith one hogshead of sugar and one barrel. Since then I have not received a line from you. In that letter you advised of your intendments for England and promised to clear my accounts before you departed the island, but you sent no account, at least I received none. You also promised to write further concerning Mr. Ware by your next but I have waited long for that next, and it yet comes not. Truly it troubles me that you have done so little for me and made so little returns and give me no accounts; and in what posture my estate is with you now I know not; and great use I have of that which is due to me. I shall have extraordinary occasion for money in England. I hear my dear father is lately dead9 and hath left several payments for me to make which I doubt will enforce me to go to England this summer and I shall much need moneys there to pay engagements; and therefore much desire you to send whatever is due to me to London. I pray use extraordinary care and diligence to get in all which is due to me that it may be sent to London either before I go or may meet me; till which send for me consigned to Daniel Bridge and Mr. Henry Berkingham at the Blue Bee in Fen-church Street.10 I only desire you to send me hither when Mr. Hamlin returns one bag of good cotton wool; and for all the rest which will be due to me upon any account, I pray get it in and send it to London as before directed. Let it be good muscovado sugars and not so full of molasses as the last. What I sent last year I consigned to Mr. Burr as you directed, but he leaving the island Mr. Peleg Sanford11 received it and disposed of it and I hope he will not return it to England as I have given him order. I send nothing by Mr. Hamlin this time. I would willingly see how old accounts are cleared before I launch too deep. I have found so little profit by Barbados trade that unless I find readier and better returns I shall leave it off. If I could meet with some one encouraging return amongst many bad ones, it would be something. One thing I had almost forgot, which formerly you have been acquainted with. I should have received long ago by Mr. Wolcott’s appointment £29 10s. of Mr. Bryan in muscovado sugar the 20th day of October 1659, who appointed Mr. Daniel Burr to pay it.12 It was ordered in two distinct papers: the first was a bill of exchange of £18; the second was an order for £11 10s., but both was to be paid at the same time: in all £29 10s. Now Mr. Burr tells me he thinks he paid it to you, at least one of the sums though he was not certain. If you have received it you have never given me account. I pray declare about it concerning our ship Desire; we had need be in a better way of employ or else sell her. I could wish you would take in my part. I have no desire to hold her if you would take her. It may be she would be better employed and for my own part I am like to do worse and worse having more business lying upon me at home, and if I should go to England this summer then it will be worse, for all my business here shall lie still till I return again. It is likely I shall be at home when Mr. Hamlin comes back this time from Barbados and that will be all. If I go for England I pray by Mr. Hamlin’s return send me an account and let me understand what you have sent or have in readiness to send to London for me. I shall not add at present, but with my loving and endeared respect commend you to God and subscribe,

Sir,

Your Assured Loyal Friend,

John Pynchon

3. Tun and ⅛ boards

Your father Crow told me that they were chase boards13 all which he sent him.

TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR.

Massachusetts Medical Society Library, Boston

[Springfield, 24 July 1663]

Much Honored Sir,

Myself and wife present our due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, desiring your welfare in Christ Jesus. Sir, we are bold to crave your advice concerning our young daughter about or near one year and three quarters old,1 God having pleased to visit her with illness. She hath not been very well these three or four days but especially yesterday morning was taken with a great looseness and vomiting which doth continue much and exceedingly weaken her; she is very restless and unquiet, and sleeps little and is exceeding dry, craving for drink. How the Lord may deal with her and us we know not, but desire in the use of means to submit to his good pleasure, desiring your helpfulness in what you conceive needful. I commend you and your affairs to the guidance of God, and humbly take leave to subscribe, sir,

Yours in all humble service,

John Pynchon

Springfield, 24th July 1663

We conceive the child is about teeth, having several of her great teeth ready to cut.

These for the Honored: John Winthrop, Esqr., The Right Worshipful Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 28 July 1663]

This is written to your Honors at the request of the Indians of Agawarn, Pojassic, Nalwottog, Pocumtuck, and the Wissatinnewag,1 to inform their friends, the Dutch, that they are very much put out, because the Sokoki2 Indians had killed and murdered some of the Maquas; all the above named Indians request herewith that the Dutch Commissaries will believe, that only Sokoki Indians had been killing the Maquas.

As to the other Indians of the Connecticut River, as Pocumtuck, Nonotuck, Agawam, and further down, they deplore it exceedingly, repudiate the deed, and swear at the Sokoki; because they killed the Maquas and they will have nothing to do with them, for they are resolved to keep up their intercourse and friendship with the Maquas as before. The Indians of the several places mentioned before request the sachems of the Dutch to assure the Maquas and inform them how the matter is; they assure the Maquas that they had no knowledge of it, they were at too great a distance, to prevent the proceedings of the Sokoki and tell the Maquas, that they will remain their friends. The Sokoki have indeed broken the friendship with the Maquas and we will let the Maquas act according to their pleasure. The Sokoki live at the head of the river of Connecticut3 and they are the ones, who fell upon the Maquas and the Indians beyond them to the north and northeast as far as Nolongewock,4 but the Southern Indians of Pocumtuck and Agawam and farther south assure that they will remain friends with the Maquas and hope that they will live in peace with them.

John Pynchon

LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF JOHN PYNCHON, 20 NOVEMBER 1663

Connecticut Valley Historical Museum

Whereas I John Pynchon of Springfield upon the River Connecticut in the Colony of the Massachusetts, gentleman, and purposed (by God’s assistance) a voyage to England, and not knowing how the Lord may deal with me: to the end therefore I may perform my duty and continue love and peace among those I leave behind me, I do dispose of that outward estate wherewith the Lord hath blessed me, and do make my last will and testament as followeth:1

Item. I do give unto my dear and well beloved wife her full thirds of all the profits and rents of all my lands in Springfield, for and during the term of her natural life; also my will is that my wife shall enjoy and benefit of my new dwelling house with all the outhouses and orchards thereunto belonging until my son Joseph shall attain to the age of one and twenty years if he shall live thereunto, if not then till my son John shall attain the aforesaid age, after which times he shall have liberty to use and improve part of the cellar and one of my rooms at the chamber over, which he shall like best, and one third of the rest of the premises during her widow’s estate (if she should then be a widow), provided she do keep all the aforesaid premises which she shall improve either in whole or in part in good repair. Item. I do give unto my son Joseph Pynchon one third of all my land and housing in Springfield, during my wife’s natural life, and the third which my wife enjoys after her death. Item. I do give unto my son John one third of all my land and housing in Springfield; the thirds of my land bequeathed to my sons is to be enjoyed by each of them when they come to the age of one and twenty years. Item. I do give unto my son Joseph two thirds of all my stock of cattle, debts, bonds, bills, trading commodities, and other movables whatsoever, both within doors and without doors, my just debts and legacies being discharged. I do give unto my son John my warehouse at Boston with the wharf and land thereto belonging. I do further give to my son Joseph my watch and half my books; I do give the other half of my books to my son John, as also give him one of my best beds and furniture. I do give unto my daughter Mary2 to be paid as followeth, two hundred pounds of it when she shall come to the age of twenty years or within another six months after her marriage, which shall first happen; one hundred pounds more, [five words blurred and illegible] marriage if she or any issue of her body be living at that time, and one hundred pounds more eighteen months after that, if she or any issue of her body be living at that time; and the last hundred pounds eighteen months after that, if she or any issue of her body be living at that time. I do also give my daughter Mary a bed and furniture. My will is that my estate be improved after my decease (for the good of my children till they shall attain their several aforesaid ages) at the discretion of any overseers for the good education of my children till they shall be bestowed in marriage and if it so fall out that either of my children depart this life before they be married or attain the aforesaid ages, then my will is that what I have bequeathed to my child that dies shall be enjoyed by my children that survive, and if either of them shall depart this life after they are married and have no issue, then my surviving child shall enjoy all. But if either of them shall have lawful issue when they depart this life, then that which I have bequeathed to any children, shall be to them and the lawful issue of their bodies. My will is that my children do take and attend the advice of my wife and overseers, or any two of them, on their marriage, which if they refuse to do, my will is that any of them that so do, shall be abated of what I have bequeathed to them, as my wife and overseers shall see meet, which shall be to any other children that shall attend my mind herein. I do give to my brothers, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Elizur Holyoke, and Mr. William Davis, forty shillings apiece as a token of my love; and unto my sister Smith ten pounds, which she shall enjoy while she lives and have liberty to give unto such of her children she judges most deserving when she dies. Item. I give to the children of my sister Margaret Davis at my decease twenty shillings apiece and twenty shillings apiece to the children of my sister Mary Holyoke, and to the children of my sister Ann Smith, which are living at my decease twenty shillings apiece, and twenty shillings apiece to the children of my Brother Wyllys, and also twenty shillings apiece to the children of my Cousin Allyn, and likewise twenty shillings to my Cousin Talcott’s child. I do give my trusty and well beloved friends, Mr. Samuel Wyllys, Mr. Elizur Holyoke, Deacon Chapin, and Nathaniel Ely four pounds apiece, whom I entreat and appoint to be overseers of this my will, entreating them (as I doubt not but they will) to be careful and faithful in discharging the trust committed to them. Item. I do give to the Reverend Mr. Peletiah Glover three pounds. Item. I give to the honest poor of Springfield three pounds to be distributed as the deacon3 shall judge best.

Lastly, I do make, constitute, and appoint my loving wife Amy Pynchon sole executrix of this my last will and testament, and for further enabling her to the performance thereof, I do give to her one half of the third part of my stock and cattle, bonds, debts, bills and moveable, which are not yet disposed of in my will, it being my wish that my son John shall enjoy the other half of this third of my stock and cattle, bonds, bills, debts, etc. My will is that what I have given my daughter Mary shall be paid her out of my stock and cattle, bonds, debts, bills, and movables before the two thirds [two blurred words inserted] and this third, which is divided into two halves, do take place. My will is that my Brother Holyoke shall be abated five pounds of debt he owes me, and I do give five pounds more of it to John Holyoke to be laid out for books for him.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand this 20th of November, 1663.

John Pynchon

This was declared by John Pynchon to be his last will and testament this 20th of November, 1663, in the presence of us.

Elizur Holyoke

Samuel Chapin

[Springfield, 25 July 1664]

Honored Sir,

Yours of the 22 th of July I received not till this day, and so have no opportunity to communicate it to Hadley as yet, but have thoughts of sending tomorrow on purpose. Your letter with the enclosed copies was the first intelligence I have had of anything that way, not having had the least hint of those things either by Indians or English before. But doubtless the reports that the English up in the River1 were abettors, or privy to the murder of the Mohawk sachems that were sent with wampum to conclude a peace is very false, for I heard Lieut. Wilton2 and Mr. Clarke of Hadley say that they did persuade the Pocumtuck Indians to accept of wampum and to make peace with the Mohawks, but they refused to hearken. I wish the Dutch do not raise such reports, thereby to incense the Mohawks against the English; but how to inform the Mohawks aright I know not. It cannot be by Indians for all the Indians hereabouts are at deadly feud with them. There is no way but to certify the Dutch by return to Capt. Willett.3 As for Northampton and Hadley, I will send to them that they may make answer for themselves. I am a stranger to these affairs having been so long absent and out of the country. For it would be necessary (I conceive) to send copies of the letters you have sent me to the Governor and Council in the Bay, but here is no opportunity from hence this week, and therefore I hope you will send them by Mr. Richards, who I hear goes tomorrow or next day toward Boston. I know not what further to say till you have some return from Hadley and Northampton. My poor advice is that some way be thought on speedily to certify the Dutch of the falsehood of all such reports which they have received against the English, that so they may not entertain such false aspersions, which may be best done by making use of Capt. Willett or any othe [torn] you think fit; I would not have the Dutch to entertain such thoughts as if the English did persuade the Indians to root out the Dutch. I never heard anything that way from any of our people but the contrary; and for my own part as I have had any occasion to speak with the Indians since I came home I have told them that the Dutch and we were friends and they must not meddle with the Dutch (when they have asked me about it); and I have blamed them that they did not make peace with the Mohawks when they had an opportunity by their desiring it, and this as far as I understand is the spirit of all the English hereabouts. You may possibly hear more from Hadley tomorrow or next day to whose answer I must refer. I humbly thank you for your intelligence and account myself deeply engaged to you for your pains therein, which I shall be ready to answer upon any like occasion. With my humble service and real respects I take leave and am, sir,

Your Worshipful Servant,

John Pynchon

These for the much Honored Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford (or in his absence) to Mr. John Allyn, Secretary to your Colony of Connecticut.4

JOHN PYNCHON AND THOMAS CLARKE TO SECRETARY EDWARD RAWSON OF MASSACHUSETTS [?]

Ms.586, Rare Book Room, Boston Public Library

[New Haven, 15 August 1664]

Honored Sir,

Accounting it our duty to signify what progress we have made in the employ commanded us by the General Court1 we readily embrace this opportunity whereby to certify that we came this day to New Haven, and have made inquiry where we may find his Majesty’s Commissioners, but cannot yet hear of them. Here is no certain intelligence of them in these parts; neither was there any news of them at the Dutch2 last Wednesday—one came from thence then and so says. Probably they may be at Long Island, whither we are about to go, that we may address ourselves to them. Here we have met with Governor Winthrop3 [torn] who is upon the same design, waiting for an opportunity to speak with them, knew he where to find them. We suppose we shall go together over to Long Island [illegible] and shall not be wanting to inform, and with what speed we can to dispatch the business betrusted us. Not having else to advise at present, we humbly take leave and subscribe ourselves,

Your Worshipful Servants,

Thomas Clarke

John Pynchon

A report here is of many great guns were heard to go off at the western end of Long Island yesterday, but the truth is questionable. We cannot understand that either Connecticut or New Haven have any orders to raise soldiers, neither are they upon any such motions as yet.

[Springfield, 20 September 1664]

Honored Sir,

All due respects promised, etc., my wife having been a long time troubled with a cold, and cough, she is very desirous of some of those lozenges which sometimes she hath had of you wherein were elecampane.1 I pray, sir, be pleased to send her some of them by the first opportunity and I shall acknowledge myself your debtor. With due respects to Mistress Winthrop, your sons and daughters, I am sir,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

Springfield, September 20th, 1664.

[Springfield, 2 March 1664/65]

Right Worshipful and much Honored Sir,

Yours of January 31st I received (sometime since) for which together with your love therein I return you hearty thanks. Intelligence of the state of things either amongst ourselves, or from abroad being very acceptable, especially at this dead time and when what we hear is so confused and uncertain: your intelligence from Colonel Nicolls1 which you imparted, concerning the Indians (wherein we cannot but acknowledge your care of us and respects), put us upon a due search of every man’s arms and ammunition whether they were suitable for service, and hath had that good effect, that our men are all in a posture for real service. Though for my own part I do not apprehend any likelihood of the Sunnucks2 coming this way, they being a long way beyond the Mohawks and on a river that goes into Canada, and as much friends with these Indians3 as with the Mohawks; neither is it probable that the English of Maryland have killed any of their men. I suspect the Dutch may [torn] in helping on such reports. Besides the Sunnucks have wars with the Indians that live up Delaware River4 and their engagement there will take them from coming so great a journey this way. Indeed there may be likelihood of the Mohawks coming against these Indians with all their force, which is not very great. And I wonder that they have sat still so long, which makes the Indians hereabouts to take heart, and I think they will go out against them very shortly, and they would doubtless easily deal with the Mohawks were it not that Uncas is false to them and informs the Mohawks against them, where they live, in what posture they are, and the like.5

Formerly I wrote to you whether any way might be thought of for making a pea[ce] with the Mohawks for these Indians, but as far as I can discern they decline that, and will try further how they can deal with them, they having expressed an earnest desire and endeavor to root out the Mohawks if it were possible; and that I perceive they do design, if they can get the Narragansetts, Pequots, and other Eastern Indians to join with them. I have not else to add at present but with all due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, to your sons, and daughters, I take leave and am, sir,

Yours in all real respect,

John Pynchon

Turn over

Sir, my son hath been troubled with a rheum this winter and much spitting; and now it is turned to a wheezing. He had lately a great color and fell into sweating very violently every other day for a week together in the extreme cold weather, which made us use extraordinary care and through mercy seems to be pretty well now, yet keeps his chamber and his wheezing is pretty much. I am ready to think he may want some physic. I pray be pleased to consider what may be good for him and send us some now this spring. My wife also is troubled with her fainting fits and weakness and pain at her stomach. If you please to afford her some directions I shall be thankful. I pray sir send me any news you have stirring. In great haste I crave the excuse and am sir,

Your [torn]

John Pynchon

[My] Cousin Mary Smith can inform about my son.

For the Right Worshipful Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 25 June 1666]

Honored Sir,

Yours per Capt. Parker1 of the 15th of June and that since of the 18th of June I have received. By both which, as also by Capt. Parker, I am informed of the treaty toward a peace with the Mohawks which I shall be very glad may go on to effect, and have not been wanting to persuade our Indians thereto. But their jealousy of the Mohawks doth much weaken their spirits, and not only that, but this last act of the Mohawks skulking about in the woods doth much hinder, and especially that they have killed a woman and either killed or carried away a young man. This falling out now makes the Indians here almost resolved against a peace; at least they will first revenge it by sending out to do the like against the Mohawks, and have sent two companies out, about seven or eight in a company. Though I would yet hope that if the Mohawks will venture this way and come to Hartford as your Indians have propounded it might yet tend to peace, but there will be great hazard of their coming. Though it may be the Mohawk that hath redeemed his child may be a great inducement, his safe returning, for he was safe almost halfway. I sent a man and two horses with Capt. Parker (who went hence last Tuesday) to help him on his journey and when the man returned the Mohawk was safe and there went along with Capt. Parker about eight of these Indians. When they return home again, we shall understand what the Mohawks will do. If they should send men empowered to conclude a peace, I wish that some of the upper Indians here which live at the falls2 may be got to fall in the business, for they seem to be most discontented, and have now above one hundred Indians come to them from the eastward with intent to go out and join with the French. What the issues will be is hard to say. I have not spake anything to the Indians of the war betwixt the English and French3 and think with you that it would be of use to keep it from them. They expect by some intelligence they have had about two weeks hence there will be 1500 French upon their march toward Fort Albany, and I think the Indians at the falls intend to meet them thereabouts.

I have not to add at present, but my due respects with my wife’s to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, and to your sons and daughters. I humbly take leave and am, sir,

Your truly affectionate friend and servant, John Pynchon

I long to hear how your son doth of those fits of a fever which you writ he had, but I hope he is now well because I have not heard otherwise.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 2 July 1666]

[torn] red Sir,

I have just now received a letter from Capt. Baker1 with the inclosed for yourself (which I herewith send you). I perceive by my letter from Capt. Baker that the hopeful peace betwixt these Indians and the Maquas2 is like to come to nothing: for he writes that the Dutch ar[torn] absolutely against any Mohawks coming hither to treat; unless our Indians go thither there will be nothing done. Capt. Baker says he shall leave all for he is suspicious of the Dutch and wishes me to advise our Indians to have special care of themselves. He writes that the French have sent word to Mr. Curlur3 that they will be with him e’er long with seven hundred men and they looked for the French in 14 or 15 days from the 28th of June. Curlur is preparing provisions for them, and Capt. Baker is preparing powder and bullet for them. There have been three Indians with Curlur and have given him three bands of wampum to let the Maquas [torn] that the French will shortly be with them and therefore would [torn] them to be in readiness. They are Indians, as Capt. Baker writes, that have lately made peace with the French and were sent by the French general. Our Indians tell me that those Indians are the Hockcoaugs,4 a parcel of Indians beyond the Sunnucks. I have not more to add at present, this being all which I have from Capt. Baker. With mine and my wife’s cordial and endeared respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, and to your son and daughter, I take leave and am, sir,

Yours to love and serve you,

John Pynchon

I thank you for the news you sent me with the Major General’s5 letters. But it came to my hands but last Saturday, and so I lost an opportunity of sending it to the Bay last week and now when an opportunity will be to send it I know not. And since I hear that that ship which came into New York from Amsterdam is gone to Boston and is arrived there.

For the Honored John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 11 July 1666]

Honored Sir,1

The inclosed I received but just now, (with one also for Sir Thomas Temple,2 which I send per the same conveyance). Being desired after perusal to speed them away, which this opportunity falls in fit for, I heard last night that the Govern [torn] and Council met at Hartford yesterday and the enclosed seem [torn] to be the result, it being sent to me by a messenger on purpose in the night. The French [torn] (by the report of all our Indians here) are now upon the march from Canada and some of our Indians here, speak [torn] they look for some of the French to come hither among them, which I wonder at. The French are reported by our Indians to be 1500 soldiers but those that speak least of them say there are 700 of them in one company now on their march. If any of them should come near us, and to our Indian [torn] fort, I should be glad to receive advice how to act towards them. The Indians here tell me that the Dutch at Albany do much rejoice in the French, and make provisions for them to entertain them friendly; the same also I had per a letter from Capt. Baker who writes, the Dutch provide to entertain the French friends with provisions, but we to entertain them with powder and bullet. I might add this (if anything be in it) the Indians here do very commonly speak it: that the Dutch at Albany do speak slightly and contemptuously of the English there and say they shall be masters over the English very speedily, they being so already beyond the sea, which in conjunction with other things seems to [torn] ill. I have not to add, but my faithful service to your worship and the rest of the honored magistrates, desiring God to guide you to his glory and people’s comfort. I take leave and am, sir,

Your Humble Servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable Richard Bellingham, Esqr., Governor of the Colony at Massachusetts at his house in Boston.

[Springfield, 16 July 1666]

Honored Sir,

Yours of the 12th instant I received and thank you for your intelligence as also for that my Cousin Allyn writ concerning the twenty sail of ships seen, which since (James Taylor says you bid him tell me) you hear, there is nothing in it. I shall be glad if it prove nothing, but here is a fresh report of it by one of this town that came from Hartford on the last day of the week. It may be his came only from the first report and that you have not any new seconding of it; which if you have I pray let me know it per the first. Some Indians that went out against the Mohawks returned home last Saturday with the locks of four Mohawks which they have killed; and one young man whom they took prisoner (and brought halfway, but is escaped) tells them that they had sent out some Mohawks upon discovery of the French, who being just then returned bring word that the French are at the great lake which they call Petowapaug1 fitting up their boats and canoes for their voyage. They only had sight of many French as he reports 1000 or 2000, but the number is only their imagination. This is all I hear. I have nothing from the Bay as yet. If you have any further news please to impart it, and you will first oblige your humble servant,

John Pynchon

My wife presents her due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and would gladly have pleasured you with the coral if she had it, but she cannot find that little she hath if any at all. My serviceable respects also to your honored self and lady, with your sons and daughter. I am, sir, yours really.

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of his Majesty’s Colony of Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 17 July 1666]

Sir, since I wrote, there is an Indian come from the Dutch river, who says that the French were within a day or two days journey. This is known by the Mohawks, whose scouts which were out discovered them and bring such word. The Mohawk women and children are all gone to Sunnock;1 the men intend to fight with the French. The Mohawks very insolently demanded five of these Indians which were in English houses, but the English told them they should not have them. But so violent were the Mohawks that the English planted a great gun against the Mohawks and then they desisted. Just upon this presently the Mohawks were called away by reason of the approach of the French. The Indian that is come with this news hath brought a letter to yourself, I suppose making sure [of] it, yet if it come to me you shall have the content speedily. Not else, sir, I am,

Yours to serve,

John Pynchon

[Enclosure with letter following]

Honored Sir,

Yours I received yesterday by my Cousin Haynes,2 and thank you for your pains and care in giving me a right understanding concerning that large report of many ships and vessels, which if they all prove friends, I wish as many more, though the rumor ran a little thoughtfully, so that I was about to send my son to search out the truth which now I am quieted in. What you mention of peace to be made betwixt these Indians and the Mohawks, I account will be very advantageous and is much to be desired but I greatly doubt of the effecting it, these Indians here3 being now resolved to persecute the Mohawks to their destruction if possible and have lately killed four lusty Mohawk soldiers (as they say) and took a fifth who escaped as I writ to you yesterday. And concerning the going to Albany it is now so busy a time that none here will attend it voluntary. I have spake with two or three of the most likely, who say it is impossible for them now to go. And myself having workmen about a mill cannot well be absent without great loss at this time. So that I know not how to engage in that business; yet I like it so well that I think it a very effectual way to put a check upon the French, of whom I hear no more than what I writ to you yesterday. I have a hint from the Bay as if per a ship lately come from Liverpool something were suggested to a private friend, that is somewhat threatening to us, but what it is, is forborne to be writ to me by that party as yet till more public. I expect this week to hear further. This is also writ to me: (we hear D.O.4 comes not but keeps private, with the reason of it). I have not to add at present, but with due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all yours I take leave, and am, sir,

Your Faithful Servant,

John Pynchon

And are now going forth again against the Maquas besides some out that are not yet returned.

These for the honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor for his Majesty’s Colony of Connecticut, at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 25 July 1666]

Sir,

Yours per my son I received this morning and understand what you have motioned to your Indians. I mentioned the same to ours and perceive they are apt to make an ill construction and think we are afraid of the French and so I am sparing and that rather because they are bent to take this opportunity to cut off the Mohawks and suppose that only is the French’s design; and if anything appear otherwise they will not join with them they say; many Indians are gone out. I have writ to Capt. Baker:1 and signified to him that my apprehension is that the Dutch themselves raised that report of twelve ships coming to Boston and laid it upon the Indians. I desired him to inform us of all passages, etc., and besides that I think it were good if you did send twelve or sixteen or twenty troopers to Albany who might go thence to the Mohawks for us with some more men there and bring the certainty about the French and demand an account of their coming into [his] Majesty’s dominions without leave. This would be well and of use to us. I leave it to your prudent consideration; the bearer stays my writing so that I cannot add but my faithful service to yourself and lady and am, sir,

Yours really,

John Pynchon

I cannot act in such a thing having no order from [the Boston authorities]. Pray present my loving respects to Cousin Allyn and acquaint [torn] him that my servants returned home of their own accord acknowledging their folly; they lay all upon Thomas Thompson, who they say would have had them to have ransacked my house and took away my plate but they would not. We would fine have that fellow Thomas Thompson again being liable to answer many things and stand engaged to Ensign Cooper as a servant.2

For the Honorable John Winthrop, Governor at Hartford.

[Springfield, 30 July 1666]

Honorable Sir,

Just now I received intelligence from Boston of certain French men of war upon the coasts, which was posted to me by a troop and I have on purpose sent this messenger with the intelligence to yourself. I made bold to open your letter to see whether you had any more intelligence than myself, but finding that there is one passage more in mine I shall impart it: viz., 28 July 66 we hear certain intelligence of the men of war lying next Martin’s Vineyard,1 that they are four in number: this is all, more than you have, only our council is called again to meet this day and some thoughts are of calling a General Court. Plymouth have a troop of horse out already to secure their frontier towns. We have all cause to be in readiness and to study the best way for our safety: I expect your troop for Albany at Woronoco2 tomorrow where I intend to meet them. If the commission and instructions are drawn out fair, I would and I could have them sent to me this night [illegible] by this messenger, unless any of your magistrates come up. But now I suppose you may call a General Court3 again upon this urgent occasion. The Lord direct. I shall not add at present but due respects, and am, sir,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

I pray, sir, and hasten away the letter to Colonel Nicolls with a messenger on purpose and that in the most speediest manner.

For the Honorable John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut Colony at Hartford: These present haste post haste for his Majesty’s special service.

[Springfield, 7 August 1666]

Honored Sir,

Yours I received and thank you for your sympathy with me in my loss; I pray God teach me to profit, and lead me thereby to himself. Sir, yesterday by Indians I have news that the Mohawks have surprised our messengers and taken from their Indians guides, being three. They were come to a Dutch house by a saw mill and the Dutchman told them there were many Mohawks, and wished them to leave their Indians and send them back again, but they would have them with them, so took them in the midst, but and took that Dutchman with them to show them the way, and being come to the Dutch river1 going up by the river toward the ferry: 400 Mohawks compassed them and took from them your Indians and bound them; and this Dutchman runs back to his house and tells an Indian that was there of it, who came all night to bring that news to other Indians at Ausatinoag.2 They have only what the Dutchman told them, and he left the English compassed in by the Mohawks, but I can’t perceive they laid any hands on our people, so that I supposed they would presently go to the Dutch houses which they were in sight of, and I believe within two miles of the Fort Albany. This was on Friday last in the afternoon. If the Indians should not be recovered again, but should be killed by the Mohawks, it would be foul indignity put upon the English and I see not how it can well be put up. As you have opportunity, I suppose you will acquaint Colonel Nicolls with it and suggest your thoughts about it. Our Indians do much find fault that we did not send twenty men; they say twenty might have secured the Indians but eight men were not enough to do it, and on truth how it is with our English I cannot certainly learn, but I hope the best and hope we shall see them here at the end of the week.

The Indians are much inquiring now what we will do because the Indians were upon our employ and taken from us. Our Indians complain much for want of powder. I think we ought to supply them if we had it, but we are in an ill case ourselves for want of it. The Mohawks were coming against these Indians as the Dutchman told you (having made peace with the French). There are as they tell me 900 Mohawks and Sunnicks and the Hoccogs3 coming; 400 were then got on this side the river and they were waiting for 500 more and these Indians suppose they will hasten to gather all their body together and many come hither about six or seven days hence. I have not more at present. Mine with my wife’s service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and to your son and daughter. Commending you to the grace of God in Christ Jesus, I take leave and am, sir,

Your Worshipful servant,

John Pynchon

Many persons among us are sick and ill: two are lately taken away from us and we fear one or two more will hardly recover, the Lord prepare us for his good pleasure. My son is not very well being somewhat faint and listless, but we hope he is not much amiss and be better quickly.

I wonder we hear nothing more about those ships that were said to be men of war, and what they do in the Bay. Whether they do not man out some ships against them, I have not heard anything from thence about it since the post came.

For the Honorable John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut then in Hartford.

[Springfield, 10 December 1666]

Honored Sir,

All due respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all your[s] presented; wishing you all happiness in Christ Jesus. Sir, yours of November 19th I received when I came home from New London, whence I came very happily, getting home [torn] but the day before the snow fell and have since had thought of giving you a visit but the winter setting in prevents. We have not news with us, neither heard I any at the seaside. That report of the French destroying some of the Mohawks I heard contradicted by these Indians (according as you write in your last) just before I went to the seaside, but had not opportunity to acquaint your worship with it.1 But now since again some Indians report that the first news was true, but I see not ground to credit it, and I wonder I hear nothing from Capt. Baker [torn] many Indians having come from Albany lately, but I have received no letters; only a little before I went to the seaside I received a letter from Capt. Parker and another from a Dutchman, both about peculiar business and they writ not a word of the French or Mohawks. As to what you mention about a gratuity to Capt. Baker, etc., I should have liked it well to have joined with you in it, and so our Major General2 wished me: this advice was that you and we together might send him a quarter cask of wine and that he reckoned to be sufficient and honorable; and it was my purpose at Boston to have spoken with yourself about it, but I someway neglected it, or forgot it. And when I came home some little time after I heard that you, I mean your colony, had done something that way and so were be [fore] hand with us (I have forgot who told me it, but I remembered I was told you had done it by Mr. Brynne of Milford) which troubled me that we should be behindhand, and so when Capt. Parker was here I sent a young heifer to Capt. Baker which cost me 55s., and because I perceived by our Major General that he reckoned a quarter cask of wine or about £4 to be well for both of us, that made me to pitch thereabouts. I hope Capt. Baker hath received the heifer I sent him but I have not heard since; had I known that what you intended had been to do, I should have concurred with you; but now I am over that business so I have not further to add at present but my faithful service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop. I am, sir,

Yours in real love and service,

John Pynchon

My wife presents her best respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of his Majesty’s Colony of Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 24 December 1666]

Honored Sir,

Since I wrote last (which for want of opportunity for conveyance lies yet by, and I suppose, you will receive with this), Corporal Coy1 of Brookfield hath been with me and tells me you spoke to him about making of a bridge over Quabaug River, and would procure him pay. He says he would go about it now, and therefore desired me to write to your worship about it. He will engage to make a good bridge for £20 and not under; if he may be sure of his pay he will go about getting the timber ready for it speedily. For my own part I will willingly give £4 or £5 toward it, but how the rest will be made up I see not, unless your worship knows those that will do well that way what [torn] people will do: if your worship please to taking pains to see, I would gladly know because of giving Corporal Coy an answer, who told me he would be with me again shortly about it. I hope you will excuse me in giving you this trouble, it being occasioned by Corporal Coy, who expects to hear further about it, and indeed it is pity so useful and necessary a thing for travelers should be neglected, especially now there is so fair an opportunity for it being effected. I have no news from any parts; if any be stirring with you, I shall be thankful to you if you please to impart it to me and shall be ready to do the like to you when any comes to my hand. With mine and my wife’s real love and service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all yours, I humbly take leave and subscribe myself,

Your Worshipful servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 3 January 1666/67]

Honored Sir,

Yours by George Colton I received with the copy of Colonel Nicolls’1 letter and thank you for your intelligence therein. Here is not any news with us to make you any return. I wonder we cannot hear the particulars of what the French have done against the Mohawks. Our Indians say the Mohawks keep it private and are not willing it should be known. What they have lost here is a report among our Indians that there hath been a falling out betwixt the English at Arthcull2 (I suppose it to be) and the Indians there about land. Some English hurt or killed but I perceive it was before winter, yet cannot learn the truth of it. Seventy of our Indians, all at the Dutch river and looked for home, but I suppose the snow hinders them; and I understand by Quabaug men (some of them being here last week) that the snow makes it extreme bad traveling, so that they have no passage toward the Bay, yet one of them went to Marlborough since the first snow fell but is not returned again. I could be glad to hear from you what will be raised with you for making the bridge over Quabaug River. Corporal Coy sent me word since that he hath cast it up and cannot do it for £20; it will cost more; and all up our river3 make noise of it and none in our town look after it besides myself, so that I am afraid it will fail unless your people do well towards it. I verily believe the whole country will make use of it; and especially your people and ’tis pity but it should go on. How far yours will advance toward it, I pray let me know, sir. I have not else to add at present, but the tender of my most serviceable respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and so commending you to the grace of God, I humbly take leave and am, sir,

Your faithful Servant,

John Pynchon

My service and respects to your son and daughters I pray present; my wife presents her due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all yours.

The intelligence you sent me about the French looks somewhat ill, and should they once approach to Albany it would be of evil consequence to us I fear, but it is a thing impossible for any in these parts to afford any relief at such a season, and I heartily wish there may be no occasion for it; if you hear anything further about them I pray impart it to,

Your affectionate friend and Servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of his Majesty’s Colony of Connecticut, at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 12 January 1666/67]

Honored Sir,

Yours I received by my Brother Wyllys with those letters from Colonel Nicolls, which I have again returned you by my brother and thank you for favoring me with the perusal of them. As to sending a messenger to Boston, I look upon it as impossible as the snow is with us and it so tedious the Indians will not [torn] got to go. I think the way must be by the seaside and not this way. We have no news with us. The Indians are all come from the Dutch river; none of them stay there and I perceive they have it yet in their thoughts to revenge themselves on the Maquas, say they the Maquas let us alone, and because the French trouble them and why should not we take this opportunity. I think it would be well for the English (in regard of the French) if the Indians will be friends with the Maquas and possibly they may. I have not to add but mine and my wife’s loving and due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop to your son and daughter. I am, sir,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Governor of his Majesty’s Colony of Connecticut.

January 12, 1666.

[Springfield, 24 January 1666/67]

Honored Sir,

Yours I received with the narrative of the defeat of the Dutch together with the relation of the loss of Christophers,1 both which I have here enclosed returned you again, with many thanks for the lent of them. Sir, since I wrote to you last I have received (by an Indian) a letter from Capt. Baker, but it was dated December 20th 66. He writes this: I suppose you have heard of the French being in the Maquas’ land; they did little damage to the Indians, only burnt their houses, some forts, for they having notice of the French’s coming fled from their forts; only two old men that could not go were left, whom the French did no harm to. The French abode there while they had melted two field brass-pieces they brought with them of which remained only the brush pins, and they nailed up upon one of the forts which they left the arms of the French king and so departed.

In summer upon the French’s request there did go a Maqua, one Smith John, with the messengers to Canada about a treaty of peace, who hath remained there ever since and now have sent him back having treated him very civilly. We expect Smith John every day to town with letters which may give further certainty of the French intention. About five or six weeks ago the Maquas presented Apee, a Mohegan Sachem, with a belt of wampum as a token of continuance of the peace with the North Indians. The Dutch show greater love to us than formerly and resolve if the French propose this far to assist us.

Since the writing of the aforesaid letter Smith John is come to town with letters which were five in all, all directed to the Dutch but I received not one letter. The French writes to them that they have returned back the Dutch Bastard (which is Smith John); they have used him kindly and clad him well. They desire the Dutch to inform the Maquas that if they desire to make peace they must return the French prisoners they have in custody and that very speedily else they will quickly give them another visit. The French seem discontented with the Dutch for selling the Maquas two iron guns which will carry three pounds of bullets apiece and for furnishing them with ammunition. The French have sent two or three news-books from France which say the Dutch have obtained a great victory2 against our fleet at sea but I cannot believe it because the date is three days and three weeks before our last victory against them. Smith John says the French are making snowshoes and preparing other necessaries for their march toward these parts and told him that the English and Maquas were no good people, but they had great kindness for the Dutch. He further saith that there are Dutch merchants come to Canada to trade there. The letters which came from Canada I have sent to our General at New York. Thus far Capt. Baker; the Indians say that this Maqua, the Dutch Bastard Smith John, says that 1700 soldiers do attend the wars and they are all providing snowshoes, so that no one of them will come without snowshoes, but say they the French are fools to give notice of their coming, for the Maquas now live in private holes in the woods without forts and will all be gone when they approach. These Indians I perceive have a great desire yet that the Maquas may be destroyed and hope the French will let them off. I have not to add here is a report come to our town from your parts of London being burnt.3 I hear no particulars of it now how it come. I pray God, it may not be true. I have naught to add but mine with my wife’s love and service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop your sons and daughters. I commend you to God and am, sir,

Your real friend and faithful Servant,

John Pynchon

Capt. Baker excuses not writing sooner by his not knowing of the opportunity and desires me to present his service to yourself.

For the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, late in June 1667]

Honored Sir,

The enclosed come to hand just now being about midnight, ordering to dispatch it to Colonel Nicolls for your speedy informing him of intelligence from Virginia, viz: Mr. Nathaniel Grabbs being arrived at Boston last Sabbath day bringing certain intelligence that about twelve days since there was four frigates and three merchant ships in Virginia belonging to the Dutch, who were about sixty miles up in the river,1 and had taken and sunk and fired eighteen or nineteen English ships, one whereof was the King’s frigate designed for a convoy to the rest. They thereupon quitted that place giving out they were thence bound for New York, and after that to range all our coasts. We desire your care for conveying the enclosed to Colonel Nicolls for the speedy informing him thereof, and have not to add at present but due respects, and subscribe,

Sir, your Humble Servants,

John Leverett

John Pynchon

Endorsed copy of the letters that came post about ships taken into Virginia.

[Springfield, 24 June 1667]

Honored Sir,

Loving and due respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented, desiring your welfare in Christ Jesus. These lines are to request your advice and help in the behalf of my wife, who hath been ill this week or two and still is troubled with the overflowing of her courses and that is unseasonable time and not in the ordinary course. She had them but a little season about a week ago and then was pretty free from them last week. But now this week all along is troubled with them pretty much which together with a great pain and weakness in the small of her back is very troublesome to her. She also hath a pain over her stomach. She is afraid least they should come down too violently and requests your advice, and to send her what you judge suitable for her. She says ’tis a week yet to the time she usually hath them in their ordinary course, so that they have been altogether out of order, and she fears they would come upon her much more did she not refrain from stirring and therefore conceives it needful to look for some remedy, which I hope you will afford however God shall direct you.

Sir, meeting with this messenger occasionally, and he not being willing to stay long the day being far spent, I have scarce time to write you the news stirring, yet a word or two as followeth. The last was by Mr. Titherly from Bristol (for all the news before that I suppose you have had by Colonel Searle)1 who had nine weeks passage and came to Boston about the end of last week. There is a treaty of peace betwixt England and Holland. The treaty was at Breda.2 Letters of the 12th of June say that there was great hopes the peace would within few days be concluded upon, yet the Dutch played their pranks coming out with their fleet then (when our ships were mostly sent abroad) and riding in the Downs, forced our ships up, and particularly six or seven ships intended for New England who are gone back again above Gravesend. The Dutch have blocked up the Thames, came up to Chatham Road, attempted by boats to destroy ships, etc., but were repulsed and forced to retreat with loss of four of their men of war and eight or ten men.

This came in letter: an after report was the Dutch had burnt five or six of the King’s ships and fired a town, but how that is not known; no letters mention any such thing. The Master heard it after he came from Bristol. The King of France with 2500 men is in Flanders and hath taken some towns. A firm and cordial peace is with Spain. I cannot add at present and I suppose you have all that I can say with my real respects and service I subscribe,

Sir, yours to love and serve you,

John Pynchon

Sir Robert Carr3 received so much welcome by the Governor of Galway in Ireland as was to the prejudice of health and died at Bristol about the beginning of last June.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 2 October 1667]

Honored Sir,

Due respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop presented desiring your welfare in Christ Jesus. Sir, I would not be taken to complain with the following lines without a cause, and the truth is I hope it is only some mistake that is the occasion of them and so will be rectified when seen. So it is (as I understand) that Mr. Palmes1 hath taken from James Rogers several cattle of mine which I had of James Rogers for money due to me and though he was told that they were my cattle yet hath taken them away to my great damage. One of them being a working ox which hath hindered the securing of hay. My cattle which I had of James Rogers in May last were two white steers and a brindle one of two years old and two black steers of three years old, one white bull, two white cows, and one black cow, two yearlings, four oxen and two bulls which are brought to work. Some of these I hear are taken away by Mr. Palmes, though I do not hear particularly more than that some of my working cattle are gone, which hath occasioned my hay to suffer. Sir, be pleased to acquaint your son Palmes with what is mine as above, that so it may not be to his further inconvenience. You will not allow of any irregular proceeding; neither do I think Mr. Palmes would have so acted had he known it, but I am not willing to enlarge on this subject and wish I may not have any more occasion or I hope I shall not. With my faithful service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop I am, sir,

Yours to love and serve you,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut Colony at his house in Hartford.

[Stonington, 13 November 1667]

Mr. Palmes and Capt. Winthrop1

Sirs, the season proving sharper than I expected and so calling on me to hasten home, will I fear prevent my coming to New London as I intended and have great reason for, having sustained so much damage by your unjust taking away of certain cattle of mine, which I had of James Rogers. Why you should meddle with my cattle I confess I have not reason enough to see through. Should you say you did it ignorantly, and be ever so ready to return them, yet that will not make up the damage that I have sustained. I am not willing to multiply words and out of respect to yourselves, and for your honored father’s sake I shall forbear all further demands there, till opportunity of speech, when also I hope I shall be so moderate, as that yourselves shall see reason to make me such reparation as it will evidently appear I have sustained.

In the meantime I pray return me the said cattle of mine which I hear you have driven from my farm:2

You may easily imagine I have suffered much for want of these working cattle, which indeed I am loath to mention; and therefore expecting the delivery of them all at my farm, unless Mr. Rogers be willing to take any of them at his house, for there be over-wintered some of my cows. I shall not add at present, but loving and due respects and am, sirs, yours to love and serve you,

John Pynchon

Gentlemen,

Must also tell you that Joseph Rogers secured to me for £24. a parcel of cattle which he said he had, and now his father3 tells me they were his own. Some of them I hear you have, being by him firstly bound over to me. I pray deliver them to him for your true friend,

John Pynchon

[labelled:] “Copy of a letter from Capt. Pynchon to Capt. Winthrop and Ed. Palmes” [The whole appears to be in the hand of Governor John Winthrop, Jr., of Hartford].

Endorsed: Copy of letter from Capt. Pynchon to Capt. Winthrop and Mr. Palmes.

November 13th, 1667.

[Springfield, 4 February 1667/68]

Honorable Sir,

Yours of the 15th of January last past I received, though not till some time after your date, they being left by the Northampton man that brought them at Ensign Cooper’s1 on the other side Agawam River. Inconvenient passage was some retardation of their coming to my hands. But having now had them some time for myself and friends to peruse I shall herewith return them to you again, with many thanks for your lent of them, and hope for the owner’s patience. Several things in the Gazette I had not before, neither had I seen that relation of the lamentable earthquake at Ragusa.2 The Lord is shaking the earth; I pray God awaken us out of our security that we may be found on our watch and so able to stand before the son of man. I have little news to return you: only by a letter from Boston per Indians I understand that the last ships that will go for England sailed last [torn], viz., Scarlet and Clarke. The [torn] dy went the week before. Mr. Sims3 of Charlestown much decayed so that he had not preached about a month. The small pox was at Salem but none died; old Mr. Duncan of Boston dead. No foreign news. I have not else to add, but mine and my wife’s loving and due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all yours, I take leave and am, sir,

Your Worthy Servant,

John Pynchon

For the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut Colony in Hartford.

[Springfield, 5 March 1668/69]

Honored Sir,

The bearer hereof Chickwallop1 understanding that Jeremy Adams complains against him or charges him with killing a beast of his (wherein Chickwallop hath always to me professed his innocency), he desired me to write to you how the thing was; and the rather because when he was last with you after he went away, as he was informed, Jeremy sought after him and cried out against him for going away, saying it argued guilt and he had got a Wuskheag2 to take him, etc. Now he says he hath no guilt, nor cause to be afraid though he understands some Indians did inform against him, either through fear or else some wicked-heartedness. But thus the thing was about thirty-three or thirty-four years ago, a small young beast was seen by some Indians of Nalwotog3 about seven or eight mile eastward toward the Bay in the middle of winter when the snow was deep: poor and scarce able to rise, and two or three days after he went to see it, when they lifted it up, but it would quickly tumble down and soon after it died of itself with hunger and cold; and this is the very truth of it as he hath always affirmed. However some Indians have said it was shot and killed. It is altogether false: and why he should be afraid of Jeremy for this (he knows not); besides whether this beast were Jeremy’s he knows not nor nobody else. He desires he may not be unjustly molested. I have not else but to leave the case with your prudence; and so with mine and my wife’s due respect and service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all yours, I commend you to the grace and blessings of God in Christ Jesus and am, sir,

Your faithful friend and servant,

John Pynchon

Sir, if you have any news, I pray impart it. Here is none with us but that the Indians are contriving to get strength to go against the Maquas. I could but wish, seeing they are not like to have peace, that they would do what they do against them to purpose, that so an issue of their troubles might come that way. Chickwallop is now going to the Wampeaks4 and thinks to return about a fortnight hence when some other Indians sent to the Praying Indians5 and Alquat to the Narragansett will all meet hereabouts and conclude what to do.

It was a small beast by their description of the horns of it. I judge it was a two-year old or but three years old at the most, but be it what it will or whosever it was I have already heard that it died of itself.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 9 March 1668/69]

Honored Sir,

Yours I received on the 6th instant, with the enclosed from Colonel Lovelace,1 which I herewith return you again, rendering you many and hearty thanks for communicating your news so amply. We have none here for me to impart in way of requital. As to the motion for peace betwixt our Indians and the Maquas, I could be very glad if it might be effected, and would gladly contribute my endeavors to promote and further it if I knew how; but our Indians look upon the Maquas so false that they reckon treaties that only will but ensnare them. And now the chief sachems are down with you2 that you may have opportunity to speak with them, if they be not gone already and it may be to prevent their going further for assistance against the Maquas, but if they be not persuaded to desist, as I much doubt whether they will, I suppose it will not be well to inform that they are getting strength to go against the Maquas. If in any way you can direct me that I may be instrumental toward effecting a peace, I will act in it to my utmost power, but methinks I hear the Indians asking whether the Maquas make the motion. Sir m [torn] daughter3 last Saturday morning was taken very ill having been forth [torn] ag: but cried out for help [torn] succor [torn] and for some [torn] to speak; she found no illness before it, and never had any such fit, but this; she continued weak (though presently recovered her speech and complained of her head) till toward night when she was a little cleared yet troubled with pain and giddiness in her head; she slept well that night and yesterday was finally well and felt no illness, only her head somewhat out of order though much better this morning. She hath not looked well this week or two. I suppose she may need some physic but we cannot persuade her to take your Rubila4 it does so against her stomach. Also her lameness hath troubled her much of late, mostly a stiffness on her knee and yet withal a pain [torn] on top of her [torn] but a little on the inside of it. It is [torn] pretty much pain [torn] which might break as she says. I heartily desire some directions from you, both in one respect and the other, and what you conceive may be good for her now this spring season. Referring to her lameness she hath some mind to an issue5 in her lame leg but we will not do it without advice. I have not to trouble you further at present but my real respects and service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop, your son and daughters I am sir,

Your affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

Her illness lies somewhat in her head and she is somewhat faint withal. P.S.

I never heard the names of Indians mentioned in Colonel Lovelace’s letter; it may be they are only personal names and not the national names.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor [torn] the Colony of Connecticut, [torn] in Hartford.

[Springfield, 5 April 1669]

Honored Sir,

I received yours about a fortnight since with the physic for my daughter (for which I return you many thanks) and must acknowledge my incivility in not taking notice thereof sooner and making a return to your Worshipful, but the truth is some small journeys and other disappointments have prevented me beyond my own intention. My daughter took your pills (though indeed the powder now Scaryed [sic]1 in preparing it for taking) which worked well downward and also inclined her to vomit, and she is through mercy finally well of that faintness and looks as well and I hope is as well as formerly. But she complains still of her knee, and pain there, which though it doth not increase (and is rather a little removed to one side though hardly discernable yet it continues much as it was) and is more troublesome this spring than before. Sir, as to what you propounded concerning Jeremy Adams’ business, that the young beast which died was Lyman’s, it is like enough and be it so; then Jeremy hath no more to say, for I could never hear of any other beast that Chickwallop had any knowledge of; and besides if he says as your letter expresses that he hath no controversy with Chickwallop but for selling the ground called Minhan, then he can have none at all, for Chickwallop did not sell that ground but another sachem now dead, namely Nassicohea; and this hath been declared in Hartford Court, and indeed the business was cast out of Court by Mr. Wells2 then Governor, as I was both an eye and ear witness of the proceedings, but to say no more of it only this, I cannot see any ground or reason at all to persuade them that possess the land (as you mention) to give Jeremy some satisfaction, though I shall not dissuade them, neither have I said anything to them about it. Let them do as they see cause, but for my own part I see no cause they have to do anything. I have not seen Chickwallop since, neither do I think there will be anything more said, so that I might be sparing in these lines. Sir, I have herewith sent you a small piece of stone which an Indian brought me; if there be anything in it worth looking after I can get more of it I suppose. Not else at present, but all loving and due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and your son and daughter, I take leave and am, sir,

Your Cordial friend and servant,

John Pynchon

Springfield, April 5 1669

Sir, we are longing for news; if you have any it will be acceptable to hear it.

Sir, I had almost forgot Mr. Wickin’s3 business of which I remember I wrote to him that you would pay it in this spring; and if you shall so do, I pray let me understand it.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, in Hartford.

[Springfield, 10 April 1670]

Honored Sir,

Yours of yesterday I received last night and the former writ long ago I received but two or three days before. As for advice about the Indians,1 I am at a loss, and find the Indians themselves at a stand. They would gladly be at peace with the Maquas but doubt they shall be ensnared by it and most of the Indians are gone a hunting especially the Nalwotogg Indians2 and lately they have had a very sad accident befall them: the fort3 on Hadley side with all the wigwams in it are burnt down. The fire took in the night in one wigwam which was next to the wind and so the wind carried fire over all presently, and hath burnt down half the fort, so there were few men at home except old men and the women had much ado to save their children. Most of their goods are burnt. What effect this may have I know not. I shall inquire and acquaint the Indians with what comes from New York. Some occasion calling me off, I am forced abruptly to beg your excuse. Many thanks for your news and for all former manifestations of your love with my faithful service and cordial respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop I take leave, and am, sir,

Yours Sincerely,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable Governor of Connecticut, John Winthrop, Esqr., in Hartford.

[Hadley, 23 March 1670/71]

Honored Sir,

This day I received the enclosed from our Secretary, which he requests me to convey to you. It was intended to have been delivered to yourself when in the Bay before winter, but Mr. Secretary1 writes to me that you went away e’er he was aware and that since he hath had no opportunity to send it till now. I hope there will be a concurrence in it with you, that so the confederation2 may be settled.

Sir, for news I have only this: a vessel of Mr. Cutt’s3 of forty tuns that had been out of England busking4 from 8 of October arrived at Piscataqua5 2d March, had one letter: the intelligence that the English and Dutch on the Straits6 took and sunk six of the greatest Algiers pirates. The Lord’s day before 8 of October thirty Quakers at their meeting were wounded, three hundred more carried to prison. Mr. Mead and Mr. Penn,7 late Admiral Penn’s son, had a trial being Quakers for meeting. The judge spake high that now he saw more reason in the Spanish Inquisition and that if they went on, some severe course must be taken. ’Tis said also he should say it would not do well till fire and fagot came. Some stirrings are against the country but it’s hoped will come to nothing. The Parliament was not then sitting.

I have not further to add but my hearty respects and service to yourself and Mrs. Winthrop,

I am, sir,

Yours to love and serve you to my power,

John Pynchon

Hadley, March 23th 1670.

[Springfield, 10 May 1671]

Honored Sir,

I received yours yesterday, and return you many thanks for the news you write; some of the particulars I had not before as to that about the French ship. It is doubtless that ship which brought the coconuts, for he that brought in that ship, though said to be an Irishman, and called Cusick, yet he was also called alias Le Fontaine; what there may be in it the French governor sending I know not having heard nothing from the Council who sat about it last week. I have just now received a letter advising me to inquire after an Indian who is suspected to murder that Englishman a little off Dedham, whose name was Smith of Watertown. He designed to escape from an accusation of committing fornication and was killed on his way to Rhode Island.

An Indian called Ascooke who lived not far from Mr. Blackstone’s1 and was at work at Roxbury and went from his Master two days before the murder was committed, having a gun and powder and was seen to fit a slug for his gun, and had some tow given him by the women of the house at his request. Such an Indian so appareled in a shirt and blue waistcoat and red Indian coat was seen to pass either before, within, or after the man that was murdered few miles of him; and this Indian would be speaking at Roxbury how easy it was to shoot an Englishman alone in the wood if they had war with them. The man murdered was shot through with a bullet or slug and so found at the entering in and going out of the slug or plug. Sachem Philip2 of Mount Hope, who being lately at some distance with the English and now reconciled and promising fidelity, hath seemed industriously active to discover this murder; that so jealousy may be removed from him, he sent messengers lately to the Council to acquaint them that this Indian suspected is fled and he hears toward Connecticut with his father and some relations. He that is King Philip hath promised to send some English Indians3 after him to take him. If any such Indians should come amongst yours and knowledge come to you of it, I mean of this suspected murder, I question not your readiness to seize that person before described, it being a good service to God and the country; and the vigorous pursuing and bringing such persons to condign punishment may be a means to prevent secret murder of the English in their travels.

Sir, as to what you mention concerning some of your people coming into our parts upon an unlawful design, I am really sorry they have brought themselves into trouble upon the account; what favor may be shown them according to righteousness, and justice not violated referring to our Laws, I shall be very ready too. But truly it is such a wicked design and so unchristian a trade of Christians with Heathen that better particular persons were undone than the name of God suffer and our nation be a scorn and derision among the heathen people from our parts: who I mention not have so visited the Indians at Pojassick4 that the sachems have come to me about it before now; and it occasioned them to make a law among themselves that whoever brought liquors to them should be forfeited and seized on this. They published both to Indians and English to my knowledge, though particular Indians take content in it that liquors may be brought them and it is done when others disallow it; yet the sachems are many times troubled at it and advise with me what course to take. I gave the Indians an order for acting as they did; and however it be presented to yourself the overhasty acting of the Indians did prevent their breach of the law; yet I think it will answer otherwise. Alquat the sachem, both his sons and [torn] other Indians do affirm that they see Sam Greene sell and deliver the liquors which is 9 quarts as he said and saw him receive 2 beaver skins [and] raccoon coats in payment. It is large for me to relate all, and will be tedious for your Worshipful. The issue is, I have bound Butler and Martin to appear at our Court in September next.5 I request that favor of you that Mr. Greene,6 who fled from the Constable of Westfield being under the watch of Capt. Cooke’s two sons and another man there may be delivered to an officer that I shall send for him at better leisure. I shall be like ready to serve you and assist any of you in any such requests. I have not time but to tender my due respects and faithful service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and am, sir,

Yours ready to serve you,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 6 July 1671]

Honored Sir,

I thought good (before I proceed in that way I was intended) to acquaint your worship how injurious some of your people of Windsor are to us:1 intruding into our lands and contrary to all right and equity taking and carrying away candlewood, tar, etc., and that out of lands granted, and in particular men’s properties, who also in their going to make improvement of their lands have met with, to say no worse, very uncomfortable and provoking words; and to other of our people some of yours have sent messages daring them to come to them saying that they have provided men that will fight with them, and using other words which I will forbear, some touching (and daring) myself.

Sir, these things tend not to peace, or any good settlement between the colonies. There was last October a grant made by our General Court2 of a tract of land to some of our people for a plantation and several persons had their lots laid out there this spring, our town parting with some of their own bounds to accommodate the place, all which land is also purchased by us of the Indians and the greatest part of it is further distant from Windsor than from Springfield. Yet since many men’s people-lots were measured out in the new plantation aforesaid, your people have come within their land and have, as I am told, laid it out to Windsor Town by order from your court as is said; and as I hear have come so far to us as that they take in or at least border upon land that hath been some years the property of this town and laid out to several of our inhabitants, who have paid rates for said land to the ministry and to all town charges these many years, and never was any question made about it being many miles within our line, and so is (not only this parcel of land but) all the land granted for the new Plantation, and so far from Windsor, that to forsake indifferently (howsoever it may be represented) I profess I see no reason, neither do I think indifferent men would, why it should be granted to Windsor to have such large bounds, were there nothing of a line, but the dividing-line between the colony, which hath been stated and owned determines the case. Though we do not join to, but are far on this side that, with this new plantation, leaving much land to Windsor, which the land doth not; and truly had a motion been made to our Court, I do persuade myself they would have yielded whatever had been convenient for Windsor, but in this way which is taken, will there not be more difficulty, it having already occasioned our Court to order the running of their line 25 or 20 miles to the westward of Connecticut River as per their letters is signified to you? For my own part I do not desire, neither will promote the standing upon terms, (though some are for it), but I will study to be quiet; yet I hope you do consider that our colony hath many years since been at a great charge to run the line,3 which was so far assented to as that your people never proved (if pretended) any error in it, but have acquiesced therein, and now it comes to pass there is such actings now, I leave, supposing you will, upon further thoughts, give a check to your people and cause what hath been and is done by some of Windsor per order, as is said from your Court, to be revised and better considered, and that these [illegible] groundless intrusions upon us of those who issue study the provoking to disturbance, may receive such discountenance from you as is meet, and our people may quietly go on in the improvement of their property according to order of court. Sir, since I began this letter one of our town who came from Wethersfield tells me that he saw Samuel Martin, both elder and younger, and another man or two come out with drawn swords and force three Indians into their house or into a house for that they said they came from Pojassick telling them they would be revenged of the Pojassick Indians. This man that tells me of it with another was on case and care and bear witnesses of it, being there occasionally and says they did exceedingly frighten and hurry the poor Indians with their naked swords and took them and used force with them according to their pleasure and all as they said themselves because some of them were taken by some of the Pojassick Indians who did what they did by my order, and by a special warrant in writing under my hand. And so much I told Samuel Martin, Senior, as well as Junior, when they were here; and that I must and would stand by the Indians in what they had done; and since acquainting our Magistrates with what I and the Indians had done. I perceive they do very well approve of it as I suppose yourself doth. And now for them thus to deal with the Indians (and Indians that came only from Pojassick) on their own account and upon their own head without order as I suppose from any authority with you, is with yourself to animadvert upon as you see cause; but truly it tends to the laying of authority low and the discouraging of Indians from acting anything when imployed by authority in one or the other colony. I could say much of their threatening the Indians as the Indians have oft told me and that they would have their pennyworth out of them, but I spare. It is now evident by two present that they acted as aforesaid and said they did it in revenge, whether to the Indians or myself I leave; should persons do such a thing in our colony, I know and am just knowing a case something like it, that they would be made an example. Good sir, pardon my boldness, having heard much of the threatening of those men who were at Pojassick and prevented of their devilish trade it doth a little sharpen my pen, but knowing how ready you will be to go and check to such disorderly seizures, and to show yourself in the just vindication of authority, I silence myself for speaking any further. I beg your excuse of my perplexity. News I have none to impart, supposing you have heard of the ship from France: an English ship and master who said when he came from Rochelle, it was confidently reported that the King of France had disbanded his army and hauled up all his ships but seven except seven more that were at Arquet.4 I hear Mr. Fairweather is since safely arrived at Boston but have no news as yet. I have not to add but my loving and cordial respects with my wife’s to yourself and Mistress Winthrop as also to your son and daughter. I commend you to the grace of God in Christ Jesus and am, sir, cordially,

Yours to love and serve,

John Pynchon

Sir, before I had made an end of my letter an Indian came to me from Pojassick who says the sachem sent him to me to know the reason why some of the Indians are apprehended at Wethersfield and imprisoned at Hartford for their seizing on the English at Pojassick by my order and warrant. I answered them that I was writing to you about it and knew you would do that which was right in this matter, and as they are waiting upon one to do it Mr. Olcot comes into my house who tells me that your worship hath cognizance of the business and hath released the Indians; at which news also these Indians here seemed much joyed and highly pleased with your worship; yet desire one to inquire whether they must not have something paid them by those culprits that have unjustly imprisoned them, and if they have not, say they: how shall they dare to do anything for the English sachems and at their word of security? They desire me also to let you know that the Indians taken were Wompeakes5 and not the Indians that by my order seized Greene and Martin, etc., though one of them they say was there but not active in the thing; and they were on your journey to Wampeguin6 and being thus stopped and imprisoned the greater wrong is done them they are desirous, I should things write; but I doubt not they will be satisfied with my due acknowledgement of your favor. I take leave and am, sir,

Your Worshipful Servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, at his house in [torn]

[In margin:] on the west side of Connecticut River against them between us and Windsor.

[Springfield, 20 July 1671]

Honored Sir,

I am importuned by these our Indians, (I think there are about ten of them) who are going a great journey with wampum as a present, and to make a league with the Nowgehowenock Indians1 (as they call them) to write to you that they may have free passage and not be disturbed, which they fear they may as they say by Samuel Greene, etc. I would have shunned writing, telling them I doubted not but they might pass without any disquietment, but they question whether they may be secure. Especially in regard they have a great quantity of wampum, near a bushel as they tell, without my letter to yourself, and your pass further all along the sea coast and so on toward Virginia;2 they much desire and are earnest by request with me, to request you to grant them your passport, that they may go without being letted3 by any English.

The Nowgehowenock Indians (as they call them) are at [torn: war with?] the Sunnpacks and these our Indians would understand their ability to carry on their wars and encourage them and receive encouragement from them, which our Indians much need they being exceeding low and sunk in their spirits.4 Sir, yours of 18th instant I received last night and thank you for what you suggest referring to the French. I have acquainted our magistrates with what I received from Albany. What their thoughts may be I yet hear not. If anything material comes to me from them or any other way I shall with great readiness impart it to you. As to what you mention referring to your release of the Indians taken at Wethersfield: with great thankfulness I acknowledge your readiness to relieve the poor Indians [illegible] and to give such countenance to authority and to myself and so discountenance the unlawful trade and country-destroying sin.5 In all which I believe you have done an acceptable service to all that love authority and good order, and so much the more in regard you did it before you were sought to and when you had so much misinformation and misrepresentation of things from the Indian leaders as I plainly perceive by your letter you had, so that could expressly declare the falseness of their reports, but it needs not (unless just possible shortly I may have an opportunity by word of mouth to discourage matters).

I am highly well satisfied with your procedure in that affair and shall not add but my thankfulness for that and all your many favors and with mine and my wife’s and my daughter Whiting’s6 dearest respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and to your daughter I take leave [torn] ending you to the gracious guidance of our God in Christ Jesus, I am, sir,

Your affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

I suppose they are the Indians beyond Delaware or it may be up Delaware River.7

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut, at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 24 October 1671]

Honored Gentlemen,

It is not unknown to you that our General Court appointed a committee to take care of the marking out the south line of our patent 20-mile westward from Connecticut River, being to begin where the artists1 formerly left off; as also that the said committee were to give you notice of the time when they went about it, that so you might send some to accompany them in that work if you please, according as our General Court gave you to understand by their letter to you under our Secretary’s hand, dated 6th June last. Myself being appointed to take care for the effecting of the work aforesaid: I can do no less than signify to you that I had last week intelligence from Boston that a meet instrument for doing the work was in preparation for coming to me for that end. I suppose he may be here the end of this week. Possibly it may be next; when he comes to my house I shall give you more particular notice of the time when I shall be at the place where the former artists left off, which was at the house of John Bissell, [Jr.,] at the higher end of Windsor town. I send this now though at some uncertainty as to the just time, that you may have the more opportunity to appoint in readiness what hands you have ordered or shall please to order to accompany me in the work. Could I have given you sooner or longer notice of the time for attending this affair I would have done it; but I heard of the man’s coming now, but the last week and then your Governor2 was there in this town, whom I acquainted with it, and possibly he may have writ to you of it, but knowing him to be absent from you, and least he should fail of writing to you about it, I thought good not to rest in the account I had given him of it, but also likewise to acquaint you yourselves therewith. Not else at present, with all due respects to you Gentlemen I take leave and am,

Your affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

The letter which this is the copy of I sent away presently per John Wilson of Hartford, who was then going home, and directed it to Mr. Samuel Wyllys and by him to be communicated to the rest of the Magistrates at Hartford.

[Springfield, 28 October 1671]

To Mr. Samuel Wyllys or Mr. John Allyn of Hartford

Honored Sirs,

I gave you intimation about five days ago of my expectation of an artist for running our south line,1 who is since come and now at my house, so that I intend to go about the work next week, and have the report sent this messenger to you on purpose, with these lines to give you notice thereof, that so such persons as you have appointed to go along with us in the work may be in readiness. I purpose and intend to be at the higher end of Windsor Town on Tuesday morning about 10 of the clock, if the Lord permit, when and where such of yours as you please to send may meet with us at or about the house of John Bissell, Jun. I shall not need to add but my cordial respects and am, sirs,

Your humble servant,

John Pynchon

Sent per John Mathews, whom I sent with it on purpose.

[Springfield, 30 October 1671]

To Mr. John Allyn,

Honored Sir,

Yours of 28 instant I received just now, wherein you say you trust I will forbear any beginning to run the line where our artist1 left off because it will be fruitless, and desire me to desist the work because you can’t concur therein, etc. As to what you move, I suppose you may easily answer yourselves; for I presume you would expect from those you betrust with any service that they should do their duty in attending thereof, and so is the case with me. It is a service that I was put upon by our General Court in May last, which I was far from desiring, and since have propounded it to some of our magistrates that I might leave the work, none of whom would give me any allowance thereunto, but on the contrary told me it would be expected I should give an account thereof to our next General Court. In order whereunto also an artist is come to my house for the effecting of it, as I gave you an account last Saturday, and of my intent of being at John Bissell’s house tomorrow that so such of yours as you should appoint might meet with me. And therefore however you are pleased toward it, I cannot think you can rationally expect my desisting of the work and for not concurring on it I must leave that to your pleasures; and all debates thereabouts shall refer to our General Court, and only do the work I am betrusted withal. Yet give me leave to answer to one word of yours, which refers to myself: you say I know there was a time when you could have had your line stated. I must profess I do not know it, and you say I desired some of yours to forbear it. That is a mistake in you. But I suppose I know what you scope at, and do well remember my speaking something to your father, for I met him in Hartford meadow when he was going to New York, and I was bold to advise, not to raise or present anything of difference betwixt the colonies, and told him I thought it was good for the colonies to agree betwixt themselves as to any matters that were depending; and whether I might say it then, yet I do now, that I doubt not of a compliance between the colonies, and of an agreement to content if the fault be not in yourselves, and whereas you say if I intended the beginning of the line at John Bissell’s house, I was misunderstood. It is a strange expression of yours, for as I had no speech of any such thing then, neither had I or could I have any thought of it then for the plat which was in our court records I never saw till sent me lately by our Secretary; which I now find doth express our line to cross Connecticut River at the ferry place, the house of John Bissell being on the west side of the river, by which as I am now directed where to begin, so I thought it convenient to acquaint you with it, and that it was at the house of John Bissell where our former artists left off, and there I am ordered to begin as you know, and intend and hope to be about the work there tomorrow. I shall not need to add but my due respects and service and am,

Your affectionate friend,

John Pynchon

[Springfield, 14 November 1671]

Dear Son Joseph,

It hath greatly revived me and your mother to receive a letter from you, none having come to my hands till about a month since, when I received yours of April 27th ’71. The sight of your handwriting was very pleasant, and made us glad, although also we were made sad with the tidings of your illness but somewhat refreshed again by Brother Smith’s1 letter which came with yours and was dated four days after, wherein he writes as if the worst were past, and since then I understand by your brother that you have wrote another letter (which he had mislaid) wherein you mention your recovery and being at London. Blessed be the Lord that deals so graciously with [torn] us. I long for your last letter, which I hope will come this wa [torn] we have much desired your letters but more to see you, yet God hath L [torn] good to deny us our desires, what he intends thereby I am [torn] but desire to wait upon him and trust in him. Your [torn] a distance from us, is a little too hard for me and [torn] but the will of the Lord be done and I beg of God [torn] good pleasure. It would be most acce [torn] here to have you near us, but n [torn] we shall endeavor to submit to [torn] think your illness and want of health [torn] to your and put you on to return to us, [torn] and the rather because you are in no way [torn] that I discern, your declining merchand [torn] I did not fully see through it for you. [torn] as a way to help bear charges, [torn] it good your inclining to take upon [torn] like well, but methinks, that shou [torn] of those injunctions which are [torn] where light hath been to the C [torn] notice of your exsplshons [sic] that [torn] use them or be present at them: [torn] mans inventions in his [torn] venture where [torn] you to look to it ti [torn] God. I am [torn] freedom and conte [torn] tertainment in be [torn] over I would ppo [torn] unless I discern [torn] quid you and direct [torn] and your own con [torn] for you and as I [torn] before the Lord, who is able to do for and us above and beyond or imagining or desiring. I rejoice to see the breathings of your heart after God and communion with him; the Lord hold your and our hearts close to himself and help us in a way of duty to walk with him and depend upon him.

Dear Son, it is my great care what to do for thee and shall do as I am able; though my affairs are much under in respect of what they seemed when you were with me. I am altogether out of trade, wampum being fallen. What estate I had in it is worth nothing and besides there is no trade at all by reason of the Indian wars,2 so that I have nothing but my land and I laid out all and more than all I had to purchase Mr. Rawson’s living3 so that I was forced to borrow some money at interest, and now having not trade I am at a great loss; for all the beaver I have [torn] this year is but about £40 all going into a small Bar [torn] have sent it to Mr. Wickins4 and need a few small things [torn] though I owe some debts yet in England: [torn] and what shall I do for money to renew my lease [torn] ry it is not done, and indeed here I must tell you [torn] lect; for you tell me damage accrues to me. I am sensible of and yet whereas I have [torn] you do nothing, [torn] I pray issue it I lea [torn] money. I hope Brother Smith will be help [torn]; he must at this stress pay what is due [torn] it; I have no other way to come at [torn] the more unlike it will be to have money [torn] year worse than other it is much worse [torn] ore. Therefore what money is needed more than my [torn] (if Mr. Wickins can’t help) you must take [torn] would have you shun it if possible, yet [torn] go on I leave it to your care [torn] for yourself and delay not unless [torn] till another year, [torn] do again that you shall have the [torn] do the best [torn] I can for you here [torn] come over I will let you know [torn] I will go to the utmost, [torn] is gone that we may have a little [torn] though I cannot yet tell you [torn] e more, and would fain [torn] to good [torn] I would have to look at one that is godly and wise and prudent, but as to renewing the lease again I pray finish things and do as you would judge best for yourself. I am not able to write as I would, being upon a journey; must refer you to my next.

You need not trouble yourself about your bond to Mr. Barnabas, for it being to secure him against any future claims of mine; you and Mr. Samuel Wickins may be sure I will make none, so that if you never have in your bond it won’t be two pence damage. But however I have [illegible; torn] third bond, so that Mr. Dun [torn; illegible] all need not scruple giving you in your bond.

In that I order you no money for to maintain you, it is not that I am not willing but you see and know how it is, and that all the money will be needed about the lease and yet what you are in need to take us of Bri [illegible] I will allow it. I cannot not write to [torn] remember my dear love to Brother and Sister and [torn] cousins, with mine and your mother’s dear love and [torn] in your praying to God for your prosperity in soul [torn] commend you to the blessing of the most high [torn]

Your truly loving father,

John Pynchon

We are all in health, blessed be God. Your brother John I hope is in a thriving way of trade and being like to have Mr. Hubbard of Ipswich his daughter though not to marry till next summer.5 I shall write to you more at large next opportunity.

Brother Davis sometimes speak that he thought he might be beholding to you for a letter but you have writ him more since you went to England, and my Cousin Joseph Halford in Warwick writes he would be gladsome to see you at his house when you are in these parts. If ever you go that way visit him.

These for my loving son, Mr. Joseph Pynchon, London.

[Springfield, 11 December 1671]

Honored Sir,

I was very sorry it fell out so that I was absent when you came from the Bay: had I known before I went from home of your being in town, I should have waited upon you and made my other occasions given way to have had converse with yourself. But being then prevented and understanding you had a desire to know what was concluded by the Albanians between the Maquas and our Indians,1 I shall give you the best account I can. I received a letter from Capt. Salisbury,2 as also another from the Commissary3 both to the same effect, briefly signifying that they had made a peace between the Maquas and the Mehecanders4 and all their associates, finding both parties willing to it, which they say they hope will prove a firm and everlasting peace. It were too long, they say, to relate the particulars and the great charge they were at about it and so mention no more: but that Mr. Eliot’s Indians5 came three days after the peace was made and so they advised them to return and to leave the Bibles there. Capt. Salisbury writes not thinking it fit to send many of them either to the Jesuits or the Maquas, and so he keeps them in, [awaiting] further order or that he knows Col. Lovelace6 his pleasure. I have not further intelligence in writing; but one of our town who was at Albany when the peace was made says that the English and Dutch there made a gathering: some gave a beaver, some two beavers, some one and half, some half a one—’tis reported to the value of £300 in all: put all into Delavall’s7 and Captain Salisbury’s hands who turned all into peag and cloth sent for the Maquas and these Indians, there being between fifty and one hundred of our Indians there hunting for deer. There came about thirty Maquas: Delavall, Salisbury, and the Commissaries being sat round a table carried abroad in the fort; the Maquas sat round without them on one side and our Indians on the other side. After a speech to them, one appointed rises up with a small chain of wampum on his arm and gives it to the Maquas, and then gives another chain of the same quantity to our Indians; after this a second time gives each of them second chain somewhat bigger; and then a third time carry to each party of Indians a greater parcel and all alike to each of them whereat was great joy and dancing. Then gives each of them a roll of cloth and a roll of tobacco to each and ten bottles of liquors and many loaves of bread. And after this each party of Indians giving in a hatchet to the English, they took and buried them, laying a great stone upon them in token of burying all malice and hurt to one another. After all this our Indians give the Maquas a small parcel of wampum about two or three fathom and they gave our Indians the like quantity and seemed to be very sound on both sides. And after their drinking bout, one of our Indians being found dead in the morning, they parted the Maquas; all went home but some of our Indians stayed there. This is the sum of all that I hear; other circumstances less material are too tedious to write. I have not any further news at present; and so have not to add but [torn] ered love and all due respect to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and am, sir,

Your affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

My wife presents her due respects and service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and all yours.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, in Hartford present.

[Springfield, 14 December 1671]

Honored Sir,

Yours of 12th December I received last night, with the enclosed New Haven and Milford letters, for my perusal, which I have again returned you herewith, together with my hearty thanks for the intelligence therein, and thereby imparted to me. Sir, as to our Indians’ resentment of the peace with the Maquas, I find them variously affected about it: some liking it; others who have lost their relations by the Mohawks desiring rather revenge upon them. But they generally say they are in the dark about it till they hear and see further and I believe would be glad if they were secure that they may not be entrapped. There were some chief men among the Indians that were hunting at Albany who were at the concluding the peace, but they were not commissioned, these at home knowing nothing of it; yet I incline to think the chief men at home will fall in with it; and my advice to them is so to do, and to confirm it by their sending to the Mohequas1 a present and they say they will meet about it shortly when the Indians come all home that are at Albany and according as they bring good news of the Maquas carrying it well since so they shall act to confirm. They say ‘tis but the English and Dutch that have spoke yet and given wampum, and it must be made strong by their giving to one another which they do reckon they shall do when those that are abroad are from home, if they bring good news with them. I thank you for your hint about our ship at New London, which I had more fully by my man’s return from thence whom I sent down with horses:2 she safely arrived there last Tuesday sennight, though they difficultly got out of the river by reason of ice and Mr. Hamlin froze four of his fingers, but they were hopefully mending; so that he wrote to me though with pain and difficulty as he said. I suppose he will set out to sea next week and if God favor him with wind will soon be in a warmer climate.

You will hear by my Cousin Lord of Greenough’s3 arrival at Boston; and what news is come to inquire after the cocoa. I shall leave all to his more full relation with the presentation of mine and wife’s endeared respects to yourself and your good lady to subscribe,

Sir,

Your assured friend and servant,

John Pynchon

[Springfield, 6 January 1671/72]

Honored Sir,

The Indian sachem of Pojassick,1 the bearer hereof, Alquat, is very urgent with me to write to you that he may be secure from Greene and Butler,2 in reference to their threatenings to be revenged on Pojassick Indians for discovering their liquor trade last summer by seizing them according to my order. I told him there was no need to write at all, for that business was done withal, and he knew you to be very friendly to them, but one of the English sachems has spoke against them, and he knew that those English which were taken by them were very bitter against them and therefore I must write that if there were occasion you might allay the bitter spirits of angry men; I need not insist, supposing it not needful, and having answered his request. I have now a fair opportunity to give you an account of a Dutchman that arrived at my house last night from Albany with a letter from Captain Salisbury and the Heere Commissaries, as they are styled,3 desiring the return of a captive taken from the Maquas, but the messenger says he is probably a Hockkog4 beyond the Maquas; he is the son of a great sachem, the greatest sachem in all the country. The young man is now at Northampton, where he hath been three years; it being so long since he was taken the Indians have promised his release and setting free, so that I doubt not but he will return home with the Dutchman. He brought three great belts of peag and presented [them] to the Indians, who liked the belts well but say they release him out of friendship and not for the belts and yet make their bargain to have a Dutch blanket ago [sic]. The Commissary and Salisbury write that our Indians should come with presents thither and confirm the peace. Our Indians I find very slow and would fair stand upon equal terms with the Maquas and would not have them counted above them; they also question much whether the Maquas be cordial, but my letters, and so this Dutchman doth say, that the Maquas will be firm and sure to the peace if those Indians be not in fault. They are resolved there shall no fault or breach be on their part and that if [there be] any check to the full settlement of the peace it shall lie at these Indians’ doors. It is great pity that anything should hinder the full establishment of it, and that the great charge and pains the English and Dutch at Albany have been at should prove ineffectual; I hope it will not, and dare say our Indians will not break the peace made, but their loathness to go with presents to Albany may retard the full establishment of it. It were I think a good and beneficial way to their safety and further security to go with wampum to Albany at least and if they do not meet with the Maquas there to leave it with the [E]nglish for the Maquas. Also is it not meet that these Indians should send some presents to the English and Dutch at Albany in token of acceptance of their great love and respect in being at such cost to procure a peace for them? I have hinted something this way to our Indians. If you did the like to yours and to this Indian sachem, Alquat, as from yourself it may not be amiss. I mention the latter of a present to the English and Dutch at Albany because I do gather by some hints in my letter that such a thing is expected there. They do plainly say that the Maquas have been before our Indians in sending them a present and this Dutchman that is here tells me that the Maquas presented the Commissaries and Captain Salisbury with twenty-three great belts of peag, which were very long ones and some so deep as they contained eighteen wampum in depth. I may be too tedious, and weary you with my phix [prolix?] discourse of this matter and therein beg your pardon having no other news to write; unless that I have a letter to Mr. Eliot5 (which Salisbury says is) from a French Jesuit.

With mine and my wife’s most cordial respects and service to yourself and Mistress Winthrop I take leave and am, sir,

Your Worship’s faithful servant,

John Pynchon

The enclosed was brought to me by an Indian but this very day; I perceive he came long since from Albany as he says himself.

[Springfield, 26 February 1671/72]

Honored Sir,

I have herewith returned you Governor Lovelace his letter, with many thanks for the favor of perusal of it. Here is a report by some that came last week from Hadley, as if there were one come thither from Boston, who it is said reports that some two or three persons in some out-town1 were murdered by some that came to rob the house. I hope it is not so having inquired of others of our town that speak with them who came from Hadley and Northampton last week and they tell me they spake of no such thing to them; but none speak or mention that the man who came from Boston reported anything of any murder done by Indians: so that I conclude, at least hope, that the news with you about several killed and Captain Oliver2 shot is not at all true. I have not else at present, but the presentation of mine and wife’s due respects to yourself and Mistress Winthrop and Mistress Martha,3 with my sincere acknowledgment of your abundant love and respect to me I humbly take leave and am,

Your most humble servant

John Pynchon

[In margin:] my Cousin John Holyoke

heard what was told me

and also heard it contradicted.

TO JOSEPH PYNCHON

Massachusetts Historical Society Mss

[Springfield, 20 November 1672]

Dear Son Joseph,

I received two letters from you this year and rejoice to hear of your health and welfare, which I pray God still to continue to your and our comfort, and to his honor and glory being the great end for which we came into and are continued in this world. I understand you are in a way of settling at Uxbridge in the practice of physic. I no whit dislike your employing yourself therein, but am glad of it seeing your mind doth not lie to come to New E[ngland] as yet; and though we long to see you, yet I would not obstruct you in that way but pray God to bless you in it and to help you to be really serviceable to your generation and advantageous to yourself. I am desirous as I am able to help you and furnish you with necessary requisites, and to encourage you I have resolved to settle upon you my parsonage land at Wraysbury with all the privileges thereof which, when once renewed, I hope will be a good estate, and moreover I do give you all my deeds and writings concerning the purchase thereof. I also give you blast house and orchard and the pigeon house and orchard1 and all my land and housing bought of Mr. Bulstrode, only reserving if I need it £200 to be paid me out of the rent in four or five years’ time and £20 per annum during mine and your mother’s life. But that trade is decayed with me; I should not make these reserves and may possibly release some of them if I find I can live without them.

I also do give you 1000 acres of land in this country at New London,2 besides what I may give you hereafter. I intend also you shall have all my household stuff at Wraysbury. And though I can ill spare any money now, yet for your present help in furnishing yourself with drugs if all I can make will raise £100, I have writ to Mr. Wickins3 to furnish you with £100, and for that end I do not now send for any goods having no trade at all. But am willing to help you now for I doubt I shall not be able hereafter, I not being in the way of trade that formerly cannot do as possibly you may think I can.

As for renewing the lease I leave it wholly to you, and concerning all matters there act and do all in your own name and to your own satisfaction and content; for I give all to you and would help you more if I had money but seeing I cannot, you must be the more husbandly and thrifty.

You speak of tenants complaining, etc. It hath always been so, and I am sure the land of Mr. Bulstrode was formerly at a higher value, and were it to me I would not lower the rents. I am put upon it to scribble and some failure I find in my eyesight which occasions me to draw to an end and in a word I leave all to your discretion to act and manage things for your own good and future settlement and advancement. The Lord guide you in his way and keep your heart close to himself and bless you in all your undertakings. I and your mother remember our dear and affectionate love to you. Your Brother and Sister Whiting4 are well and their young daughter Mary a fine child of about four months old.

Your brother John lives at Boston; he was married on September last and he and your new sister Margaret his wife were well lately. I hope John hath sent you your Commendamus from the College; Doctor Hoar the new president of the College5 promised it me and I bid your brother call for it. Hope it may be on its way to you. The Lord Jehovah be your protection and overshadow you with blessings and presence, so prays,

Your truly Loving Father,

John Pynchon

Uxbridge is a place that hath afforded many servants6 to this country, whether cannot you procure some for me and your Brother Whiting?

These for Mr. Joseph Pynchon at Uxbridge in Middlesex.

[Springfield, 1 February 1672/73]

Son Joseph,

I and your mother remember our hearty affection and most dear love to you, earnestly desiring and praying for your health, welfare, and prosperity both in soul and body, which is matter of rejoicing to us to hear of, as blessed be God we did lately, by four letters I received from you all together about ten days since, and two I received in the summer, all which bringing the good news of your health and well being have been much to our comfort and refreshing. The Lord grant the continuance of your health and enable you for what his good Providence may call you forth to; saving you from all the snares and temptations that may await you, and fitting you to do by his pleasure in serving your generation. I perceive you are now set upon the practice of physic; the Lord bless you in it and make you successful in the undertaking. He is ready to succeed such as acknowledge him, which I hope you do in all your ways that so he may direct your paths. I have formerly given you an account of what I have bestowed upon you there; even all the land, etc. I have in England, some reserves excepted which by former letters to you this year (this being my fifth or sixth letter this year) you will be acquainted with. If any fails or miscarriage should be of them my Brother Smith or Mr. Wickins can show you my mind in letters I sent them thereof last year.

I have also ordered you £100 which I have wrote to Mr. Wickins to pay you to furnish yourself with drugs and necessary requisites for your calling. I would I could do more but I will assure you to do this I am forced not to send to England for any goods this year. I have no trade as formerly and am altogether out of that capacity of helping with money which formerly I was in.1 So that I am not able to help to any money for renewing the lease or rather buying out Sir Andrew which I would fain have you to do and do all in your own name; for all is yours now, and so contrive things for your own satisfaction, content, and advantage. I am sorry to hear of Sir Andrew King’s base and unworthy dealing.2 I must leave all to you, to act and do in it for your own best good as you shall see cause and have advice. I wish I could help you to more money; I would readily do it but I can’t and though I have need farther of something thence, yet I will forgo it this year that you may have the more help. I should reckon it a good business if you could accomplish to buy out Sir Andrew [illegible] but take heed of Sir Andrew. I would rather you should let all alone than to give too dear. Be sure you have a pennyworth before you conclude with him and then see that you be able to do it, I mean that you be in a way for money to accomplish it or else you had better leave it. It [illegible] is so unlike that I should help with money that I would have you to be considerate. If you find that you are in a good way of thriving and are like to have custom and raise money that way then possibly you may do something. I desire to hear what custom you have and how you find things in reference to your calling.

I pray God to guide you in all your affairs and keep your heart close to himself that you may not sin against him, and dispose you to the observance of all his right judgments that you may live to his honor and your own comfort. With mine and your mother’s dearest love to you I commend you to God and his grace and am,

Your truly loving Father,

John Pynchon

I heard this day from your Brother and Sister Whiting that they are well and their little daughter Mary is now about half a year old. Your brother John lives at Boston in the house that was Mr. Rawson’s3 which I have given him. Methinks you and he should write to one another some times; and if you send my letters enclosed in his it may not be amiss, or direct them to Major John Pynchon at Springfield, [which] will be a good distinction of them from his. Brother and Sister Wyllys are well and all Brother Holyoke and sister and all cousins who desire to be remembered to you. Remember me most kindly to Brother and Sister Smith4 and to all my cousins. I wrote to my brother formerly and have not now to add, but most endeared respects. You write no word of news; something of the general state of affairs would be acceptable.

For Mr. Joseph Pynchon at Uxbridge in Middlesex.

[Springfield, 10 February 1672/73]

Honored Sir,

I received yours per via Westfield since which I have not known the opportunity, till past, whereby to return your thanks, nor yet to make you some requital by giving you an account of what return is from Albany. The Cornet1 and his company went hence the day after I wrote to you of their going; the first night after was as bitter a cold night as any hath been this winter, and although it was very cold all their journey, yet it pleased God they all got well home (as they write to me) and lay but two nights in the woods, after they went from Westfield to the farms, though much snow fell while they were there. They have the Indians that did that villainous murder in safe custody at Albany, who Captain Salisbury writes have both confessed the murder to them; the younger fellow (which is but a lad) says it was the elder and the big fellow says it was the younger, that struck the first blow, and then says he: I cut his neck bone in two with the ax. Our Indians much desire the younger fellow, being Chickwallop’s only son,2 may be spared; one being enough to die for one, they say. But I hope justice will be executed, and they will receive the due reward of their wickedness; it is a favor of God that such wickedness is discovered so clearly; no other Indians were near them, or ever privy to it, that I can discern in the least.

Sir, I have now also received yours per the post, Mr. Hatfield, and thank you for the intelligence you imparted. I had nothing from Governor Lovelace but his thanks for what I had done in apprehending the two villainous murderers and his desire to hear from me the resentment of the Indians little3 about it, which per the return of the post I had given him an account of. The post, Mr. Hatfield, had the company hither of one of our town’s that was Windsor; and here he met with two men that were going to Boston. My Brother Holyoke’s son and one of Hadley being three of them. I hope they will do well, but there is no track since the last s [torn]; the very day before the last snow three of Quabaug4 were here and were home that day in which the snow fell toward night, and in the night after; but those of Quabaug then said that we had more snow than was at Quabaug, and so the Indians reported also, but yet say that about eight mile beyond Quabaug there was more snow again than here. Sir, I have not further to trouble you with but mine and my wife’s due respects to yourself and to your daughters. I commend you to the Lord, desiring his presence with you and in the midst of all your thoughts within his comforts to refresh you,

So prays,

Your assured friend and servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, in Hartford.

[Springfield, August 1673]

Honored Sir,

I received intelligence from my cousin Allyn by your order of the approach of the Dutch at New York,1 etc., toge [torn] with a copy [torn] I ret [torn] all away to Boston [torn] with your letter our Gov [torn]

The man that went with it to Quabaug, and home hither on Saturday night and said that [torn] went with it to the Bay was taking hors [torn] just as he came away from Quabaug.

Here is nothing of news with us. We are to hear further from you, and long to know [torn] understand how it is with them at New York and what is become of Governor Lov[torn]ace.2

The Lord direct and give me a good issue. I have not to add but my due respects and cordial salute to yourself and your daughters and with often humble and thankful acknowledgment and all your love,

Am, sir,

Your Affectionately Loving Friend and Servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable Governor of Connecticut Colony, John Winthrop, Esqr., at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 9 August 1673]

Honored Sir,

Yours per Mr. Gibbons and Nathaniel Bissell I received this morning and speedily sent it away to Quabaug: thank you for the intelligence. Just now about two or three of the clock I received a letter from our Secretary per post, with several instructions from the Council who have met at Boston, and have put the country in a posture of defense, ordered forces in readiness for all the port towns in this jurisdiction to be commanded by persons appointed by the Council.1 Also have prepared fire ships to do execution on the enemy, and some vessels ready to sink in the channel if need be to stay the enemy’s passage; have likewise ordered the remaining half the powder out of Boston, etc.

And have ordered the Council forthwith to assemble upon any alarm. Have also ordered me to put Hampshire in a present posture of defense, to set guards as need shall be, and to gain seasonable intelligence [torn] any motions at this juncture, and give speedy information: wherefore, sir, I request you as you have anything material to speed it to me that I may transmit it to Boston. The Secretary writes that just now (viz: 8 August, early in the morning) he is informed by Arthur Mason that Joseph Barthol—new came in from Lyme2 last night; hath been but six weeks from England, brings news of two engagements between England and Holland. The victory is variously reported, etc. This is every word of news that I have; have not to add at present but my cordial respects,

Yours to serve,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

Haste Haste

[Springfield, 5 November 1673]

Honored Sir,

I received yours last night just as I was going to bed, and am sorry my sudden queries should occasion you so much trouble and thoughts and pains in writing; though I am abundantly engaged to you for the communication of your thoughts, yet may I suggest further whether our being idle may not be a reproach to us and a dishonor to God that we seem to distrust him and his care of us. And for my part I conceive there needs [be] no such mighty army nor strong fleet as you speak of. And doth not this query necessary follow, whether it be not of dangerous consequences such a conclusion? That we are not able to adventure and occasion them to think themselves so abundantly able to adventure on us and render us a fearful and timorous people and so make ourselves a pray to insolent ones?

2d [shorthand] whether can these colonies be defended without an offensive war? How far the hopes of a good cause and our showing our loyalty may encourage, I need not speak. I have many considerations on the other hand also, but my time will not admit entering upon them and bespeak excuse for my scribbling. I am now on my journey to Quabaug, where I intend to keep Sabbath and hope by Tuesday noon to deliver yours to our governor.1

Sir, I have sent back the enclosed and as you desired without copying or showing it to any other; with my unfeigned thanks and real respect and service,

I am, sir, yours ever,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at Hartford.

[Springfield, 5 November 1673]

Honored Sir,

Yours of 27 October I received but last night. The mortality in Barbados,1 you mention not whether there were any stop or cessation of it, when the ship came away, but suppose you sent me all you heard, for which I return you thanks. I received last night from my Cousin Allyn some account of your affairs at Long Island and rejoice in the good success you have had in Major General Wyllys2 his happy management thereof. I hope our friends at Long Island will have freedom from disturbance by the Dutch this winter at least, and yet some thoughts I have whether when they understand that we are quiet. They may not have new contrivances, but God rules and I trust will order things for the good of his people. I have not to add at present but with mine and my wife’s special respects, commend you to God and am, sir,

Your affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

My Brother Holyoke3 just now come home from Boston tells me that some merchants have of their own accord sent out 25 or 30 men in a small vessel to fetch in the Dutch ship at Nantucket and make prize of it. Other news he says there is none, except that it is reported the plague is at Barbados.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut: at his house in Hartford.

TO GERRIT VAN SLICHTENHORST

Livingston Family Papers, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York

[Springfield, 12 December 1673]

Gentlemen,

I just received a letter from you by this Indian who calls on me to write presently, saying he will be gone immediately again; the letter being an answer to one I sent to Mr. Van Ball1 in which I cannot but take notice as of your honesty, so of your ingenuity and readiness to reimburse me what money I laid out for the apprehending and securing of those villainous murderers and what I paid at the ordinary2 for Mr. Van Ball and company. All amounting to the sum of £16 5s. 6d., as per the inclosed account, whereby you will see, it is only the money I laid down for Mr. [Van] Ball and at his desire that I account. I account nothing for all my pains and endeavors about that affair, nor for employing my own servants: and somewards [something] also I gave among our Indians to effect it; all which I did cheerfully and readily, that murder done by the Indians on English or Dutch might not escape unpunished, whereby they might be hardened in such villainy. Gentlemen, let it please you therefore that the pay may be sent to me here, as Mr. Van Ball promised where I laid it out for him. The opportunities also lying on your side of getting Indians that are trusty by whom you may send the beaver to me, which let me entreat you may be done as speedily as may be, and according as you speak that it shall be done the first opportunity which will lay further engagements upon me to serve you in the like or any other way wherein I may rationally be helpful to you.

I may not neglect to acquaint you that some of the goods which the Indians stole of Mr. Stewar[t]3 were got, but they were so sullied and soiled that they came to little; as I remember about £3 was made of them, but some of it was paid away to the Indians that procured them and some small charges at Northampton were not brought to account; also a cow of Mr. Stewar[t’s] was put out to wintering and in the spring of the year it died, before it could be sold or anything made of it, so that I had the wintering of it to pay for, which will take of most if not all which was made of the goods. I lay the case before you plainly and honestly as it is and the matter to you. I have not to add but loving respects and I am, sirs,

Your Friend and Servant,

John Pynchon

What the Doctor writes for is not here to be had or else I would have sent it:

My respects to Mr. Van Ball I pray

These For Mr. Gerrit Van Slichtenhorst at Fort Willemstadt4

[Springfield, 24 December 1673]

Honored Sir,

Yours of December 16th I received, and thank you for the favor of the intelligence therein. Here is not any news with us to return you that is certain; some reports there are among the Indians as if the French were marching toward Albany, but I suppose it is a mere story; and find no ground to credit it. I exceedingly wonder we hear not from the Bay all this time; none went to the Court from these parts but Hadley Deputy, who was not returned yesterday; neither have I any way heard the least from Boston since the Court sat; many stories are about, but all are without ground. The Lord direct in that great affair and guide his poor people in the right way.

I have herewith returned you Major Gold’s1 letter; I long to hear what the twenty English ships were that you mention being at Sandy Hook. It may be they may be the two ships sent from Boston to be a security to Mr. Greenough or other vessels, unless they should be the frigates from Virginia, and if so I suppose by this you may have heard of some exploits.

Your affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

[Springfield, 15 January 1673/74]

Honored Sir,

Coming but the last night home from Boston, I take the first opportunity to give you an account of our affairs, and the rather, knowing that you will else be prevented: by reason of our Governor’s1 illness with whom it was left to write to you, and he promised it, and therefore ordered me to call on him for his letter to you. But when I came to him on Monday morning I found him very ill, he having been taken ill the day before so that he was not at meeting in the afternoon and had a bad night after the Lord’s day night, and his letter not being ready, was not able to write on Monday: desired me to present his respects to you and excuse his not writing and to give you this account. That the season of the year obstructing and rendering it unfeasible our Court have called [torn] ther in any action against the Dutch: only according to what account was formerly given you which soldiers are all ready listed being to appear upon summons, only ours in this county,2 viz. 60, are yet to list, but I shall speedily have them also in readiness. Here things rest at present in this dull and cold season; our General Court is adjourned to the beginning of March, when possibly warm weather approaching may raise men’s spirits and invite them to a further and speedy march. Sir, as to news, I suppose all is [well] with you and so needless for me now to write, yet shall give you an account of one or two things new that I question whether you have them, viz., the King of France hath sent to his Governor at Martineco3 to look to himself for that eight Dutch ships of force with two fire ships and several privateers are going into the West Indies to do all the mischief they can; and one Mr. Shippey,4 the upholsterer who came over in Greenough, says that Greenough lying in Plymouth till the 28th of October last: some few days before he received a letter from his friend in London who wrote to him that if he were not gone, he had best to stay a while and go along with the frigates that were to come to New England to reduce New York, and added that the talk at Court was of sending eight or ten.

This I had from Mr. Shippey’s own mouth. I suppose you heard of the Dutch taking Sancte Leno5 in the past from the English sometime since, which was regained by his Majesty’s ships, who expecting some Dutch ships might come ordered their ships to ride with Dutch colors, and within few days there came five great Dutch ships. The Dutch colors encouraging them till discerning all the ships to be English-built they suspected them and stood out to the sea; upon which the English frigates pursued them and took three of the Dutch ships and that ship which fell into our fleet’s hands before the last engagement was another of them. So that four of them the English [torn] Capt. White at Boston was well; I spoke with [him?] at my son’s house when I came away. I have not to add at present but the presentation of my humble service and affectionate respects and am, sir,

Your faithful servant,

John Pynchon

Sir, the enclosed is the copy of the Dutch letter which our Secretary was ordered to send you. It is exactly as it came in Dutch; being copied out by one that understood Dutch and turned it into English. If you desire I can send the English also.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, in Hartford.

[Springfield, 23 March 1673/74]

Honored Sir,

Having with [torn] few hours received the enclosed I am willing to embrace the [torn] pt opportunity for conveying it to you whereby you will understand what our Court have done. They sat but a little while the third day: agreed to send forth two vessels completely filled and furnished. Captain Richard Sprague commands one with 60 soldiers and 10 guns; and the other with 40 soldiers, Captain Samuel Moseley commands.1 Several men are pressed, though many are voluntary in the service; so that they are like to be more men than is ordered. The Court left the business with the Council, who do vigorously prosecute it, so that I hope the ships will be speedily in the Sound.2 Little news I hear besides that which I formerly sent you which came by way of Barbados to Mr. Kellons3 from England, from an intelligent hand as it is said. My wife is taking of what you prescribed her and finding some relaxation of her pain intends to go on to take all according to your directions. Providence so ordered it that our Reverend Teacher4 had propounded to the Assembly and appointed the 26th instant for a day of humiliation (before we heard of the Court’s order); the Lord grant we may come before him in sincerity whereby we may find favor at his hand. I have not to add but mine and my wife’s humble service, and am, sir,

Your affectionate humble servant,

John Pynchon

I am sorry to hear of the intercepting of those letters sent you. The Dutch new fortifying5 I count is only to make a bluster thereby to get better terms which I am persuaded they will more address themselves to, than to fight.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of his Majesty’s Colony of Connecticut. Haste Post Haste for his Majesty’s Special Service.

[Springfield, 9 April 1674]

Honored Sir,

Yours of April 6 I received, with the powder and pills for my wife, for which return you many thanks. She is in use of them, and after some further time I shall I hope be able to give you a good account of their operation. I wonder whence those Dutchmen came which yours from Major Palmes mentions? Sir, I have just now received from Boston a paper of news, etc. I have inclosed a copy of it. It was sent from the High Sheriff (in Maryland) to Mr. Robert Gibbs of Boston and came to hand the 7th instant, which is but 9 weeks now since the Swedes’ ship came from London. A Jersey ship also at same 7th April arrived at Salem from Falmouth, having been but 5 weeks 3 days from thence, and are designed for a market being something close, yet this they say, that a treaty of peace was in hand when they came away which ’tis thought is concluded by this time.1

Yesterday our two men of war intended to sail from Boston, having been so long detained for want of seamen, they being very loath to go upon the design; but were at least completed; Captain Sprague with 60 men, 14 great guns; Captain Moseley with 40 men and 10 great guns; with them comes Belcher Goodale,2 which the Lord grant them good success, and that the snow if it be the will of God may melt before them. I have not further at present. Our Indians at Woronoco and Pojassick are generally all of them removed to Albany; what the matter is they make so universal and general a remove I know not.3 Some few Indians that stay do not like it and wish they have not gone hard with the Mohawks. I have not to add but my humble service and due respects and am, sir,

Your faithful servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

[Springfield, 21 April 1674]

Honorable Sir,

Having heard from Hadley an intimation of peace concluded between the two nations of English and Dutch, I was inquiring how to give your honor the account thereof and of New York’s being to be delivered to the English, and presently came to my hand two letters from our Governor1 which for your fuller satisfaction I have sent the originals for your perusal; and have not more to add but what my Brother Holyoke hath to communicate, my service and due respects presented. I am, sir,

Your faithful servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

[Springfield, 24 April 1674]

Honored Sir,

I just now received the enclosed by which I perceive our men of war which had lain at Nantasket a fortnight waiting for a wind, upon the arrival of the Plymouth ship with intelligence of the peace, are by advice and order of our Magistrates stopped from going forth. I wish the Dutch yet be so tame as to let our vessels alone, but desire to hope the best. I have little news besides what I sent you; only this the Plymouth captain reports: that the King had thoughts of seizing seven members of the House of Commons, which Prince Rupert understanding, presented himself before his Majesty on his knees, beseeched him to consider that the face of things looked worse on him than on his father in 1641–42 and therefore beseeched him to take in with no pity against his Parliament least he ruined his family and the nation. Said he, my father died for the Protestant religion and your father at his death said so; and for my part I am so settled in the Protestant religion that I will set my foot against the proudest he that shall oppose it, and spend my last and best blood for it. The King patiently heard him and resolved to keep to his Parliament, gave them assurance of sitting till August next, and liberty to examine all matters to the quick.1

Thousands of the City prentices met in Paul’s churchyard and attired the Pope and his Cardinals in their pontificals stuffed with straw, with their three-cornered caps, made them dance on the ropes, then carried them to Smithfield and burnt them with great shouts, saying were the Pope there they would serve him so.2 Sir, my wife having a great cold desires you would please to send her a few of your lozenges. Not else but the presentation of our due respects to yourself and daughters, I humbly take leave to subscribe myself,

Your humble servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

[Springfield, 29 June 1674]

Mr. Andreas Dreyer, and

Mr. Gerrit Van Slictenhorst

Sirs,

Your loving lines of 14th instant I received, for which I return you thanks; and to what you mention that you would have me by the first send the account, I am ready so to do, which is as followeth.1

There was a cow of John Stewart’s left with one of this town, which I thought would have taken off something from this sum; but the cow died in the Spring of the year (as I remember in calving), and the man hath been at me to pay him for the charge of keeping it. I persuaded him to take up with the hide and some benefit I suppose he had by it the year before, but he said it was not sufficient and seems to be unsatisfied, saying I am too good a husband for you, and seems to expect something though I have allowed him nothing but the hide.

There was also some goods recovered from the Indians after much care and pains taken; all which I disposed of and so husbanded things that I sold them to one of Northampton for £4, but after I had done it, the Commissioners3 there whom I had employed there in the business to procure them from the Indians told me of rewards they had promised to several Indians, all which amounted to £1 6s. which being taken out of that £4, the goods amount but to

only the beaver you sent me in winter, which I received and gave you an account of as per my letter then sent you by your Indian, and having laid the account before you and how all things are, charge the beaver as you please, though I wrote you my thoughts about it then; and send me what more you think meet. The truth is there were some other small rewards to the Indians which are not accounted and some other expenses I paid out which I took no notice of to set them down, and therefore must leave them. In the time of it I was fully set to assist in that business about apprehending those villainous Indians, and did what I did cheerfully and readily, not aiming at my advantage, but a general good to you and us in suppressing such outrages and so was not so observant of the charge as careful to effect what I did; and should be as ready again to assist if the like should happen, which I pray God may never be. As to the man that kept the corn, if you think meet to put in anything to be allowed him well and good, otherwise I shall not; what you shall judge meet to send further, I hope shall satisfy me so that you shall never hear further from me after your next return about this affair, only wherein soever in anything I may in any way serve you, you shall find me always ready. News with us is little; several ships are arrived at Boston, all confirming that good news of the peace,4 the joy whereof, in Holland and England, is expressed in all imaginable tokens of rejoicing. The Dutch and English have peace with all nations, except that the Dutch have war with the French, and shall not add at present, but with my hearty service and respect, take leave and am, sirs,

Your most affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

What beaver you shall send to clear the account you may safely send it me by the Indians, the bearer hereof Wallump or Cranbeane.5

These for Mr. Andreas Dreyer and Mr. Gerrit Van Slictenhorst in Albany.

[Springfield, 9 November 1674]

Honored Sir,

Yours of the morning before the 5th of November, I received the evening of the same day, being the evening before the 5th of this instant November; and do much rejoice in that acceptable tidings of the English Governor’s arrival and advancement of the English colors at the Castle at New York. When your letter came to me I had at my house one that was going for Boston, by whom I sent your letter to our Governor, as also your former (which you intended by Jonathan Bull); the man that brought them staying some time at Windsor, they came too late to overtake Bull, and so all went together. I doubt not but it will be joyful news at Boston and to all true Englishmen. I should be glad to hear the Governor’s name. I took it to be Major Andrews,1 but one of our neighbors who hath been at Albany and came home last Saturday says that at Albany it was said by all that his name was Andrew Anderson. They had some sloops come to Albany reported of his arrival but had not heard of the second ship’s arrival. The report at Albany is that he is a little man but of brave spirit and will not hearken to reports against the Dutch. He that was to be chief at Albany was in the second ship and so not come there. But the former Dutch commander and all the soldiers were gone from Albany; none are left in the fort only an old man that looks to it and hath locked up all the houses. Captain Salisbury’s2 wound was by means of his kicking the cabin boy of the Dutch ship, who stood hearkening to his discourse and the boy having got hurt by some Dutch egging him on bid Salisbury do it again; and kicking the boy the second time, the boy stabbed him with his knife, at which Salisbury drawing his sword and some English taking his part divers Dutch came on and sorely wounded Salisbury. It is thought he will be blamed because the Governor had ordered that none should wear any swords but officers and his soldiers. Salisbury is in no command and hath sent for his goods from Albany intending to reside at New York. Captain Nichols,3 as you writ, is to hold his place, but none else of the former officers or soldiers, all are new. I long to hear further particulars which possibly you may have by this. It would be very good if this governor would endeavor to settle as many English at [New] York and Albany as possible that etc. I have not to add but my most cordial and due respects and am sir,

Your Honor’s to serve you,

John Pynchon

The Dutch promise themselves great felicity under this governor because say they he hath done more than all the former governors, having brought three ministers, one of them Dutch, or one that can preach in Dutch, as well as English. This is also related to me from Albany. My wife presents her serviceable respects to you as also to your daughter; mine likewise, vale,

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

w. p., xvii, 9

[Springfield, 17 December 1674]

Yours of 8th instant I received for which I kindly thank you. I have not heard any further particulars from Boston, only the sad tidings of the death of that useful and worthy man of God, Mr. Samuel Danforth of Roxbury.1 The Lord awaken us by these awful strokes and prepare us for himself. Strange reports here are as if from the westward there were a demand of your patent and of the land to Connecticut River to be under the Duke of York.2 I do not believe anything of it for my part, though it is reported you have convened your magistrates about it. So unlike it is to me that I question all is said that way, unless it should be that my Brother Wyllys should send for a copy of your patent that he may thereby discourse convincingly with Governor Andros. Excuse my mention of these things, there being so much talk of such like matters by travelers up the river. I hope I shall hear there is no truth in them. My due respects to yourself and your daughters, I am, sir,

Your humble servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

[Springfield, 28 January 1674/75]

Honored Sir,

Sometime since, I received yours in answer to what I wrote to you, wherein you fully satisfy me that there was nothing in those reports were brought of demands made from York, etc. It is strange to think how some men will enlarge when they have got a story though false, for I did but hint to you what I had heard, but your early return gave me a speedy opportunity to still those false rumors and stories. I am engaged to you for your pains and trouble, and crave your excuse and pardon for my seeming neglect in not returning you my thanks all this while, but it hath been occasioned by my disappointment by those that have gone hence to your parts, going before I was aware. Here is not anything of news, for me to impart. We are in daily expectation of my Brother Wyllys, from whom I thank him, I received some account of his late journey,1 but his personal presence will be more acceptable. I was glad to hear of his safe return and your son’s. I have not to add at present but my most cordial and due respects to yourself and yours; I subscribe sir,

Your humble servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 26 February 1674/75]

Honored Sir,

Yesterday I received your loving lines of the 19th instant, and thank you for your loving remembrance of us. I had a little before your letter came heard that it was Mr. Benjamin Gibbs1 of Boston who died by his fall, but I concluded it was a mistake and that your information is right. We have not heard directly from Boston since December last that Goodman Messenger came thence. The death of Mr. Oxenbridge2 is a great loss to the First Church there, and it is to be feared may put them upon endeavoring a supply from some other church to the damage of such church, though I hope they will be tender that way. The Lord awaken us by all his strokes that we may thereby be effectually gained to himself. I suppose you have heard of the endeavors at Salem to gather a new church:3 Mr. Nicoleate having gained messengers from Lynn church and also from Boston old church: (Mr. Oxenbridge but a little before his dea[th]); Mr. Allyn, and Mr. Wiswall. They met at Salem on the day appointed for the work, our Governor being there also. Some things were objected against Mr. Nicoleate as to matter of scandal and error, but Mr. Oxen-bridge did ease things so that those things were gone over and not much made of them and proceeding to the work those that were to be of the foundation, not being prepared, answered so weakly and little, or not at all, to some plain characteristical points, that it caused admiration, and the Governor after some little time going away from the assembly (it being cold) some followed him, and so more till at last so many went away as that the work was wholly deserted. Mr. Fitch and Mr. Fitch of Norwich, his son,4 can inform more of this from whom I had it. Lately Timothy Cooper of our town came from New York, reports of want of provisions there so that they could not victual out the ships and the Governor was about to cause a search to be made who had provisions by them. Captain Manning5 was tried on his life for delivering up the fort, narrowly escaped but was proclaimed traitor and coward, disabled from bearing office in any of his Majesty’s dominions, set with his back to the common whipping post in reproach and his sword brake over his head. It is possible you may have heard more of these things, and therefore I will not give you further trouble, but with mine and my wife’s most endeared respects and service take leave to subscribe myself, sir,

Your most affectionate friend and servant,

John Pynchon

These for the Honored John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of the Colony of Connecticut at his house in Hartford.

[Springfield, 19 March 1674/75]

Honored Sir,

I have only my thankful acknowledgments to return you for yours; the contents whereof referring to that execrable murder.1 I had not heard so distinctly before nor anything of that strange apparition. I have not anything of novelty: having not received any letters from the Bay except two or three lines from my son2 by John Parsons, who did not give my son notice of his returning home but when he was on horseback, so that my son was prevented of time, only he wrote that Mr. Walley came from London, the joining up with his ship, and was again gone to London when as Foster,3 who came from London with Walley, being blown off to Barbados was not then come in, but daily expected. He wrote also of a ship going for London a fortnight hence; I suppose the same you mention. Here are none of our town to go to the Bay that I know of; some went last week from Hadley and are expected the end of this week or beginning of next. Possible then some further intelligence may arrive at our ears. Sir, my wife hath lately been much troubled with headache and pain at her stomach and great faintness; I shall very thankfully accept from you what you may think beneficial to her in reference thereto. I have not to add at [rest of letter torn]

TO JOSEPH PYNCHON

American Miscellaneous Mss, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

[Springfield, 30 June 1675]

Dear Son Joseph,

The great love and affection I have to you prompts me to write to you every opportunity, though I cannot otherwise do for you as I would, only my continued prayers are to the God of all grace and mercy that he would bestow upon you all those blessings and favors of his, which may make you happy in this and another world. I received letters from you lately when I was at Boston, and then wrote to you of mine and your mother’s health and welfare, she being then at Boston with your brother and sister1 whom God hath given a very fine boy. But now your mother with myself am well returned home to Springfield through God’s favor to us. Oh how comfortable and what reviving to us would it be to have and enjoy your sweet company with us; if the Lord saw it good for us we should much rejoice in it, and I do very much desire you would settle your business and estate there so as to come over after a while. I perceive you have compounded matters about the tithes or lawsuit with Sir Andrew though to expence of money which it seems could [n]ot be prevented. I am glad it is done with; and wish heartily that the renewing of the lease were over; that I judge needful to be done for saving the estate and some contrivance must be for it. But as to the purchasing of the tithes of Sir Andrew (though I could like it well), yet I see not how they can be effected for want of money, not perceiving you to be in any way to accomplish it, and I am not able to do anything, as I have wrote formerly. It may be you are in expectations of some help from me which I should readily afford if I could, but am no ways able to do anything, having been wholly out of trade ever since you went from this country; am now reduced to our best contrivance for our comfortable living and much ado to make things hold out. So that I am sometimes almost ready to send to you for some of that I reserved to be paid me yearly, but do make shift to do without it and shall as long as I can, because of your great layings out.2 For I do much desire the renewal of the lease so that the estate there may be secured, and that being done I think the want of money requires you to leave other matters. Some little money I have in Mr. Wickin’s hand. I would willingly part with every penny toward the settlement of that estate for you by renewing the lease, more I doubt not being attainable, and I wish you could speedily get over it, and so come over to New England, where I shall do the best I can to provide for you. The Lord direct you in all your ways to do that which may be pleasing to himself and for your own comfort and advantage. We are now like to be engaged in a war with the Indians. It arises from out of Plymouth Colony3 and so possibly may obstruct traveling to the Bay by land, for the war already begun, though there was no speech of any trouble when I was at Boston. What the issue of it will be is with the Lord. It is good having an interest in himself; to his grace and mercy I commend you and with mine and your mother’s dear love and hearty affection to you, I subscribe,

Your truly loving Father,

John Pynchon

Take effectual care about renewing the lease and so securing the estate: and do not labor so much about the tithes.

These for Mr. Joseph Pynchon. Leave this with Mr. John Wickin at the Mermaid in Milk Street: London.

[Springfield, 2 July 1675]

Honored Sir,

Yours I received this morning long before day and return you many hearty thanks for the copies of those relations and your love and care of us therein. I have longed for some account of matters and it is to my admiration I have had no letters from Boston nor any advice of affairs.1 Yours was the first and all the intelligence I have had except flying reports; this very day we have settled a watch military, and have taken care for the strengthening of those that live remote, and are in I hope a pretty good way of defense. Have an engagement from our Indians to make discovery to me if Philip or his men come into those parts.2 It is absolutely necessary to engage some Indians with us, whereby we may understand the motions of Philip and the Narragansetts, for Ninecraft3 sent twenty English heads or locks4 to Wapacossick toward night not far from Mohegan, so that I doubt they are false. I wonder at what is intimated concerning Uncas. It were much to be desired he might be gained; however, I hope you will have the Pequots true to you, but it is best having God on our side. The Lord direct us in right ways. I trust he will not leave us to be a reproach to the heathen. I sent your intelligence up the river and all before day, having ordered them to be in a posture of defense. We shall all be using the means for our own safety if God give his blessing.5

If any intelligence come to my hands, I shall speedily communicate it to you and shall gladly accept what is further with you about the Indians, or from New York. My due respects and service, I am, sir,

Yours in real respect and service,

John Pynchon

These for the Honorable Governor John Winthrop, Esqr., at Hartford.

[Springfield, 4 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

Our Indians have now brought me news of a fight between English and Indians two days ago at Quabaug1 and about 11 English killed, some houses burnt, and all the English got to one house, etc. And just now about 4 of the clock in the afternoon Judah Trumble,2 who went last night in the night to Quabaug, is returned; he went within 40 rods of the house, and discerned Coy’s house and barn burnt and saw two houses more burnt; saw one Indian with a gun but no English man. At this dismal sight he returned, and, his horse tiring lame in a foot, very much spent. We are very raw3 and our people of this town extremely scattered so that our own place needs all, and how soon their Indians may be upon this town we know not. We earnestly request that you would please to send what force you may judge needful either to relieve the English, yet lest if any be alive at Quabaug; or to pursue those Indians. Speedy succor is necessary, some trusty Indians also to be improved may be good, but no delay, [a] present chase to be given to those Indians is absolutely necessary, and so it may be too long to stay for Indians unless two and three or four.4

If it were possible to have the forces here tomorrow morning; Mr. Glover thinks at least 50 soldiers needful, lest having too few surprisal be made of them. I shall not add but beg your speediness. The good Lord guide and undertake for us,5

Your loving friend and servant,

John Pynchon

The Indians discovered Trumble, and hid himself in the bushes; as Trumble says, muskets are best and not pistols so that horse in way of dragoons is most to be desired.6

These for the Honorable Governor and Magistrates or to the First Magistrate in Connecticut Colony at Windsor or Hartford. Post Haste for special service without delay.

TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR., OR JOHN ALLYN

“Wyllys Papers,” Connecticut Historical Society, Collections, xxi, 221–222

[Springfield, 6 August 1675]

Honored Sirs,

We most thankfully acknowledge and accept of your great love and respect to us in speeding soldiers to us for the relief of Brookfield, Who are in great distress as we have since had certain intelligence, being all in one house cooped up by some hundreds of Indians. The Lord grant they may be able to hold out till our soldiers come to their relief. We sent near 30 men from hence, 27 as I take it (Captain Wait and Lieutenant Cooper their commanders) and yours were 40, besides there was 40 Indians. We hear more Indians are coming after the Pequots. Let them make all possible speed to come quickly as a further relief and they may overtake them presently after they get to Quabaug, for the forces went not hence till near noon by reason your Indians could not come up over night and the English were within night e’er they got to us.

Philip’s Brother is with them at Brookfield and Mattoolos1 and I hope by God’s permission our forces will disturb their insolencies. Ten English travelers coming from the Bay and about two days ago arriving at Brookfield discovered the Indians first and returned back forthwith to Boston, so that it is to be hoped relief may speedily be with them from thence. We desire to rely on all sufficient God, whom I hope will yet preserve us, though the Indians have it in their design to visit us here also. Your news from Norwich was comfortable. The Lord send us more good tidings and prosper our forces gone forth. With my unfeigned thanks and due acknowledgment of your most loving and ready compliance with our straits, which engages me to subscribe,

Yours at command,

John Pynchon

Springfield, August 6, 1675

These for the Honored John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut, or to Mr. John Allyn. Secret. In Hartford.

TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR.

Long Island Historical Society

[Springfield, 7 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

I have just now intelligence brought me by our Indians that an Indian from Wabaquassick1 brings certain intelligence that Philip with forty of his men is now at a place called Ashquoach2 a little on this side of Quabaug somewhat to the southward of our way thither, and not much, being but a little of the way, and I suppose not above 23 miles of this town; and thereabouts he resolves to settle if he be not disturbed, because it is a place of food. The English of Quabaug, their corn being hard by, and the Indians have another great corn field or two hard by on the southward side and not far southward are more Indian cornfields. He came two days ago to this place and there pitches. It is not far from Memenimissee,3 which is a little to the northwest of Quabaug, where Philip’s brother is, and Matoomas with 200 soldiers and upward; our Indians judge that either Philip will go to them at Memenimissee, or that they will come to Philip at Ashquoash, which the Indians think is rather the more convenient place, and so they make 250 soldiers. Our Indians doubt4 that our forces gone forth will be too weak, and urge the sending more presently after to secure them. They say the time that Philip left his Swamp5 was 7 days ago and that being pursued he had 10 of his men killed. That 300 of his women and children and some men, the husbands of those women, adventured themselves upon the Narragansett [Country], though they died there, concluding that they must perish if they went further. This news the Wabquassett Indians had of one [of] Philip’s men whom they had speech with. These 40 men who are fled with Philip have but 30 guns, and the other 10 bows and arrows, are now weak and weary and may be easily dealt with, whereas if we let them alone (say the Indians) they will burn our houses and kill us all by stealth. I commend it to your serious and most judicious consideration whether it be not best and securest for you and us, and absolutely necessary, to send out some more forces after those already gone and so to fall upon Philip, and by the blessings of God destroy them. I hope you will consider it so seriously as to send 50 or 60 men up without delay, if it may be tomorrow. I think it may tend exceedingly to the peace and quiet of all the English colonies to lay hold of this opportunity to destroy Philip, it being very probable to be easily effected, if speedily it be attended. I could be heartily glad [if I] were able to spare some men, but this last parcel, being 9 men out of this town, hath been with difficulty and makes a great gap, and now that Philip is nearer us I suppose. If I were to speak with yourselves you would not advise to it, and indeed some do think we had need to get in some more strength to secure ourselves against invasions that may be made upon us which we may justly fear every hour, but I hope in God we shall be able to secure ourselves if we send none out.

Just as I am writing, yours per Thomas Mirick is come to hand whereby I perceive a frustration of our expectations of the Pequot Indians, which methinks speaks so much the more earnestly for your sending some further forces after those gone to Brookfield. We being as it were your frontiers and a security to you being now next the enemy, you may safely do what we cannot, and indeed our people are so extremely frighted that, in the very heart of the town, people remove from their own houses to any next that they judge more strong, as this very night three families are come into my house more than were before, all our people being in fear of a sudden surprisal at home. I may not adventure the sending forces abroad so that I am forced to leave the matter with you. Be pleased, Gentlemen, that your men which you send may bring bread with them; our mill having been out of order renders it extreme difficult here. As to your query about the state of Quabaug I am not able to resolve; the Indian that came was not permitted by the Bloody Indians to go near our English there and had only what the Indians told him, but confirmed the 9 men killed which they first spake of; and how far the 10 travelers knew anything of the state of the Brookfield English I cannot learn. Suppose they returned before they could speak with the English. Neither can I learn what house the English are in, suppose it is Ayres,6 for Coy’s is burnt down as is said. I hope we shall hear from our forces gone thither speedily to resolve all. I have heard nothing of that meeting of Indians at Hoyottanick7, which I suppose is near Stratford. Shall write to Albany when opportunity presents, which is rare. I suppose it will be of good use to convey some intelligence to Captain Hinchsmen8 that Philip is at Quabaug and to order the Pequot Indians to pursue them thither. If the Pequot Indians and Mohegans would now pursue Philip while he is faint and weary it would be the best service and so likewise for our army; for the Indians say he hath left his country wholly, so that it is to no purpose to be there; neither is there any need of fear about Norwich. If Philip move further, it will be toward the French, by us and Hadley; but I do most sadly fear he will first do some great mischief upon us if he be let rest. I pray by all way possible inform our army and the Pequots where he is, and be pleased to give intelligence to Boston of it no [torn] Philip hath left his country it may be, passage may be the lower way from you or by water. I request the sending the enclosed to our Governor9 by the first and most speedy conveyance. I have been but brief in my account to our Governor because it is late and hope you may do it more at large. I shall as I have any intelligence from our and your forces acquaint them speedily with this news I have, and do much desire to acquaint them but know not how; our Indians are all gone with them except old men. I may not longer detain you, but conclude with my due respects and service, commending you to the sweet direction of our gracious God, and am,

Your ready servant,

John Pynchon

Whether will not our forces gone to Brookfield be in too great danger if we do not send some more after them, I pray, Sir, send me word speedily by the first post what you do; and be pleased to give me advice and communicate thoughts to me who am all alone and greatly need help.

[Springfield, 12 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

I just now received these lines from Hadley, which I have enclosed that you may peruse them (and return them to me again if you please). I am in straits on every side what to do. Yesterday sending post to Brookfield they were obstructed by 15 or 16 Indians they discovered, who endeavored to get the way of our messengers, at which they returned; and sending the letter to Hadley to be conveyed your way, the messenger meeting the post coming from Hadley returns with him again. We are afraid what the Indians may be, which were seen yesterday coming this way, and while we may not be surprised [we] are upon our ward and sending out scouts and a small party near 20 men; and in this respect and the hazard of our town, it is thought not advisable for me to go to Hadley. If you can communicate any advice or direction it will be most gladly received, or further forces, if you judge it needful to send further forces to Hadley. I pray communicate what may be advisable with you.

The Lord guide us in a right way and be our salvation. I request your serious consideration of it, (our ways here being obstructed) that we cannot send to the Bay, whether more forces, from your considerable [numbers] be not to be employed and sent up, and if so your full order and commissions to them.

I have sent down men to bring us some lead, etc. We are bare of ammunition having spared much to Indians and other soldiers that are gone out. It is a difficult and dangerous time with us; the Lord be gracious and shew his power. To that strong arm I commend you and ourselves and am,

Your friend and servant, John Pynchon

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut.

[Springfield, 12 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

I received yours per Major Talcott,1 and am abundantly engaged to you for your respect to us and care of us. Major Talcott is able to inform you of all matters better than I can write, so that I shall refer to his relation. The French mentioned are those came from Canada; and two more they met with at Boston which returned with them to Canada. Their understanding one another was mostly in the Indian language.

I had writ to Albany before yours came, and since Major Talcott and myself have sent a joint letter, I pray God bless all our endeavors; go out with our forces; and be our shield and protection at home and abroad. We desire to rowle [rely?] ourselves upon him and in the use of all means to stay upon that Lord of hosts who had all enemies of men and other creatures at his command.

In him I subscribe,

Sir,

Your assured friend and servant,

John Pynchon

Many of the Indians at Northampton have complied; and some of them are gone forth with our soldiers, our Indians engaging for them.

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor at Hartford.

Sir, might not the Pequot Indians and Naugatuck and some Wabaquasset Indians with Uncas, his men, be persuaded to go out to Potapang or where the enemy is of themselves, without English promising them good rewards for all the men they kill and that they shall enjoy the women and children to themselves?

These for the Honorable John Winthrop, Esqr., Governor of Connecticut, or in his absence to Capt. John Allyn, the Secretary in Hartford.

[Springfield, 19 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

Yours yesterday I received, as to your inquiry who that Indian was. He is one of the Northampton Indians, only Hadley and Northampton people suspect he is one that drew off to the enemy and came with bags to get provision for them. They are strangely incensed against him, think I have done ill to discharge the lad, and conclude the man is a man of death. Ephraim Curtis,1 who is at Hadley, saying that he saw him with the Quabaug Indians when he was with Captain Hutchison2 and Captain Wheeler,3 which I account very questionable, the Indian most strongly denying it. I have sent the Indian to Major Willard4 at Brookfield. Sir, people cry out that he is not dispatched; I wonder at such a spirit in people for our most faithful Indians tell me they cannot think but that he was coming in from his hunting wigwam to the English out of dislike of the enemy, he having a father, mother, wife, and children at Northampton. Were he released, I think it would be [torn] advantage, but I am said to be overfavorable and have [torn] sent him away, must leave the business. I pray God guide [torn]. The French came from Boston to Hadley the usual way by Brookf [torn] saw no Indians on the way.

What news is from our army I have enclosed in the two papers which [torn] please you may return me again. I wonder our forces do so little. The Lord will teach us to wait upon him, and I desire we may rowle [rely?] ourselves upon him and in the right use of means leave ourselves with him without disquieting thoughts, letting him do what seemeth him best to his blessing. I commend you and ourselves, and am, sir,

Yours really,

John Pynchon

[Springfield, 19 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

Since my lines to you, our Indians have brought in one of Philip’s men: his name is Cherauckson, a man about 20 years, says he hath lost his company, owns himself in a fight against the English at the bridge at the swamp; and was with 30 men that went to get corn out of their barns when the English shot down four of them, but he escaped.

When he had acknowledged himself to be a Pockkanoak Indian,1 would afterward have turned it off to his being of Cowesit.2 But it is most evident and all our Indians say he is one that hath killed English; and indeed he did own it and then denied it and since denies everything, will not disprove plain things. Our Indians have taken a great deal of pains to get him to confess, but he says little, hides everything almost; will not say what English are killed nor what Indians, only says Philip hath but 40 men left and is gone he knows not where, he having been wandering in the woods these 11 days and lived upon deer he killed, having some venison at his back. An Indian woman that is a Windsor woman was out a little from the fort and he coming to her she brought him in to our Indians, who presently bound him and brought him to me. It being a most clear and evident case all the Indians also desiring he might be killed, I bid two of our men take him out and shoot him, which is done accordingly. The Lord grant that so all our enemies may perish.

I am, sir,

Your humble servant,

John Pynchon

His shoes are hogskin with the hair on, his stockings linsey-woolsey, his breeches bed ticking, his coat an English coat.

These for the Honorable Governor, John Winthrop, Esqr., Hartford.

[Springfield, 22 August 1675]

Sir,

In the night a post was sent me from Hadley that our forces are returned; Captain Thomas Watts1 thither, and the Bay forces to Quabaug, nothing done but about 50 wigwams they found empty which they have burnt. They write from Hadley they expect nothing but the enemy to insult and fall upon the remote towns; that they are in great fears; a guard of 20 left at Squakeak is too weak; some of your soldiers left at Pacomsuck,2 Captain Watts speaks of calling off, which troubles them greatly, suspect our Indians that went out to be fearful or false or both; say that the sheep at Squakeag are driven away since the soldiers were there; suspect the enemy to be between Hadley and Squakeag, at Paquag about 10 miles from the Great River. I am sending to Captain Watts to stay with his forces there. I would gladly you would allow it and give further order about it; as that they may make discovery for the enemy at the place forenamed. The Indians you formerly writ of coming in to Uncas, it must be seriously considered whether none that are murderers of the English be among them, and such must be delivered up. I pray God direct you and us, and be our salvation. Communicate advice and counsel as you may judge needful. They much desire the presence of some principal man at Hadley to direct, as need requires, and to expedite affairs.

Yours in the Lord Jesus,

John Pynchon

Momonto thinks the Indian enemy may be in a swamp called Momattanick, about 3 mile of Paquag, between Hadley and Squakeag;3 it is pity, but they should be distressed; and your Indians will be the most likely to do something. I pray give further orders about Captain Watts and if Major Talcott might be with them, I hope it will turn to good.

These for Mr. John Allyn, at Hartford. Haste, Post Haste.

[Springfield, 25 August 1675]

Honored Sir,

Yours per Nathaniel Bissell I received and have been full of mind about forebearing our Indians, etc., and how I was of a differing mind from our friends above1 to the offense of them that were so much incensed against them I shall leave to others. It is now too late, a war being already begun. The Indians made the first volley upon the English and shot down two besides several wounded. The truth is when I recollect things, I can’t but conclude that this was a contrived business of the Indians; for how suddenly they all removed and secured their women is beyond imagination had it not been before afoot; some of them saying also that when they went out with the English, while the enemy killed them in the front they would in the rear, and they had their brothers, cousins, etc., with the Quabaug Indians.

And when I asked them the question whether they would tell us of the Quabaug Indians or deliver them up they would not speak to it, and many things more; but to leave this I have already sent you a post and account of things to you, requesting aid, our people being in distress; hope you are sending away relief e’er this. Nathaniel Bissell speaks as if some of the Quabaug Indians were behind his house in the wood.2 If you have good information of it might you not set Joshua3 on them; to disturb them every way is absolutely necessary?

The Lord be our defense.

Your real servant,

John Pynchon

Those for Captain Allyn in Hartford post haste.

[Springfield, 8 September 1675]

Honored Gentlemen,

I have just now received a letter from your honorable governor1 (in answer to what sent to you) which in regard of his then saying (viz. 24th. of August past) that he was preparing to return to [New] York. I conclude that these lines will fall abundantly shor[t] of his honor, and therefore direct them to yourselves, they being my thankful acknowledgment of his great civility toward us and [illegible] sympathy with us in our troubles; what he hath done for us lays obligations on us to study requital.

I hope the engaging the Maquas2 not to entertain or favor our enemies may be of good use; truly their rage here against us increases greatly. Since my last the Northampton and Hadley Indians have also shown themselves, and have killed seven of our men and wounded several, two of which are since dead; and when we go out after them they do so skulk in swamps we cannot find them and yet waylay our people to their destruction; burn our houses, as lately they have destroyed a small village at Wusquakeak3 from whence formerly the Maquas drove these Indians. And unless the Maquas should manage their old quarrel against them, I doubt whether they may not at last show their rage against yourselves, for some of them before they went off said they should find a time to revenge the death of those men that were hanged at Albany for the murder of Mr. Stewart.4 I cannot but suggest this to the end that you be observant of them and watchful against all their attempts. I doubt not but you have so effectually suppressed the sale of ammunition to them as that none of your people I hope will adventure to do it privately. To the grace of God I commend you and ourselves and am sent in all due respects,

Your humble and obliged servant,

John Pynchon

Upon the receipt of Governor Andros’s letter the Indian being presently going to Albany, I took the opportunity immediately to return answer (for sometime in two months we have not nor cannot have any opportunity to send thither). And the within is the copy of my letter.

TO GOVERNOR JOHN LEVERETT

[Springfield, 8 September 1675]

Honored Sir,1

I received just now the enclosed from Hartford to the Commissioners,2 which they desire me to send forward; and as to that they propound about sending to Governor Andros, I think it may be of good use that yourselves do act something that way and as strongly and speedily as may be, and the rather also from a letter I received from Governor Andros but this day, and Hartford yet know nothing of it (it came by an Indian)3 though it’s dated 24 August [1675]. I have sent enclosed the original letter from Andros to me for you to peruse and I have also sent you [the] Hartford letter to myself. Butler4 was he that carried Major Talcott’s5 and my letter to Albany; we knowing nothing of Andros’s being there, it was sent to the Commissary6 and not directed to Andros, who was but occasionally there, and Butler brought no return because he went down to Esopus7 and from thence to New York before Andros, and that round way he went home to Hartford, and not this direct way overland. I have the more ground to believe Andros’s word because Indians that have come from Albany8 do say that they will not sell powder, etc., to any Indians that are at war with the English and that upon that account also they tell their neighbors the Mohegan Indians that they will try them for a while, and they shall have powder at the fall of the leaf when they hunt, and not now because they will first see and know who are at war with the English there.

That project of employing Indians that are our professed friends, I have formerly hinted and I would hope the Commissioners would do something to effect that way; and none in my opinion like Uncas, who hath of old had a grudge against the Upriver Indians,9 and the Pequots I would hope might join with them; these I suppose may be well employed, but the Narragansetts are not so likely, having formerly held more correspondence with the Upriver Indians.

You cannot be enough sensible how these Indians here do rage, and if forces be not out to give check (however chargeable) it is to be feared they will quickly (unless the Lord prevent) be busy in firing all our towns and we shall not be like to hold it without a strong garrison. We have at present 16 here, sent yesterday from Hartford, which may be called off this day or two.

The Lord effectually humble us; the little success of our forces speaks we are not yet truly humbled; and that our forces and Connecticut forces return again in such a manner as if they were afraid when Indians were there, and yet do nothing. What shall we say: is the Lord about to ruin us and leave us to be destroyed? It is a matter of lamentation some of our people speak of breaking up, and will be gone, and discouragements are on all. The Lord turn us to himself. You will have (I know) all matters by Major Willard,10 with whom I have had laboring to have come, but yet I am obstructed of all hands, and yet I am fit for nothing. I run a venture in sending this after Major Willard, fear it is hazardous, and doubt all passage their way will be stopped. I pray God we may have all our dependence upon himself. With my due respects, I take leave and am, Sir,

Your Humble Servant,

John Pynchon

Although I may ne [not] for the breaking up the garrison at Quabaug yet it being done and all the corn destroyed there, whether the settling it again will countervail the charge, may be considered.

These for the Honorable John Leverett, Governor at Boston

Haste, post haste.

[Hadley, 30 September 1675]

Honored Gentlemen,

It is too much that I should still trouble you with my continued desires for a release from the charge you have laid on me which I am necessitated to do that the work may not miscarry by so weak and unable a manager. It were far better some more thorough and meet instrument were employed in the service and I discharged upon that very account; but besides (not to mention some scruples upon my spirit), the distressed state of my affairs at home, the sorrows and afflictions my dear wife undergoes, and her continual calls to me for relief and succor, she being almost overwhelmed with grief and trouble, and in many straits and perplexities which would be somewhat holpen [helped] and alleviated by my presence there, these have some weight in them and I hope will have their due consideration with yourselves and the Commissioners1, so that Providence hinting my discharge, some more able and fit person may have the command here whereby the interest of God and his people may be better managed and defended, which to my utmost power I would not be wanting in, nor shrink from so far as I am capable of; being willing according to my capacity to do whatever God call me to, and desire to lie at his foot subjecting myself and all that I am and have to his holy pleasure, not in the least repining at his Providence towards me, and I trust the Lord will so far let out of himself into my soul as may abundantly more satisfy me than all outward enjoyments whatsoever, so that his deprival of me thereof shall work for my spirit’s good and advantage. But surely as to command here I believe God calls me off; and I beseech you hearken thereto.

Sir [for Governor Leverett]: as to affairs here, I have little to give you an account of at present. We are endeavoring to discover the enemy; daily send out scouts but little is effected; we sometimes discover a few Indians and sometimes fires, but not the body of them, and have no Indian friends here (though we have sent to Hartford for some) to help us. Our English are somewhat awkward and fearful in scouting out and spying, though we do the best we can. We find the Indians have their scouts out: two days ago two Englishmen at Northampton, being gone out in the morning to cut wood and but a little from the house, were both shot down dead having two bullets apiece shot into each of their breasts. The Indians cut off their scalps, took their arms and were gone in a trice, though the English run presently thither at the report of the guns, but could see nothing but the footing of two Indians.2

Last night our scouts who went out in the night to discover at Pocomtuck3 about midnight, being within four miles of Pocomtuck, met two Indian scouts coming down this way to the towns, but it being dark they were both one upon another within two or three rods before either discerned other, which made both parties run and nothing else done. Ours also last night that I sent on this side of the river towards Squakeak4 when they were gone about seven or eight miles, one of them fell and so were forced to return. We are waiting for a fair opportunity to fall upon the Indians if the Lord please to grant it us, whom I trust will yet appear for his name and people; though the Lord can see nothing in us yet he can see enough in himself and his own name wherefore to pity and compassionate his poor people. I earnestly crave your prayers that God would pour down of his spirit upon me, fitting me for what he calls me to, and enabling me to do and suffer his good pleasure, and so carrying me on and through the work he hath for me to do that I may not dishonor him, but through his grace may manage the interest of his church and people now at stake so as may be to the praise of his great name. With my humble service and due respects I take leave,

Your unworthy servant,

John Pynchon

Captain Appleton5 is a man that is desirous to do something in this day of distress, being very sensible of the cause and people of God at stake; and is much to be commended and encouraged; and upon that account to be preferred, before many that dare not jeopardize their lives, in the high places of the field. Gentlemen, my sad state of affairs at home will necessitate you discharging me, and truly I am so full of trouble and overwhelmed with it that I cannot act business. I beseech you do not expose me to those temptations which will overbear me if you do not discharge me; I would not willingly go against God nor offend you and entreat you to ease me of my pressures.

[Springfield, 5 October 1675]

Reverend Sir,

The Lord will have us lie in the dust before him; we that were full are emptied; but it is the Lord and blessed be his holy name. We came to a lamentable and woeful sight. The town1 in flames, not a house nor barn standing, except old Goodman Branch’s, till we came to my house and then Mr. Glover’s, John Hitchcock’s, and Goodman Stewart’s burnt, some with barns, corn, and all they had. A few standing about the meetinghouse and then from Goodman Mirick’s downward all burnt to two garrison houses at the lower end of the town; my grist mill and corn mill burnt down, with some other houses and barns I had let out to tenants. All Mr. Glover’s2 library burnt, with all his corn, so that he hath none to live on, as well as myself and many more that have not for subsistence. They tell me 32 houses and the barns belonging to them are burnt3 and all the livelihood of the owners, and what more may meet with the same stroke the Lord only knows. Many more had their estates burnt in these houses; so that I believe 40 families are utterly destitute of subsistence. The Lord show mercy to us. I see not how is it possible for us to live here and so the sooner we were holpen off the better. Sir, I pray acquaint our honored Governor with this dispensation of God; I know not how to write, neither can I be able to attend any public service. The Lord in mercy speak to my heart and to all our hearts is the real desire of,

Yours to serve you,

John Pynchon

I pray send down by the post4 my doublet coat, linen, etc., I left there and paper.

[Springfield, 8 October 1675]

Honored Gentlemen,

It is not for me to find fault with the Providence of God, or to blame in the least that strict order, that we should leave no soldiers in garrison, but call out all. In the day of it, it was my rule and a ground for my action, though very much against my mind, had I been left to myself. On the 4th of October I ordered the soldiers that were left to secure Springfield to march up to Hadley, as also some at Westfield to report to Northampton, who accordingly attended it. We had set our work to march the next day, having discovered a parcel of Indians; but in the night intelligence came from Hartford and also a post from Springfield that Springfield would be burnt by Indians that day, there being, as Indians had informed, 500 of Philip’s and other Indians lying against Springfield. This unexpected tidings diverted our going forth, and made us march to Springfield with about 200 men (the rest left to secure the towns above). When we came to Springfield we found the intelligence too true, it being well in the afternoon e’er we could get thither, when we saw most of the town in flames. At our approach the Indians drew off, so that we could not come to sight of them, only our scouts discovered seven. There are about 30 dwelling houses burnt down in Springfield and 24 or 25 barns, great destruction of men’s corn and hay; many families having nothing to live on, all their corn being burnt, and many all their goods; nay some whose houses are standing had carried out their goods into neighbors’ houses which they judged more likely than their own, and there had their goods burnt. Three persons we had slain and three or four more wounded, two whereof we much fear will hardly recover. What the Lord will do with his wilderness people and chiefly them of this river, we know not; he seems to answer our prayers by terrible things in righteousness. I have made it our work since I came to Springfield to send out scouts to discover Indians, but can effect nothing, though we have reason by what we discover to judge they are about us or drawing down the river. It is the work of the soldiers here now, (having spent the day after we come in destroying the Indian wigwams,1 etc.) to secure and save what corn is remaining (if it be savable) for the inhabitants to live on, though many talk of going away. I would not have the place deserted nor give such advantage to the Indians if possible. But many families that have nothing at all left, and there being no mill to grind any corn, are discouraged exceedingly, for in these last flames my corn mill (as well as my sawmill) was burnt down, together with three houses more I had which tenants lived in as well as the barns belonging to them. Oh, that I may sensibly say with holy Job: naked came I and naked shall I return and blessed be the name of the Lord. There is no unrighteousness with God in this sharp dispensation;2 oh that we may be silent before him and not open our mouths, but lie at his foot yet as to duty be doing what he requests, and truly here our straits are what to do now. I am not for giving up this place to the enemy; it were as it were to quit the cause of God and the interest of his people (though for my own part I know not which way to have a subsistence here). But yet there can be no holding the place without many soldiers and it’s hard now to maintain them here: bread being wanting, meal being not to be had because the mill is burnt, and we find already too great complaint of the soldiers, though they have flesh enough, for want of bread and want of comfortable lodging and housing. The neighbors having thronged up the houses that are standing so that we are greatly strained; and to send away the soldiers were to lose the place and expose all to ruin.3

This Providence obstructs our going out, there being need of soldiers in all the towns to save them;4 which things I have formerly hinted, though they have not so much been regarded, except that Hartford Council did concur with me that there [were] needed 1000 men to deal with these Indians and secure our towns, which now to be sure cannot be had so nigh winter; yet I am ready to think winter will be the time to deal with the Indians. Now this day we have news from Hartford of the Indian enemy being supposed to be there, and Major Treat5 is sent for thither with a part of his soldiers, so that we are in no other capacity now but to preserve our towns, if that. It is reported 200 of Philip’s men and others are not far from Wethersfield and trading with these6 Indians to poison them and make them false. The Lord be our support and help when the help of man fails, and preserve us from the rage and malice of our enemies. Surely he will revenge for their falsehood in his time and send defense to his people when it may make most for his glory and their good. To his grace I commend you who am, gentlemen,

Your most unworthy and most humble servant,

John Pynchon

Gentlemen, when I was so solicitously urgent for my discharge there was not that notice taken of the averseness of my spirit to the work (as some think ought to have been), neither shall I dare to say (as some do) it might have prevented this devastation. Surely God hath done it and he will have us to justify him. God hath now given me a discharge and rendered me incapable to look after public affairs by laying such straits and burdens of my own upon me. So that I hope you satisfy yourselves in giving further orders, except you intend to let all fail as of necessity it must by my management.

[Springfield, 8 October 1675]

Honored Sir,

I desired Mr. Russell1 to give you an account of the sore stroke upon poor distressed Springfield, which I hope will excuse my late doing of it. On the 4th of October our soldiers which were at Springfield I had called off, leaving none to secure the town because the Commissioners’2 order was so strict. That night post was sent to us that 500 Indians were about Springfield intending to destroy it, so that the 5th of October with about 200 of our soldiers I marched down to Springfield where we found all in flames: about 30 dwelling houses burnt down and 24 or 25 barns, my corn mill, sawmill, and other buildings. Generally men’s hay and corn is burnt and many men whose houses stand had their goods burnt in other houses which they had carried them to.

Lieutenant Cooper3 and two more slain and four persons wounded, two of which are doubtful their recovery. The Lord hath made us to drink deep of the cup of sorrow; I desire we may consider the operation of his hand, and what he speak, yet that the town did not utterly perish is cause of great thankfulness. As soon as our forces appeared the Indians all drew off, so that we saw none of them. Sent out scouts that night and the next day, but discovered none, neither can we satisfy ourselves which way they are gone, their tracks being many ways. Some, we think, they are gone down the river; our last discovery was of a considerable track upwards. Our endeavors here are to secure the houses and corn that is left, for this sad providence hath obstructed our going out with the army and what can be done I am at a great loss. Our people are under great discouragement, talk of leaving the place; we need your orders and direction about it. If it be deserted how woefully do we yield to encourage our insolent enemy and how doth it make way for the giving up of all the towns above.4 If it be held, it must be by strength, and many soldiers, and how to have provisions, I mean bread for want of a mill, is difficult; the soldiers here already complain on that account although we have flesh enough; and this very strait. I mean no mill will drive many of our inhabitants away, especially those that have no corn, and many of them no houses, which fills and throngs up every room of those that have together with the soldiers now (which yet we cannot be without) increasing our numbers. So that indeed it is very uncomfortable living here, and for my own particular it were far better for me to go away because here I have not anything left. I mean no corn, neither Indian or English, and no means to keep one beast here, nor can I have relief in this town because so many are destitute. But I resolve to attend what God calls me to, and to stick to it as long as I can, and though I have such great loss of my comforts, yet to do what I can for defending the place. I hope God will make up in himself what is wanting in the creature to me and to us all. This day a post is sent up from Hartford to call off Major Treat with a part of his soldiers, from intelligence they have of a party of Indians lying against Wethersfield on the east side of the river. So that matters of action here do linger exceedingly, which makes me wonder what the Lord intends with his people, strange providences diverting us in all our hopeful designs, and the Lord giving opportunity to the enemy to do us mischief and then hiding of them and answering all our prayers by terrible things in righteousness.

Sir, I am not capable of holding any command, being more and more unfit and almost confounded in my understanding. The Lord direct you to pitch on a meeter person than ever I was; according to liberty from the Council I shall devolve all upon Captain Appleton unless Major Treat return again, till you shall give your orders as shall be meet to yourselves.

To speak my thoughts, all these towns ought to be garrisoned, as I have formerly hinted, and had I been left to myself I should I think have done that which possibly might have prevented this damage. But the express order to do as I did was by the wise dispensing hand of God who knew it best for us, and therein we must acquiesce and truly to go out after the Indians in the swamps and thickets is to hazard all our men unless we knew where they keep, which is altogether unknown to us, and God hides from us for ends best known to himself.

I have many times thought that the winter were that time to fall on them, but there are such difficulty that I shall leave it, yet suggest it to consideration. I will not further trouble you at present, but earnestly crave your prayers for the Lord’s undertaking for us and sanctifying all his stroke to us. I remain,

Your unworthy servant,

John Pynchon

We are in great hazard if we do but stir out for wood, to be shot down by some skulking Indians.

[Springfield, 12 October 1675]

Honored Sir,

Yours of 9th instant received last night, and the day before, that of October 4th from the Council, and am very thankful for my dismission and discharge from that trust which I had no ability to manage. I shall not be wanting to cast in my mite and to afford any help or assistance I am able to Captain Appleton or to the cause and interest of God and his people which lies at stake. I am really doubtful that orde[rs] of drawing off soldiers from the towns being so strict and not left to discretion of the commanders to secure the towns may prove destructive to some of the towns, as it is evident it was to Springfield, but it is the Lord’s own doing, and on that we may bless his name. We are necessitated to keep some soldiers here [and] are endeavoring to hold the place, though it will be [with] great difficulty and hazard. If I stay here this winter (as I think to do in my own person to encourage) it will be with such difficulty and distractions as I know not how I shall be able to undergo; but so many are plucking up that I am not able to speak what will be the issue. We need your advice and determination; Mr. Glover,1 if he can, will go to the Bay before winter; for my coming to the Court2 I would with all my heart if I could, but then all will fail here. I long to be at Boston and suppose if the Lord spare me till spring it will be my way to crowd in with my friends there. Sir, I am so full of business as to this place holding that I can’t write as I would; must refer to Captain Appleton3 and Mr. Russell. I question whether the setting the garrison again at Brookfield will anger the Court and winter is at hand. I am not able to add at present; the Lord sanctify all his strokes to me and speak effectually to my heart and teach me by his own spirit.

It is much more of advantage to the country to garrison this place than Brookfield; and through mercy here is Indian corn enough, only we want a mill; and that is a great strait to us but I think we shall hold the place if we have some soldiers.

Your very humble servant,

John Pynchon

TO JOSEPH PYNCHON

Connecticut Valley Historical Museum, Springfield

[Springfield, 20 October 1675]

Dear Son Joseph,

The sore contending of God with us for our sins, unthankfulness for former mercies, and unfruitfulness under our precious enjoyments hath evidently demonstrated that he is very angry with this country, God having given the heathens a large commission to destroy his people. And exceeding havoc have they made in this end of the country, destroying two or three small places above Northampton and Hadley, and lately then have fallen upon Springfield, and almost ruined it by burning of houses, about 30 or 32 dwelling houses are burnt down and some 25 barns full of corn and hay. The Lord hath spared my dwelling house, but my barns and outhousing all burnt down, and all my corn and hay consumed, and not anything have I left of food either for man or beast. All my mills, both corn mills and sawmills burnt down, those at home in this town and also those I had in other places and four of those houses and barns to them which were burnt down in this town and [illegible] to me also. So God hath laid me low; my farmers also undone, and many in town that were in my debt utterly disabled; so that I am really reduced to great straits. But it is the Lord’s good pleasure it should be so and he is most just and righteous, yea in very faithfulness hath he done it, for the good of my soul I have not the least cause to murmur and repine at the wise discourse of a gracious God and loving father; but desire to acquiesce in his good pleasure and to lie at his foot in holy submission to his blessed will. This providence and the unsettled state of this country in reference to this Indian war affords matter of consideration in reference to your coming over, which I have much desired and wrote to you for, but now shall leave to your liberty, not having grounds or seeing cause to put you upon it further than you shall yourself see reason for it. Though I and your mother should be exceeding glad to see you, yet times are question whether it be best to come over yet, I mean now; and how God may dispose of us I know not. We are yet here at Springfield, my house garrisoned with soldiers and full of trouble and hurries. The Lord help us to remember our peace and quietness and truly to lament our abuse thereof, and heartily and really to turn to himself by unfeigned repentance. The Lord is in good earnest with us and truly he expects our being in good earnest in our returning to himself.

Oh dear son, how sweet is an interest in Christ Jesus in these distracting times. They are trying times and it is good knowing in whom we have believed and treasured in heaven is abiding when the greatest earthly enjoyment may soon fail us and come to nothing. Let us therefore while we have them so use them, as not using them, sitting from them, and being contented to that with all when God calls for is in the improving of the creature, to sit loose from it is a sweet and blessed frame. For I know it is duty to look after and manage what God hath given us, and in that respect, I may call on you to do your best in a way of prudence to settle your estate there;1 and in it advise with Mr. Wickins and Brother Smith,2 who I know will afford the best help they can and do as you are able. I shall be glad to hear you have settled matters and renewed the lease. I hope God will direct you in some way that you may do it. I am not able to afford you any help, but by my prayers which I am always putting up for you, and as God shall enable, shall be ready to do my utmost for you otherwise. The Lord in mercy be good to you and us [illegible] he may deal with us I know not, where his providence may cast me whether to Boston or further, or whether I may live to get out of this place, it is only with himself and on that strong rock I desire to depend for salvation here and hereafter. I am in straits and hurries and may only add mine and your mother’s endeared love and affection to you and with hearty wishes and prayers for you, I commend you to the grace of God in Christ Jesus, and am

Your affectionately loving father,

John Pynchon

Dear Son,

I would not have you troubled at these sad losses which I have met with; there is no reason for a child to be troubled when his father calls in that which he lent him. It was the Lord that lent it me, and he that gave it hath taken it away and blessed be the name of the Lord. He hath done very well for me and I acknowledge his goodness to me and desire to trust in him and submit to him for ever, and do you with me acknowledge and justify [illegible].

[Springfield, 15 August 1676]

Honorable Sir,

In my last by the troopers (which I sent back) I gave you an account of that affair you were pleased to employ me about, as also the reason of my not returning to the Court being my illness, which was a reality for, being at Hartford, though I intended and I endeavored to return home to Springfield sooner, yet could not by reason of illness return hither till on the 10th day of this instant; so that I was incapacitated to reach the Court had I kept the troopers so long. But I bless the Lord I am now recovered and well again. I hope the Lord hath guided you to such suitable conclusions as may be to his own glory and the good of his people. My prayers have been in some weak measure for the Lord’s presence with you and direction of you in a right way, which he hath promised to afford unto the meek. Sir, I advised Captain Swain1 to send out soldiers to cut down the Indians’ corn at Squakeag, etc., which is accordingly done and not any Indians seen thereabouts. I have also put him upon sending scouts to discover Paquoag which lies on Millers River above Hadley,2 who are gone out about 30 and if any corn there to cut it down. I do not hear from Hadley of their being returned but suppose you may have intelligence, because I hear some go this day from Hadley toward the Bay. We find only some skulking Indians in these parts which now and then kill our cattle and horses in the woods. The body of them is drawn off toward Albany, where they are harbored under Andros, his government, (I suppose our letter wrote to him about delivering up Springfield Indians is sent long ago). I would gladly know what answer he sends. We shall be in danger to be continually disturbed if he do harbor our enemies in his government. Would he deliver up some of the principal of them and require the rest to be at peace and quiet or else to depart his territories, we might have some security that they would not come upon us when about our occasions; but it is evident they are harbored there, by their making that way, as last week we find several tracks gone that way and on Saturday a great parcel of near 200 Indians were discovered within three or four miles of Westfield. The people and soldiers there went out and made several shots on them, and took a horse from them, but finding them too many, left them and sent word of it to me. I presently gave order for thirty to march thither, but came too late; and then also Major Talcott’s army came in, (who had as they say cut down all the Indians’ corn about Quabaug, etc.). They pursued them, going after them on Sabbath day about noon which was a day after the Indians were gone, and, provisions not being ready at Westfield, they hastened somewhat short of provisions, for I doubt they will not overtake them till they come to Aussotinnoag.3

While I am writing news come to me that Major Talcott’s army are most of them returned, and only himself with 60 men and as many Indians gone on: having taken an old Indian man that could not travel who told them that the Indians were afore intended to rest at Aussotinnoag; he finding his want of victuals sent back most of his men taking all their victuals and discharging himself of his horses. The way being not so passable he is gone mostly on foot with such strength as he judges competent, the old Indian he took informing him that there is of the enemy between 50 and 60 fighting men and 100 women besides children. He hopes to get up with them and do some execution which the Lord in mercy grant. This parcel of Indians we find (by our scouts that were out yesterday) went over the great river on rafts at the foot of the great falls between us and Hadley just about midway between the two towns; and their tracks come from the Nipmuck Country,4 which they followed and found where they lay within seven miles of our town having about 25 fires; we had scouts out last Friday, the day which they passed over our great river, and up that way also but short of them or their tracks, so that we knew not that they were so near us; had we known it, it would have been an opportunity to have fallen on them in the night, and on the same day our people over the river by some travelers understood of Indians and went out on that side with some soldiers I sent with them and discovered some tracks, and where they had killed a horse or two and carried away the flesh, but could not find any more till we heard of them at Westfield, as above said.

When I was at Hartford my Cousin Allyn received a letter from Captain Nichols, Governor Andros, his secretary, who writes that the North Indians5 that came in to them, they had secured by putting them under the watch of four nations of Indians6 and he hopes it will not be thought that their governor doth harbor our enemies, in as much as we do accept of such as come in to us. But surely it is the worst of Indians that are gone thither, our Indians who most treacherously ruined this town and some of them that we know murdered our people without any provocation, and I suppose Philip is now gone with that company. So that I suppose it very necessary that Governor Andros be again sent to deliver up the murderers as we delivered up two murderers in [Governor] Lovelace, his time, which fled to Springfield from their justice. I hope no answer will be taken short of this, for if some of the chief of them were apprehended and sent to us all the rest would be quiet, and not till then.

Several Indians are come in at Norwich, and as I hear they say that the Bay army killed Quanapin7 and Jemys or Allemys is dead, his wife and children being come to Norwich. I desire to hear whether Canonicus8 came there to treat and what is become of these Indians [who] came in, but I am too troublesome, and will not longer detain you. I pray God give you ease and mitigate your pain and illness; with my due respects to yourself and your good lady as also to all the magistrates, I take leave to subscribe myself,

Your very humble servant,

John Pynchon

If it be thought meet, and you send order for the releasing of one half of the soldiers here in garrison at Springfield, I shall do it upon intimation; possible it may be meet to leave 18 or 20 till Indian harvest be over, for there will be most hazard of skulking Indians about us.

[Springfield, 26 August 1676]

Honored Sir,

Some friends of Hadley and Northampton being with me this day, it hath been matter of consideration whether the calling of all the garrison soldiers out of these towns may not expose them too much to the rage of the enemy who we certainly understand are gathered together at Paquoag on Hudson1 River about 200 men and having there their wives and children in a safe and secure place; the men may with freedom and without any clog make inroads upon these towns, doing what they do at a push, and suddenly return again to their headquarters; especially should they understand the soldiers are all drawn off hence, they may be more resolved and desperate, and we know not on what design the Indians are drawn off thither; we have no security that it is to withdraw from further persecution of the war, but rather that it is only to secure themselves, who, being enraged, will design revenge upon us. And we know not what to make of what lately happened; the day before yesterday Captain Swain being at Deerfield, after he had cut down the corn there six Indians appeared to them on the other side of Pocumtuck River who discharged their guns up into the air, yet the English calling to them they would not come to them, and the Indians hollering, other Indians answered and shot off a gun down the river, so that not knowing their intent and fearing they might ensnare them, their work being over and night coming on, Captain Swain came away and left them. Some are yet apprehensive of great danger and hazard to these towns and that too soon discharging the soldiers may prove a renewal and continuance of the war. Whether therefore some further waiting to see the Indians’ acting were not good before all the soldiers be discharged is with the honored Council to consider. Captain Swain, who is now with me, in obedience to your orders, intends next week on Thursday morning to march with all the soldiers homeward to you unless you shall upon further consideration of matters as above suggested see cause to order a part to stay a while longer; and in such case please to speed your orders which may meet Captain Swain at Hadley, possibly before he sets forth or at least before he hath marched far from Hadley, so that if you see cause he may order the return and stay of such a number of soldiers as you please to appoint. All is humbly subjected to your more prudent considerations, wherein I pray God guide you unto that which may be most for his honor and glory and the welfare and safety of his people that so there may be no matter of regrets, if any disaster should happen, which by some is much feared. I need not add but with the presentation of my real service and due respects intending, if the Lord permit, to wait upon you next week. I commend you to the rich grace and guidance of God in Christ Jesus and am, sirs,

Your very humble servant,

John Pynchon

PROPOSITIONS MADE BY NEW ENGLAND COMMISSIONERS TO THE MOHAWKS

Lawrence H. Leder, ed., The Livingston Indian Records, 1666–1723 (Gettysburg, Pa., 1956), 39

[Court House, Albany, 24 April 1677]

[Arnout Cornelis, Interpreter1]

We are informed that you these River Indians2 have not engaged in the late unhappy war against the English,3 but that you have sat still according to the command of the Honorable Governor of New York,4 etc. And we being of the same nation, under the same prince, and so as one with the same governor; we do therefore acknowledge these River Indians our friends and neighbors, expecting well from you to carry it towards us as friends and good neighbors and so demeaning of yourselves. We look that you should timely discover any attempt of mischief that you may hear of against the English, and that you do not henceforward harbor or entertain any that shall remain our enemies, and that have evil designs against us, and in all things act as good and true friends to the English nation, and we shall be and remain the same to you, and desire that the said friendship may be with these Indians among us; do present 2 belts and some seawant.5

True Copy Attests: John Pynchon6

James Richards

[Springfield, 5 October 16771]

Just at Night

Captain Salisbury,

Worthy sir, yesterday morning I received your kind lines by Benjamin Waite,2 whereby I understand your sympathy with us in our sad disaster by the Indians; and your readiness in making strict inquiry and great forwardness to do what possible lies in you for us which I have abundant cause to acknowledge and do most thankfully accept from your hands; and as to your opinion of the Maquas being free and assuring me of their innocency, I do fully concur with you, having satisfaction from what you writ and from Benjamin Wake’s relation, but to put it out of all doubt, God in his providence hath sent in one of our captivated men, Benoni Stebbins by name,3 which is the occasion of these lines to yourself by post. To give you an account thereof and to desire you to put the Maquas upon pursuing their and our enemies, there being great likelihood of the Maquas overtaking them. Benoni Stebbins came into Hadley last night in the night, whose relation was sent to me, which being but an hour since I had it. I presently resolved upon sending post to you. Take his relation as followeth: the company of Indians was twenty, only about six or seven squaws made 26 in all; they were this country Indians belonging to Nalwotogg4 all of them, but one a Narragansett. They came from Canada three months ago, and had been hunting, etc., were doubtful whether to fall on Northampton or Hatfield, at last resolved on Hatfield and carried away from Hatfield 17 persons and three from Deerfield, besides this man that is come in, so that they now have 20 captives with them three of them being men, and all well, as he says, when they took them at Deerfield. After the noise and cohoops5 were over at Deerfield, their first inquiry was whether there were any Maquas thereabouts, and upon information that some had been there and were supposed not to be far off, they were all hushed and startled and greatly afraid, and going silently away forthwith, they took up their lodging at Deerfield River mouth and next day crossed the great river, viz., Connecticut, to the east side of it, the next day crossed the river again, and again afterward; they passed the river many times, having canoes wherein they carried the women and children. Being about two days’ journey above Squakheag,6 they sent a company of them, about half of them, to Nashawayx7 to call off some Indians that have been there all this time of the war, and took this Benoni Stebbins along with them thither. Coming to Nashaway Ponds there were three Indian men and about half a score squaws with their children; these they went to take along with them; having traveled from the company they left two days to Squakheag and then from Squakheag somewhat more than thirty miles, to them Indians near Nashaway, who plucked up their stakes, having plenty of fish, especially eels, and many dried hurtleberries8 but no corn. This Benoni, being sent with two women to carry hurtleberries, ran away from them and was presently pursued by some men and at one time was but a swamp between them, but night coming on he escaped from his pursuers. He says that one of the Indians that they had from Nashaway Ponds seems to be a counsellor, and with him they consulted much and spake of sending to the English, but at last resolved for Canada, yet talked of making a fort a great way up the river and abiding there this winter; talked also of carrying the captives to the French and selling them to the French, which, he concludes, they resolved on, but make but slow passage, having so many women and children. He concluded it would be it may be twenty days e’er they got to the lake,9 hunting by the way. It was Tuesday morning last that he escaped from that party which carried him with them to near Nashaway, and they had then above thirty miles to go back to Squakheag, and then near two days’ journey more to the rest above Squakheag. The way he says up this river is unpassable for Englishmen, and their going is by barken canoes much of the way and then to the left side of the river the men foot it leaving the worst way. The unpassableness of the way this way renders it impossible for us to pursue or do any good. But the conveying speedy word to the Maquas gives not only a possibility but a probability of their overtaking them.

Which, dear sir, is the end of these lines to you: to request you (if none of the Maqua sachems be at Albany) to send at our charge to the chief of the Maquas,10 and give them an account of matters and desire their speedy pursuing these bloody villains and enemies of them and now forthwith, and without any delay; by this means I hope this barbarous crew (who are enemies to religion, civility and all humanity and have so deeply embrewed their hands in most innocent Christian blood) may be met with on their return, before they come to the lake or at the lake and so our captives recovered, for which we shall give the Maquas suitable rewards. Good sir, put forward the Maquas to surprise and cut off these villains; let them know that it will be a great demonstration of their fidelity and friendship to us and it is a very likely opportunity for them to kill and catch Indians whom they so much hunt after. And this man that is come home says they dread Maquas, and all their fear was lest some Maquas should pursue them, [torn] did not expect or think that English could, and desired to get out of the [torn] way at first going off from Deerfield and thinking they were got high enough up from them [torn] a little the more secure and at rest; so that now I believe they are at [torn] and will make so slow progress, having beside our women and children a parcel of the [torn] own women and children to clog them, that they may safely be taken. And the lighting upon and destroying this company of the enemy (being as it is said by him that is come in the remaining strength of this river Indian) will be a breaking blow to them and a great means of our security. I pray, sir, do what you can to engage the Maquas to go out forthwith and to deal effectually in it. We desire to do our duty and to wait for the salvation of God. Sir, excuse my scribbling. I am in great haste to send away the messenger to Westfield this night, because the speed in getting the Maquas to go out upon the enemy before they get on the lake is all-in-all. If they can but come up with them, it will be easy to take them, for I tell you their strength, as the man relates, and how they are clogged with women and children. I doubt not of your helpfulness in this exigence which will abundantly engage us and with great readiness shall satisfy what you disburse. With my endeared love and respects to you commending you to the protection of the Almighty God, I remain, sir,

Your very loving friend and servant,

John Pynchon

Benjamin Waite is gone home before this intelligence came to me. He talked of going to Canada before and I suppose will rather be forward to it now than backward; possible he may be at Albany about a fortnight hence in reference to a journey to the French, when if I be not gone to Boston (which I have some thoughts to do next week) I shall have opportunity again to write you. Vale.

J. P.

These for his Honored friend Captain Salisbury: Commander in Chief at Fort Albany.

Haste post haste, for his Majesty special service.

[Springfield, 20 July 1678]

Captain Salisbury,

Sir, having received order from our Governor1 and Council to send away from hence Mr. Samuel Ely and Benjamin Waite, who are commissionated to treat the Maquas in behalf of the Natick Indians,2 two whereof are going upon that design, with an interpreter sent from our Council, Peter Van Vorss (a Dutchman) who formerly lived at Albany. So that there are five in all, viz., a Dutchman, two Englishmen and the two Natick Indians. I am advised and ordered to acquaint you with the affair and to crave your favorable aspect towards them, and promoting of the design, which is quietness and peace among the Indians and consequently with the English. In order to which a right understanding between us and the Maquas is needful; and that they may know and understand our praying Indians are our subjects, and that which is more, his Majesty’s; whose corporation in London for propagating the Gospel in New England (some whereof are of his Majesty’s Privy Council) have desired and advised the securing and preserving of them, and it will not be well resented by his Majesty’s right Honorable Corporation, whereof Mr. Boyle3 is Governor, that the Maquas who are under government and order of the English should without any cause destroy and captivate such his Majesty’s good subjects, which I hope when known and considered will occasion a stop to further proceeding and procure release and deliver up of the captives that they have taken. I request your furtherance of our messengers therein, and that they may as our Council judges it best treat the Maquas in their own land; your civility toward these our messengers and furtherance of them there that they may have free passage to the Maquas, will I hope tend to settlement of peace and quiet and promote all our interests. An unanimity among all the English and settling peace and quiet betwixt all our Indians may be of great concernment, should the French make any incursions, which if war go on betwixt our king and them, they may be like enough to attempt. Great preparations for war are in England, and expectations that it will be with France, yet it is by some conceived to be a measuring cast whether it will be or no, for the Dutch boggle at an inhibition of French goods for three years, which our king requires of them and all the confederates. A ship with French goods at Weymouth in England was burnt according to ordinance of Parliament, etc. I suppose you have these things at a better hand than I. Sir Edmund Andros is coming over4 and at sea, so that you may expect his happy arrival at [New] York speedily, which I pray God grant. Sir, I have not to add at present, but begging your excuse for this trouble, with my endeared love and real respects to yourself and Mrs. Salisbury, I am, sir, your assured friend and servant,

John Pynchon

Sir, it is reported that one Nathaniel Panumpum, an Indian, murdered an Englishman near Braintree last September (by stabbing him several places, and then run away) [and] is at or about Albany; if it so prove that he is there, please to deliver him to our messengers to bring away that he may answer for so horrid an act.

These for the Honored Captain Sylvester Salisbury at the fort in Albany.